{"id":2596,"date":"2020-12-03T11:07:28","date_gmt":"2020-12-03T11:07:28","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/fass.nus.edu.sg\/hist\/?page_id=2596"},"modified":"2020-12-03T11:07:28","modified_gmt":"2020-12-03T11:07:28","slug":"historical-texts-archive","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/fass.nus.edu.sg\/hist\/eia\/historical-texts-archive\/","title":{"rendered":"Historical Texts Archive"},"content":{"rendered":"<h1>\n\t\tHistorical Texts Archive\n\t<\/h1>\n\t<p>Each link below refers to a scholarly work that discusses the definition, characteristics, and\/or implications of empire in a specific region of the world or globally. Researchers with specializations in many historical sub-fields have written these annotated bibliographies, and fellow project investigators have vetted and edited each in a peer-reviewing process. Each of these 300 to 800 word-long bibliographies contains both a summary of the work and an analysis of the books\u2019 scope and argument. These easily accessible reviews are a research tool for students and scholars of the history of empire, who wish to expand their understanding of the concept of \u2018empire\u2019 beyond the way in which empire is studied by scholars in their respective historical field defined by periodization or regional focus. As such, this project will encourage the writing of a new history of empire across the globe and in Asia specifically.<\/p>\n<h2>\n\t\tOttomans\n\t<\/h2>\n\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--label-0\">Letters between Selim I and Ismail I (1514)<\/a>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--icon-0\"><i>Expand<\/i><\/a>\n\t\t<strong>Letter from Selim to Ismail, 1514<br \/>\n<\/strong><em>Sultan Selim I; Shah Ismail I<\/em>\n<hr \/>\n\u201cIt is from Solomon: \u2018In the Name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Do not exalt yourselves above me, but come to me in all submission.\u2019\u201d (Qur\u2019an 27: 30-31)<br \/>\nGod\u2019s blessings upon the best of his creatures, Muhammad, his family, and his companions all.\n<p>And now We have revealed this Scripture truly blessed. Observe it and keep from evil, so that you may find mercy. (Qur\u2019an 6: 156)<\/p>\n<p>This missive, which is stamped with the seal of victory and which\u2014like inspiration descending from the heavens \u2014 is witness to the verse \u201cWe do not punish a nation until We have sent forth a messenger to forewarn them.\u201d (Qur\u2019an 17: 15) has been graciously issued by our most glorious majesty \u2014 we who are the Caliph of God Most High in this world, far and wide; the proof of the verse \u201cthat which profits men remains on the earth\u201d (Qur\u2019an 13: 17) the Solomon of Splendor, the Alexander of eminence; haloed in victory, Faridun triumphant; slayer of the wicked and the infidel, guardian of the noble and the pious; the warrior in the Path, the defender of the Faith; the champion, the conqueror; the lion, son and grandson of the lion; standard-bearer of justice and righteousness, Sultan Selim Shah son of Sultan B\u00e2yezid, son of Sultan Mehmet Khan \u2014 and is addressed to the ruler of the kingdom of the Persians, the possessor of the land of tyranny and perversion, the captain of the vicious, the chief of the malicious, the usurping Darius of the time, the malevolent Zahhak of the age, the peer of Cain, Prince Isma\u2018il.<\/p>\n<p>As the Pen of Destiny has drawn up the rescript \u201cYou bestow sovereignty on whom You will\u201d (Qur\u2019an 3: 26) in our sublime name and has signed it with the verse \u201cThe blessings God bestows on men none can withhold\u201d (Qur\u2019an 35: 2), it is manifest in the Court of Glory and the Presence of Deity that we, the instrument of Divine Will, shall hold in force upon the earth both the commandments and prohibitions of Divine Law as well as the provisions of royal proclamations. \u201cSuch is the grace of God: He bestows it on whom He will.\u201d (Qur\u2019an 57: 21).<\/p>\n<p>It has been heard repeatedly that you have subjected the upright community of Muhammad (Prayers and salutations upon its founder!) to your devious will, that you have undermined the firm foundation of the Faith, that you have unfurled the banner of oppression in the cause of aggression, that you no longer uphold the commandments and prohibitions of the Divine Law, that you have incited your abominable Shi\u2018i faction to unsanctified sexual union and to the shedding of innocent blood, that \u2014 like they \u201cWho listen to falsehood and practice what is unlawful\u201d (Qur\u2019an 5: 42) \u2014 you have given ear to idle deceitful words and have partaken of that which is forbidden:<\/p>\nHe has laid waste to mosques, as it is said,<br \/>\nConstructing idol temples in their stead,\n<p>that you have rent the noble fabric of Islam with the hand of tyranny, and that you have called the Glorious Qur\u2019an the myths of the Ancients. The rumor of these abominations has caused your name to become like that of Harith deceived by Satan.<\/p>\n<p>Indeed, as both the legal rulings of distinguished religious scholars who base their opinion on reason and tradition alike and the consensus of the Sunni community agree that the ancient obligation of extirpation, extermination, and expulsion of evil innovation must be the aim of our exalted aspiration, for \u201cReligious zeal is a victory for the Faith of God the Beneficent:\u201d then, in accordance with the words of the Prophet (Peace upon him!) \u201cWhosoever introduces evil innovation into our order must be expelled\u201d and \u201cWhosoever does anything against our order must be expelled,\u201d action has become necessary and exigent. Thus, when the Divine Decree of Eternal Destiny commended the eradication of the infamously wicked infidels into our capable hands, we set out for their lands like ineluctable fate itself to enforce the order \u201cDo no leave a single unbeliever on the earth.\u201d Qur\u2019an 71: 26) If God Almighty wills, the lightning of our conquering sword shall uproot the untamed bramble grown to great heights in the path of the refulgent Divine Law and shall cast them down upon the dust of abjectness to be trampled under the hooves of our legions, for \u201cThey abase the mightiest of its inhabitants and these will do the same\u201d (Qur\u2019an 27: 34); the thunder of our avenging mace shall dash out the muddled brains of the enemies of the Faith as rations for the lionhearted ghazis. \u201cThe wrongdoers will realize what a reversal they shall have.\u201d (Qur\u2019an 26: 227)<\/p>\nWhen I draw my keen-edged weapon from its sheath,<br \/>\nThen shall I raise up doomsday on the earth;<br \/>\nThen shall I roast the hearts of lion-hearted men,<br \/>\nAnd toast the morning with a goblet of their blood.<br \/>\nMy crow-fletched shaft will fix the eagle in his flight;<br \/>\nAnd my bare blade will shake the orb of day.<br \/>\nAsk of the sun about the dazzle of my rein;<br \/>\nInquire of Mars about the brilliance of my arms.<br \/>\nAlthough you wear a Sufi crown , I bear a trenchant sword,<br \/>\nAnd he who holds the sword will soon possess the crown.<br \/>\nO Mighty Fortune, pray grant this my single wish:<br \/>\nPlease let me take both crown and power from the foe.\n<p>But \u201cReligion is Counsel.\u201d Therefore, should you turn the face of submission toward our angelic threshold \u2014 the refuge of the noble, the qibla of felicity, and the Ka\u2018ba of certainty \u2014 and lift the hand of oppression from the heads of your subjects bowed by oppression and sedition, take up a course of repentance and become like one blameless, return to the sublime straight path of the Sunna of Muhammad (Prayers and salutations upon him and God\u2019s satisfaction upon his immaculate family and his rightly-guided companions all!) \u2014 for \u201cMy companions are like the stars: whomever you choose to follow, you will be guided aright.\u201d \u2014 and consider your lands and their people a part of the well-protected Ottoman state, then shall you be granted our royal favor and our imperial condescension.<\/p>\nHe whose face touches the dust of my threshold in submission<br \/>\nWill be enveloped in the shadow of my favor and my justice.\n<p>How great the happiness of him who complies with this!<\/p>\n<p>On the other hand, if your evil and seditious habits have become ingrained in your nature, then that which has become essential can never again be accidental.<\/p>\n<p>Of what avail are sermons to the black-hearted?<\/p>\n<p>Then, with the support and assistance of God, I will crown the head of every gallows tree with the head of a crown-wearing Sufi and clear that faction from the face of the earth\u2014\u201cGod\u2019s followers are sure to triumph\u201d (Qur\u2019an 5: 56); I will break the oppressors\u2019 grip with the power of the miraculous white hand of Moses, for \u201cThe Hand of God is above their hands.\u201d (Qur\u2019an 48: 10) Let them remove the cotton of negligence from the ears of their intelligence and, with their shrouds on their shoulders, prepare themselves for \u201cThat which you are threatened with is sure to come.\u201d Qur\u2019an 6: 134) The triumphant troops \u201cAs firm as a mighty edifice\u201d (Qur\u2019an 61: 4) crying out like fate evoked \u201cWhen their hour is come, not for one moment shall they hold it back, nor can they go before it\u201d (Qur\u2019an 7: 34) and maneuvering in accordance with \u201cPut them to death wherever you find them\u201d (Qur\u2019an 4: 89), will wreak ruin upon you and drive you from that land. \u201cSuch being the will of God before and after, and on that day the believers will rejoice in God\u2019s help.\u201d (Qur\u2019an 30: 4) \u201cThus were the evil-doers annihilated. Praise be to God, Lord of the Universe.\u201d (Qur\u2019an 6: 45)<\/p>\n<h2><strong>Response from Ismail to Selim, 1514<\/strong><\/h2>\n<p>May his godly majesty, the refuge of Islam, the might of the kingdom, he upon whom God looks with favor, the champion of the sultanate and of the state, the hero of the faith and of the earth, Sultan Selim Shah (God grant him immortal state and eternal happiness!) accept this affectionate greeting and this friendly letter, considering it a token of our good will.<\/p>\n<p>Now to begin: Your honored letters have arrived one after another, for \u201cNo sooner has a thing doubled than it has tripled.\u201d Their contents, although indicative of hostility, are stated with boldness and vigor. The latter gives us much enjoyment and pleasure, but we are ignorant of the reason for the former. In the time of your late blessed father (May God enlighten his proof!) when our royal troops passed through the lands of Rum to chastise the impudence of \u2018Ala\u2019 al-Dawla Dhu\u2019l-Qadr, concord and friendship was shown on both sides. Moreover, when your majesty was governor at Trebizond there existed perfect mutual understanding. Thus, now, the cause of your resentment and displeasure yet remains unknown. If political necessity has compelled you on this course, then may your problems be soon resolved.<\/p>\nDispute may fire words to such a heat<br \/>\nThat ancient houses be consumed in flames.\n<p>The intention of our inaction in this regard is twofold:<\/p>\n(1) Most of the inhabitants of the land of Rum are followers of our forefathers (May God the All-Forgiving King have mercy upon them!).<br \/>\n(2) We have always loved the ghazi-titled Ottoman house and we do not wish the outbreak of sedition and turmoil once again as in the time of Timur.\n<p>Why should we then take umbrage at these provocations? We shall not.<\/p>\nThe mutual hostility of kings is verily an ancient rite.<br \/>\nShould one embrace the bride of worldly rule too close,<br \/>\nHis lips will kiss those of the radiant sword.\n<p>Nevertheless, there is no cause for improper words: indeed, those vain, heretical imputations are the mere fabrications of the opium-clouded minds of certain secretaries and scribes. We therefore think that our delayed reply was not completely without cause for we have now dispatched our honored personal companion and servant Shah Quli Aqa (May he be sustained!) with a golden casket stamped with the royal seal and filled with a special concoction for their use should they deem it necessary. May he soon arrive, so that with assistance from Above, the mysteries concealed behind the veil of fate might be disclosed. Keeping in view that regrets are of no avail in the end, one should always exercise free judgment and not be bound solely by the words of others.<\/p>\n<p>At this writing we were engaged upon the hunt near Isfahan. We now prepare provisions and our troops for the coming campaign and in all friendship we say, \u201cDo what you will.\u201d<\/p>\nBitter experience has taught that in this world of trial<br \/>\nHe who falls upon the house of \u2018Ali always falls.\n<p>Kindly give our ambassador leave to travel unmolested for \u201cNo soul shall bear another\u2019s burden.\u201d (Qur\u2019an 6: 164; 53: 38) When war becomes inevitable, hesitation and delay must be set aside, and one must think on that which is to come. Farewell.<\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<p><strong>Woods, John E. (trans.)\u00a0<em>Asnad va namaha-yi tarikhi va ijtima\u2018i-yi dawrayi safaviya\u00a0<\/em>edited by\u00a0<em>Z.\u00a0<\/em>Sabitiyan Tehran: Ibn Sina, 1964, pp. 112- 117.<\/strong><\/p>\n\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--label-1\">The Treaty of Zuhab\/Kasr-\u0131 \u015eirin (1639)<\/a>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--icon-1\"><i>Expand<\/i><\/a>\n<strong>Treaty of Peace and Frontiers (Zuhab\/Kasr-\u0131 \u015eirin), 1639<br \/>\n<\/strong><em>Kemanke\u015f Kara Mustafa Pasha<\/em><strong><br \/>\n<\/strong>\n<hr \/>\nTREATY OF PEACE AND FRONTIERS: THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE AND PERSIA\n17 May 1639\nReaffirmed 4 September 1746, 28 July 1823, 31 May 1847)\n<p>Praise to God, the Holy, the Gracious, the bestower of Victory; who has opened the door of peace and concord with the key of the words: &#8220;Verily I wish nothing so much as reconciliation,&#8221; and dispelled the darkness of war and fighting with the light of quiet and happiness. Blessings and benedictions, so long as flowers spread their perfume and daylight shines, upon his Prophet who has fully and clearly manifested the faith, and with whose auspicious advent Islamism was greatly rejoiced; and upon his family, children and companions who have been active in propagating that faith.<\/p>\n<p>Now, whereas, by the will and good pleasure of Him who raised the skies without pillars, and by an effect of the wisdom and omnipotency of Him who composed all things from various elements, and who has no equal, good order in society, and the conservation of the world depend upon the justice and equity of the Sovereigns, and upon their good understanding and union, no less than upon their submission to the positive and to the negative divine Commands, the August Sultans have, in conformity to this sacred precept: \u201cFear God and reconcile yourselves,\u201d resorted to reconciliation, which is a source of happiness, and renounced to hostilities and war, the sword of mutual contrariety was put into the scabbard; and nations which were making war with each other, cordially reconciled themselves. &#8220;That is a favour of God. He grants it to whom He pleases: and God is most gracious.<\/p>\n<p>I, therefore, the most humble of all the servants of God, being charged and authorized to do or undo whatever concerns the Empire and the nation, and to make, just as I choose, war or peace, an authority which I hold from the most glorious Padishah who is the Defender of the faith, whose Majesty is as great as that of Solomon, who is the substitute of God in the world, and who has justified the maxim that \u201cAn equitable Sultan is the shadow of God on earth\u201d; the asylum of the greatest Musulman Princes, the shelter of the most illustrious Turkish Sovereigns, the supporter of Islamism and of Musulmans, the exterminator of heresies and of the polytheists, the Sovereign of the two lands and of the two seas, the Sovereign of the two Orients and of the two Occidents, the servant of the two Holy Cities, the treasure of Mankind and apple of the age, who is protected by the Supreme Being whose divine assistance men implore, and favoured by the most High and propitious God; May His Imperial Majesty&#8217;s Dynasty last till the end of the world, and their reign be prolonged till the consummation of ages! have, in virtue of my full powers and my real character of the Sultan&#8217;s substitute, ordered the Turkish victorious troops to march from beneath Baghdad, and began to go forward with an intention of entering the Persian territory. On our arrival at a station called Haronia, the most distinguished among the Grandees Chems Uddin Mehmed Culy Bey, Great Equerry, arrived there in the capacity of Ambassador with a Letter from Him who is the ornament of the Persian Throne, the splendour of the Kingdom of Djem, and whose magnificence is equal to that of Darius, the great Prince and illustrious Lord, the Precious Pearl of the Sea of Royalty, the sun of the sky of Sovereignty, the noble Eagle of the high region of the Dignity of Shah, the most Illustrious and Majestic Prince whose troops are as numerous as the stars; may the most High God raise the banners of his strength from earth to Heaven, and exalt the edifice of his glory to the height of the vaulted sky! to our great and august Padishah, and also a flattering Letter to me. The Ambassador having asked that the fire of war should be extinguished and the dust of fighting dispersed, stating that His Majesty the Shah&#8217;s will is that reconciliation and peace between the two Parties should take place, I, on my part too, wishing to act in conformity to the sacred text, to wit: \u201cIf they incline to peace, do ye also incline to it,\u201d have readily consented, for the sake of the safety and tranquillity of mankind to make Peace; and a letter was sent to the Shah to the end that His Majesty might send a Person of confidence with power to settle the conditions of the Peace, in a manner suitable to the honour and dignity of the two Governments. Consequently the Shah has appointed according to the established laws and rules, to negotiate and conclude this treaty of Peace, and establish and fix the state of the frontiers, the most excellent and faithful Saroukhan, may he always be fortunate in transacting affairs on which quiet and security depend! Saroukhan, on his arrival in the Imperial Camp at Zahab, was received with marks of hospitality; and on the 14th day of Muharem, in the year 1049 of the Hegira of the Prophet, upon whom be the best benedictions, a Divan was held in the Imperial Camp, in which were present the illustrious Vizirs, the Miri Miran, the Commanders and Agas, the Aga of the Janissaries, six Agas of six Companies, and other officers of the army. Saroukhan, the Plenipotentiary who was duly accredited, and the Ambassador Mehmed Culy Bey, were introduced in the Divan, and the preliminaries were discussed with them so as to put on a good footing the position of the Rayas and of the poor who are a trust imposed by the Author of all beings, and the result of the discussions on both Parties has been written down and is as follows: Tzanan, Bedrie, Mendelgeen, Derteuk , and Dernai, in the Pashalik of Baghdad, will remain under the authority of our august Padishah, who will also take possession of the Plains between Mendelgeen and Derteuk, and the Mountain will remain under the authority of the Shah. Serminil is fixed as frontier between Derteuk and Dernai. That part of the country of Haronia, occupied by the Tribes of Djaf and Zilja Uddin, will belong to the Sultan. Pezai and Zerdony remain to the Shah. The fortress of Zindjir, which lies on the top of the Mountain, shall be demolished; the Sultan will take possession of the Villages lying westward of it, and the Shah will take possession of those lying eastward. The Villages on the Mountain above Salim Cal\u00e8, near Chehrezor, will be in the possession of the Sultan, and the Villages lying on the East, will be in the possession of the Shah, who will also keep the Castle of Orman, with the Villages which are dependent on it. The defile leading on Chehrezor has been established as a frontier. The fortress of Kizilidji with its dependencies shall remain in the possession of the Sultan; and Mihreban with the dependencies thereof, in that of the Shah. The fortresses of Cotour (Kotur) and Makoo on the frontier of Van, and the fortress of Magazberd towards Kars and Van, will be demolished by the two Parties, and so long as the Shah will not have molested the fortresses of Akiskha, Kars, Van, Chehrezor, Baghdad, Bassora, and other Places within the limits, such as fortresses, forts, Districts, lands, hills and mountains, and no such horrible act as provoking to rebellion shall have been committed by Him, on their part also His Majesty our Great Padishah will respect this Peace, and no molestation shall, contrary to Treaty, be done to the places which remain within the limits of the other side.<\/p>\n<p>In order, therefore, that Merchants and travellers belonging to either Party may come and go and meet with a friendly reception, I have, in virtue of my full power and positive authority written down this egregious Treaty, the contents of which are true, and sent it to His Majesty the Shah, and to our most August Padishah. So long as the Shah shall, according to the Sacred text: \u201cDo not violate an agreement after ye have done it&#8221; observe this treaty as it ought to be observed, His Imperial Majesty, our most Magnificent Padishah also, will act in obedience to the Holy Command: \u201cFulfil your agreement, for an agreement is obligatory.<\/p>\n<p>This Happy Peace will last and be maintained, with the permission of God, till the day of resurrection: \u201cAnd he who shall alter it after having heard it, verily this sin shall be upon those who shall have altered it.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Praise to God; He is the sole God, and blessings upon him after whom there will be no Prophet. In the beginning; and in the end; and externally; and internally\u2026<\/p>\n<p>The most humble of the servants of God.<\/p>\n<p><em>Mustafa, Grand Vizier.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>***<\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<p><strong>Blech, Edward C. and Sherwood, Harry I. (eds.).\u00a0<em>British &amp; Foreign State Papers, vol. 105<\/em>\u00a0(1912). London: H.M. Stationery Office, 1915. pp. 763-66.<\/strong><\/p>\n\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--label-2\">The Treaty of Karlowitz (1699)<\/a>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--icon-2\"><i>Expand<\/i><\/a>\n<strong>Treaty of Karlowitz, 1699<br \/>\n<\/strong><em>Rami Mehmed Pasha; Alex. Mavrocordatos; Counts Kinsky, Oettingen, <\/em><em>and de Schlik; Carlo Ruzzi; Stanis\u0142aw Ma\u0142achowski; Prokopiy Wosnitzin<\/em><strong><br \/>\n<\/strong>\n<hr \/>\n<em>Treaty of Peace concluded between\u00a0<\/em>Leopold<em>\u00a0the most August Emperor of\u00a0<\/em>Germany<em>, and\u00a0<\/em>Mustapha Han<em>, Sultan of the\u00a0<\/em>Turks<em>, by the Mediation of\u00a0<\/em>William III<em>. King of\u00a0<\/em>Great Britain<em>, and the Lords the States General of the\u00a0<\/em>United Netherlands<em>, at the Congress of\u00a0<\/em>Carlowitz<em>\u00a0in the County of\u00a0<\/em>Szerem<em>, the\u00a0<\/em>26<em>th of\u00a0<\/em>January, 1699<em>.<\/em>\n<p>In the Name of the most Holy and Undivided Trinity,<\/p>\n<p>IN perpetual Memory of the Thing, Be it known to all to whom it doth appertain, That after sixteen Years cruel and destructive War, between the most Serene and most Potent Prince and Lord Leopold (with his full Titles) on the one part, and the most Serene and most Potent Prince and Lord, Sultan Mustapha Han, Emperor of the Turks, and of Asia and Greece, and his glorious Predecessors on the other part ; the said most Potent Emperors considering how much Blood has been spilt, and how many Provinces have been laid waste, taking Companion at the afflicted Condition of their Subjects, and being seriously inclin&#8217;d to put an end to such great Calamitys increasing every Day to the Danger of Mankind, God thro&#8217; his Mercy has permitted, that by the Mediation of the most Serene and most Potent Prince and Lord William III. King of Great Britain, France and Ireland and the High and Mighty Lords the States General of the United Provinces of the Netherlands, solemn Treatys shou\u2019d for this Cause be set on foot, and concluded at Carlowitz in Sirmium, near the Confines of both Empires ; where the Persons lawfully constituted Ambassadors Plenipotentiary, appearing together, viz. in the Name of his Sacred Imperial Majesty of the Romans, the most Illustrious and most excellent Lords, the Lord Wolfgang, Count of the Holy Roman Empire, by the Title of Count of Ottingen Lord of the Bedchamber to his Sacred Imperial Majesty, Privy Counsellor and President of the Imperial Aulic Council ; and the Lord Leopold Schlick, Count of the Holy Roman Empire, with the Title of Count of Passaw and Weiskirchen, a Lord of the Bedchamber also to his said Sacred Imperial Majesty, and Colonel of a Regiment of Dragoons, both deputed Ambassadors Extraordinary, and Plenipotentiarys for a Treaty of Peace with the Ottoman Porte : And in the Name of his Imperial Ottoman Majesty, the most illustrious and excellent Lords, the Lord Mehemet Effendi, High Chancellor of the Ottoman Empire, and the Lord Alexander Mauro Cordato, of the Noble House of the Scarlati, Privy Counsellor and Secretary of the said Empire, with the Intervention and good Officces of the most illustrious and excellent Lords, the Lord William Paget, Baron of Beaudefort, for the most Serene King of Great Britain, and Heer James Colyer for the High and Mighty States General of the United Netherlands, both Ambassadors at the Sublime Ottoman Porte, and Plenipotentiarys for re-establishing a universal Peace; who discharg&#8217;d the Mediators Office with Integrity, Diligence and Wisdom, and after invoking the Help of the everlasting God, and duly exchanging their Credentials, have to the Glory of the Divine Being, and to the Welfare of both Empires, agreed on the twenty following Articles of mutual Peace and Concord.<\/p>\n<p>I. The Country of Transilvania shall remain entire as it is now in the Possession and Dominion of his Imperial Majesty, and shall be circumscribed from the Confines of Podolia to the extreme Frontier of Wallachia, with its Mountains, which before the present War, were the antient Boundarys between Transilvania on one part, and Wallachia and Moldavia on the other ; and from the Confines of Wallachia, to the River Marosche, with its Mountains also, which were the antient Boundarys : so that by observing the antient Boundarys on both sides, the same shall not be extended on either side.<\/p>\n<p>II. The Province subject to the Castle of Temeswaer, with all its Districts and Rivers, shall remain in the Possession and Power of the sublime Ottoman Porte. And the antient Limits of Transilvania, establish&#8217;d in the foregoing Article, from the extreme Frontier of Wallachia to the River Marosche, shall be its Limits on the side of Transilvania. Thence its Boundarys shall be carry&#8217;d on from the hither Banks of the Marosche to the River Teysse, and from the hither Bank of the Teysse to the Danube : But the Places within the Limits, viz. Caransebes, Lugas, Lippa, Csanad, Kiscanisia, Betscke, Betskerck, and the hither Sablia, and between the antient Limits of Transilvania, as they were settled before the War, and what other Place soever be found according to the Rule abovemention&#8217;d, between the Banks of the Marosche and the Teysse, in the Territorys of Temeswaer, shall be demolish&#8217;d by the Imperialists, on this Condition that they shall never be rebuilt by virtue of any other Treaty. And the said Country of Temeswaer shall be left altogether free ; and no other Places, either greater or less, which have the appearance of a Fortification, shall hereafter be built, either in the said Places, or near the Banks of the Marosche and the Teysse.<\/p>\n<p>The Use of the Rivers Marosche and Teysse, between the Province of Temeswaer and the Provinces subject to the Emperor&#8217;s Power and Possession, shall be common to the Subjects of both Empires, whether for watering of Cattle of all forts, or for Fishing, or other Conveniences necessary for the Subjects.<\/p>\n<p>And whereas Ships of Burden bound from the Parts abovemention&#8217;d, subject to the Imperial Dominion, either in passing or repassing thro&#8217; the River Marosche to the River Teysse, or thro&#8217; the Teysse to the Danube, ought not to meet with any Obstruction ; the Navigation of the German Ships, or of any others &#8211; which are subject\u00a0 to the Emperor, shall by no means be disturb&#8217;d in their Passage to and fro, but the same shall be freely and commodiously \u00a0carry&#8217;d on every where in both the said Rivers : and for the preservation of a reciprocal Friendship and Good-will, the Subjects of the Ottoman Porte shall share the Conveniences of the said Rivers, without any Hindrance to the Fisher-Boats, and Mills shall be plac&#8217;d by the Participation and Consent of the Governours of both Dominions, only in such places where they may not be a Hindrance to the Navigation of either Empire. But left the Passage of the Imperial Ships shou&#8217;d suffer any Detriment, by turning off the Water of the Marosche, it shall not be lawful to divert or turn off the Water of the said Rivers, for the fake of Mills, or on any other account.<\/p>\n<p>All the Islands whatsoever in the said Rivers, which are actually in the Emperor&#8217;s Power, shall remain as they are in his Possession ; and the Subjects of both Dominions shall live peaceably and quietly, and be restrain&#8217;d by the severest Edicts from Insults, and from Breach of the Articles.<\/p>\n<p>III. Whereas the Country between the Rivers Teysse and Danube, commonly call&#8217;d Batska, is in the sole Possession and Power of his Imperial Majesty, so it shall remain hereafter in the said Imperial Power and Dominion, and Titul shall never be more fortify&#8217;d than it is.<\/p>\n<p>IV. A Line mall be drawn from the extremity of the Strand on this side the Teysse over against Titul, and from the Angle of Land which is there form&#8217;d by the Conjunction of the Teysse and the Danube, quite to the Bank of the Danube ; and another Line from the hither side of the Teysse to the River Bossut, and to the hither Bank of Moravitz, and from thence to the Place where the biggest Branch of the Bossut falls into the Save : and there shall be no Fortification upon the Moravitz, but only open Villages built on both sides of it, so that the said Line shall be confirm&#8217;d and distinguish&#8217;d either by Ditches, or Stones, or Posts, or some other way to serve as the Limits of both Empires in the manner following.<\/p>\n<p>The Country towards Belgrade, within the aforesaid Limits, shall remain solely in the Possession and Dominion of the most Potent Emperor of the Turks.<\/p>\n<p>But the Country situate on the other side of the said Line, shall remain in the sole Possession and Power of the most Potent Emperor of the Romans ; and according to those Limits shall be the Possession of the Rivers which are in the Territorys remaining in the possession of both Partys.<\/p>\n<p>V. That Part of the Save which waters those Countrys belonging to the Emperor of the Romans, shall be possess&#8217;d by his said Majesty, and the other Part shall be possess&#8217;d by the Ottoman Emperor.<\/p>\n<p>That Part of the Save which runs betwixt both Empires, together with the Islands therein, shall be common to the Subjects or both for Navigation to and fro, and for any other Conveniences ; and both shall religiously observe the Commerce peaceably, and without Molestation.<\/p>\n<p>The Country belonging to the Dominion of his Imperial Ottoman Majesty, as far as the River Unna towards Bosnia, shall be limited and bounded by the hither Shore of the River Unna: and ail the Imperial Garrisons that are in Novi, Dubizza, Sessenovizza, Doboy and Bred on the part of Bosnia, and any other such place in this Tract, shall be drawn out from thence, and the same shall be left entirely free.<\/p>\n<p>But whereas Castanoviz, and the Islands below the Country of Novi, towards the Save, together with the farthermost Bank of the said River Unna, are and remain in the Power of the Emperor of the Romans, they shall be distinguish&#8217;d henceforth by the aforesaid Limits.<\/p>\n<p>Finally, the Places beyond the Unna, far remote from the Save, which are garison&#8217;d and possess&#8217;d by both Partys, together with the Lands belonging to the same before the present War, shall also remain in the Power of either Party who possesses them, on condition that Commissioners who shall be deputed on both sides, do separate and divide the Districts and Territorys that are to remain in the possession of both, in the Parts of Croatia, by particular Lines distinguishable by Ditches, Stones, Stakes, or any other Marks for avoiding Confusion.<\/p>\n<p>And whoever on either side shall presume to alter, change, pull up, take away, or in any respect: to violate any of those Marks, the strictest Inquiry shall be made after him ; and if he be apprehended, he shall be most severely punisih&#8217;d for an Example to others.<\/p>\n<p>The Commissioners shall be deputed as soon as possible, to distinguish and fix the Bounds in Croatia ; and they shall be enjoin&#8217;d to give diligent Attention to the Tranquillity and Security of both Dominions, and that they faithfully and clearly separate and distinguish the Territory&#8217;s without any Prejudice or Affection.<\/p>\n<p>Whereas the Fortifications of the Castle of Bred, situate on the other side of the Save (towards the Ottoman Empire) which were lately made by the Imperialists, ought to be demolish&#8217;d at the time of withdrawing the Imperial Garrison, and the said Place lies very commodiously for Traffick, a City may be built there with a handsome convenient Precinct ; provided nevertheless that it be not turn&#8217;d into the Form of a Castle or Fort.<\/p>\n<p>VI. The Limits prescrib&#8217;d by these Articles, and those which shall hereafter be settled, if need be, by the Commissioners, shall be sacredly and religiously observ&#8217;d on both sides, in such manner that they shall on no account or pretext be extended, transferr&#8217;d or chang&#8217;d. Nor shall it be lawful for either of the contracting Partys, to claim or exercise any Right or Power to any Territory of the other Party, beyond the Bounds or Lines when settled ; or to compel the Subjects of the other Party to pay any Tribute whatsoever past or to come, or to subject him to any kind of Exaction or Vexation that the Wit of Man can invent : but all wrangling shall be fairly remov&#8217;d.<\/p>\n<p>VII. It shall be lawful and free for both Partys, for the Security of their Frontiers, to repair, Strengthen and fortify the Castles, Forts and Places, of which by the present Articles they are to have quiet Possession, in such manner as they shall judge most convenient, except those that are above excepted by Name. And for the Convenience of the Inhabitants, it shall be lawful for both Partys, without molestation, and without exception, to build Habitations, and have open Villages ; provided that no new Forts are erected under this Pretence.<\/p>\n<p>VIII. All hostile Incursions, Usurpations and Invasions made clandestinely, or by surprize, and all Devaluations and Depopulations of the Territorys of either Dominions, shall be deem&#8217;d unlawful, and shall be prohibited by the severed Mandates And the Transgressors of this Article, wherever they are apprehended, shall immediately be committed to Prison, and receive condign Punishment without Mercy from the Jurisdiction of the Place where they shall be committed : and whatever they have taken shall be most diligently inquir&#8217;d after, and when found, faithfully restor&#8217;d to the Owners. Also the Captains, Commanders and Governours of both Partys shall be oblig&#8217;d to administer Justice diligently and uprightly, on pain, not only of the Loss of Office, bat of Life and Honour.<\/p>\n<p>IX. It shall also be unlawful to give any Sanctuary or Support to wicked Men, Rebels, or Malecontents, but both Partys shall be oblig&#8217;d to bring such sort of Men, and all Thieves, Robbers, &amp;c. whom they shall apprehend in their Dominions, to condign Punishment, altho they happen to be the Subjects of the other Party ; and if they cannot be apprehended, they shall be describ&#8217;d to their Captains or Governours ; and if they happen to lurk in their Jurisdictions, they shall be impower&#8217;d to apprehend and punish them : and if these don&#8217;t discharge their Duty by punishing such Criminals, they shall incur the Indignation of their Emperor, and be turn&#8217;d out of Office, or punish&#8217;d in the place of the Delinquents. And to guard also against the Insolence of Men yet more wicked, it shall be lawful for neither of the Partys to entertain and maintain Man-stealers, call&#8217;d Pribeck, and such sort of wicked People who are in the Pay of neither Prince, but live by Robbery ; and both they and those who support them shall be duly punish&#8217;d: and whatever Pretences such wicked Men make of Amendment of their former Lives, they mail not be trusted nor tolerated near the Frontiers, but transported to other Places at a greater distance.<\/p>\n<p>X. Whereas during this War many Hungarians and Transilvanians withdrew from their Subjection to his Imperial Majesty to the Frontiers of the Sublime Ottoman Porte, and are to be taken care of in a due manner by the Treaty now concluded between both Empires, &#8217;tis stipulated that they shall live in Freedom and Security in the Dominions of the said Empire.<\/p>\n<p>But left the Tranquillity of the Frontiers, and the Peace of the Subjects shou&#8217;d be in any manner disturb&#8217;d, the Places where they mall be fix&#8217;d, shall be far enough from such Frontiers ; and the Wives shall have leave to follow their Husbands, and to cohabit with them in the Imperial District assign&#8217;d for their Settlement.<\/p>\n<p>And whereas hereafter they are to be reckon&#8217;d among the other Subjects of the most Potent Emperor of the Turks, it fnall not be lawful for them ever to withdraw from his Subjection any more ; and if they offer to return to their own Country, they shall be deem\u2019d Malecontents, and shall have no Shelter, nor Support from the Germans, but when apprehended, shall be deliver&#8217;d to the Turkish Governors of the Frontiers, for the greater Security of the Peace on both sides.<\/p>\n<p>XI. In order wholly to prevent all Controversys, Disputes or Differences hereafter on the Frontiers concerning any of the Articles of this Armistice, an equal number of Commissioners shall be chose on both sides, Men no ways covetous, but grave, honest, wise, experienc&#8217;d and peaceable ; who, when there is need of a speedy Remedy, shall repair to the Frontiers, where meeting at a proper place without an Army, with an equal Number of Gentlemen of peaceable Dispositions, they shall hear, take cognizance of, decide and amicably compose all and singular such, emergent Controversys, and settle such an Order and Method, that both Partys may compel their Men and Subjects by the severest Punishments, to the sincere and firm Observation of the Peace, without any Prevarication or Pretext. But if Disputes happen of such moment that they cannot be adjusted and dispatch&#8217;d by the Commissioners of both Partys, then they shall be referred to both the mod Potent Emperors, that they themselves may find out, and make use of ways and means for clearing and extinguishing them, in a manner that such Controversys may be accommodated in as little time as possible, without any Neglect or Delay.<\/p>\n<p>And moreover, whereas in the former Sacred Capitulations, all Duels and Challenges were prohibited, they shall hereafter be unlawful ; and if any shall presume to enter into single Combat, they shall be severely dealt with as Transgressors.<\/p>\n<p>XII. Prisoners taken on both sides during the War, who are yet living in Confinement, and have reason to hope for Deliverance one time or other by means of this Peace, and cannot be left in the same miserable and calamitous state of Captivity, without Offence to that Piety and Good Nature for which the Emperors are admir&#8217;d, shall be set at Liberty by way of Exchange, after the usual or more honourable Methods ; and if there be more Prisoners in number or of greater Rank on one fide than the other, the Clemency of both their Imperial Majestys who are so well inclin&#8217;d to this happy Peace, shall not be deny&#8217;d to the rest, when the Embassadors make solemn Instances for their Release.<\/p>\n<p>As for those who are in the Power of private Persons, or even with the Tartars, it shall be lawful for them to procure their Liberty, by as moderate a Ransom as they can ; and if such Captives cannot bring their Master to a fair Accommodation, the Judges of the Place shall end every Dispute by a Composition. But if this cannot be effected by the ways and means aforesaid, the Captives shall be set at Liberty, if it appears by Oath, or other Evidence, that they have paid their Ransom. Nor shall their Owners for the fake of more Lucre oppose their Ransom : and when Men are not sent from the Sublime Ottoman Torte, to assist in setting such Prisoners at Liberty, it will be expected from the Probity of the Imperial Governours, that they oblige the Owners to let go such Prisoners, on paying down the full Price for which they were bought, that so this good Work may be promoted on both sides with equal Piety.<\/p>\n<p>Finally, till the Captives on both sides are releas&#8217;d by the means aforesaid, the Embassadors Plenipotentiary shall use their Offices on both sides, that the poor Prisoners may be civilly treated in the mean time.<\/p>\n<p>XIII. In respect to the Monks, and the Exercise of the Christian Religion, according to the Rites of the Roman Catholick Church, whatever Favours were granted them by any former Ottoman Emperors of most Glorious Memory in their Reigns, either by Sacred Capitulations, or by Imperial Signs Manual, or by particular Edicts and Mandates ; the most Serene Emperor of the Ottomans will hereafter confirm them in such manner, that they may repair their Churches, and perform their Functions as usual heretofore. And it shall nor be lawful for any one to molest or extort Money from the said Monks, of what Order or Condition soever they be, contrary to the sacred Capitulations and the divine Laws, but they shall enjoy the Clemency of the Emperor as usual.<\/p>\n<p>Moreover, it shall be lawful for the Embassador of the most Serene and most Potent Emperor of the Romans at the resplendent Porte, to produce his Commission concerning Religion, and the Places of Christian Visitation in the holy City of Jerusalem, and to prevent his Instances to the Imperial Throne.<\/p>\n<p>XIV. Trade shall be free for the Subjects of both Partys, in all the Kingdoms and Dominions of both Empires, according to the antient sacred Capitulations. And that it may be carry&#8217;d on by both Partys with Profit, and without Fraud and Deceit, the same shall be settled by Stipulations between Commissarys deputed on both sides, well vers&#8217;d in Merchandize, at the time of solemn Embassys on both sides: and as has been observ&#8217;d with other Nations in Friendship with the Sublime Empire, so his Imperial Majefty&#8217;s Subjects of what Nation soever, shall enjoy the Security and Advantage of Trade in the Kingdoms of the Sublime Empire, as well as the usual Privileges in a fitting manner.<\/p>\n<p>XV. All Conditions whatsoever express&#8217;d in the antient sacred Capitulations, provided they be not contrary or prejudicial to the foregoing Articles of this Treaty, or to the free Dominion and Enjoyment of the Possessors, shall hereafter be religiously observ&#8217;d and perform&#8217;d ; but those which are in any fort repugnant to the aforesaid, shall be made null and void.<\/p>\n<p>XVI. And that this Armistice and a good Friendship may be confirm&#8217;d and flourish between both the most Potent Emperors, solemn Embassadors shall be sent on both sides, who shall be receiv&#8217;d, honour&#8217;d and treated equally alike, with the usual Ceremonys, from the time of their first Entrance to their Return to the Place where they are to make the second Exchange, provided nevertheless that they bring a convenient free Gift in token of their Friendship, which is correspondent with the Dignity of both Emperors : And according to the Custom which has a long while been observ&#8217;d between both Empires, after previously settling a mutual Correspondence, they shall be exchange&#8217;d on the Confines of Szerem, and set out on their Journeys at one and the same time.<\/p>\n<p>Moreover, the said solemn Embassadors may lawfully demand what they think fit at either of the Imperial Courts.<\/p>\n<p>XVII. The same Rule and Order, observ&#8217;d heretofore for receiving, honouring and entertaining Embassadors passing to and fro, and residing, shall henceforwards be observ&#8217;d on both sides with equal Decorum, according to the particular Character of those who are sent.<\/p>\n<p>It shall be lawful for the Imperial Embassadors and Residents, and all their Servants, to wear what Liverys they please without any Molestation.<\/p>\n<p>Moreover, the Imperial Ministers, whether they discharge the Office of Embassador, Envoy, Resident or Agent, shall enjoy the same Libertys, Immunitys and Privileges, even to the distinguishing the Prerogative of the Imperial Dignity, as the Embassadors and Agents of other Princes in Amity with the Resplendent Porte, and shall have free Leave to hire Interpreters.<\/p>\n<p>The Couriers also, and their other Servants going to and fro between Vienna and the Resplendent Porte, shall have a secure passage, and have all manner of Favour shewn them, that they may perform their Journey commodiously.<\/p>\n<p>XVIII. This Peace, tho concluded according to the foregoing Articles, shall not have its full Force, nor engage the Partys\u00a0 concern&#8217;d to observe the Laws of it, till every thing stipulated on both sides, as well with regard to the Limits as to Evacuations and Demolitions of Places, be entirely perform&#8217;d ; for the speedy Accomplishment whereof, Commissioners on both sides shall be appointed to fix and distinguish the Limits and Boundarys, who at the ensuing Equinox, viz. the 22d of March or the 12th O. S. 1699, shall meet with a moderate and peaceable Retinue, at Places to be agreed upon among the Commissioners, by the Consent of the Governours of both the Frontiers, and shall within two Months, or sooner if possible, distinguish, separate and determine the Confines with clear and evident Boundarys, as they are constituted by the former Articles ; and they shall accurately and speedily execute the Statutes between the Embassadors Plenipotentiarys of both Empires.<\/p>\n<p>XIX. The Embassadors Plenipotentiarys of both Empires reciprocally engage themselves, and promise that they will infallibly procure these Conditions and Articles to be ratify&#8217;d by both their Imperial Majestys, and that the solemn Ratifications shall be exchang&#8217;d reciprocally and duly on the Confines, within 50 days from the Day of signing or sooner, by the most illustrious and most excellent the Embassadors Plenipotentiary Mediators.<\/p>\n<p>XX. This Armistice shall continue, and be extended by God&#8217;s Blessing for 25 Years, to count from the Day of Signing ; and at the end of that Term, or in the meanwhile, both Partys shall be at liberty, if they please, to prolong it for several Years more.<\/p>\n<p>Therefore whatever Conditions are establish&#8217;d, by mutual and free Consent, between the most Serene and most Potent Emperor of the Romans, and the most Serene and most Potent Emperor of the Turks, and their Heirs, Empires and Kingdoms, Country&#8217;s, Citys, Towns, Subjects and Vassals, whether by Land or Sea, shall be religiously and inviolably observ&#8217;d.<\/p>\n<p>And it shall be strictly requir&#8217;d of all the Governours, Generals, Militia, and all under their Vassalage, Obedience and Subjection, that they conforming themselves also in an adequate manner to the foremention&#8217;d Conditions, Clauses, Covenants and Articles, take all possible Care not to contravene or infringe this Peace and Friendship, upon any Account or Pretence whatsoever; but that abstaining from Enmity of all sorts, they cultivate a good Neighbourhood , knowing for certain that if they do not behave as they are hereby admonish&#8217;d, they will be most severely punish&#8217;d.<\/p>\n<p>The Chan himself also of the Crim, and all the Nations of the Tartars, by whatsoever name call&#8217;d, are bound to the due Observation of the Laws of this Peace and good Neighbourhood and Reconciliation ; nor shall they by contravening them exercise any Hostilitys towards any of the Imperial Provinces and their Subjects or Vassals. Moreover, if any, either of the Armys or of the Tartar Nations, shall dare to do any thing contrary to these Sacred Imperial Capitulations, and contrary to their Covenants and Articles, he shall be most feverely punish&#8217;d.<\/p>\n<p>The said Peace, Quiet and Security of the Subjects of both Empires shall begin upon the aforesaid Day of Subscription, from which time all Enmity on both sides shall cease and be laid aside, and the Subjects of both Partys shall enjoy Safety and Tranquillity. And to the end that Hostilitys may with the greatest Care and Diligence be suppress&#8217;d, Mandates and Edicts shall be transmitted with all speed to publish \u00a0the Peace to all the Governours of the Frontiers : And whereas some Time is requisite for the Officers, especially on the more remote Frontiers, to obtain Notice of the Peace being concluded, twenty days are appointed for that purpose ; after which, if any one shall presume to commit any Hostility on either side, he shall be subject to the Penaltys abovementioned without Mercy.<\/p>\n<p>Finally, That the Conditions of the Peace concluded in these 20 Articles may be accepted on both sides, and inviolably observ&#8217;d with all due Respect, the Ottoman Plenipotentiarys by virtue of the Emperor&#8217;s full Power to them granted, have exhibited to us the Instrument writ in the Turkish Language, and legally and validly sign&#8217;d. We also, by virtue of our Instructions and full Powers, have in like manner deliver&#8217;d a legal and valid Instrument in the Latin Tongue, containing those Articles sign&#8217;d with our Hands and seal&#8217;d with our Seals. Done at the Congress which was held at Carlowitz in Szerem, under Tents, the 26th of January 1699.<\/p>\n(L. S.) Wolfgang Count ab Ottingen.<br \/>\n(L. S.) Leopold Count Schlik.\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<em>Treaty betwixt\u00a0<\/em>Augustus II.\u00a0<em>King, and the Republick of\u00a0<\/em>Poland\u00a0<em>on one part, and\u00a0<\/em>Mustapha Han<em>, Sultan of the\u00a0<\/em>Turks\u00a0<em>on the other, by the Mediation of\u00a0<\/em>William III<em>. King of\u00a0<\/em>Great Britain<em>, and of the Lords the States General of the\u00a0<\/em>United Netherlands\u00a0<em>on the other, Concluded in a tent at\u00a0<\/em>Carlowitz<em>\u00a0in the County of\u00a0<\/em>Szerem<em>, the\u00a0<\/em>26<em>th of\u00a0<\/em>January, 1699<em>.<\/em>\n<p>In the Name of the most Holy and Undivided Trinity,<\/p>\n<p>IN perpetual memory of the thing ; be it known to all whom it doth concern. The most Serene and most Potent Prince, William III. King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, and the High and Mighty Lords the States General of the United Netherlands, out of a desire to stop the Effusion of human Blood, and to restore the Tranquillity on both sides, which has been so long disturb&#8217;d by a difference between the Kingdom of Poland and the Sublime Empire, having interpos&#8217;d their Mediation to procure this Treaty of Peace ; and the most excellent Lords, William Lord Paget, Baron of Beaudesert in the County of Stafford, and the King&#8217;s Lord Lieutenant thereof, Ambassador Plenipotentiary on the part of his Britannick Majesty at the Resplendent Porte, and the Heer James Colyer, Ambassador Plenipotentiary also at the same Porte on the part of the High and Mighty Lords the States General of the United Netherlands, having diligently and zealously perform&#8217;d the Offices and Conditions of the said Mediation, with a reciprocal Inclination and Propension to accommodate and suppress the said Quarrel ; and a Congress of the Ambassadors Plenipotentiary being appointed by the Mediators at Carlowitz on the Confines of Szerem, where a Treaty of Peace was set on foot with the most illustrious and most excellent Lord, Mehemet Effendi, great Chancellor of the Sublime Empire, and the most illustrious and most excellent Lord, Alexander Mauro Cordato, of the noble Family of Scarlati, a Privy Counsellor of the said Sublime Empire ; at length by God&#8217;s Blessing after some Sessions, a Peace was happily concluded on Terms of mutual Obligation. Therefore a Friendship and Peace is again perfected, concluded, restored and renewed between the most Serene and most Potent Sultan Mustapha, Emperor of the Mussulmen, Son of Sultan Mahomet, and the most Serene and most Potent King Augustus II. my most gracious Lord, and the Republick of Poland, on the eleven following Articles, which are by mutual Consent to be religiously observ&#8217;d for ever between both Dominions ; which Articles are hereafter set down one by one.<\/p>\n<p>I. The antient Friendship being again renew&#8217;d by the Providence of the most High God, together with a hearty Reconciliation and good Neighbourhood, all Hostilitys shall cease for ever on both sides, and the Subjects shall enjoy and be establish&#8217;d in their former Security and Tranquillity ; and the Frontiers of the Provinces subject to Poland, shall be separated and distinguished by their antient Boundarys from the Imperial Frontiers, as well of Moldavia, as of other Districts subject to the Sublime Empire ; nor shall there be any Extension or Restriction of the same hereafter, but the antient Limits shall be religiously observ&#8217;d and kept as sacred, without any Alteration and Disturbance.<\/p>\n<p>II. All the Fortresses or Places, whether greater or lesser, comprehended within the antient Limits of Moldavia before the last War but one, and which have hitherto been detain&#8217;d by the Poles, shall be evacuated by their Soldiers ; and the Province of Moldavia shall remain intirely free, in the pacifick State it was in before the last War.<\/p>\n<p>III. The Fortress of Caminiec, which is also situate within the antient Limits of Poland as they stood before the two last Wars, shall be entirely evacuated by the Mussulmen ; and hereafter no Demand shall be made by the Sublime Empire to the Provinces of Podolia and the Ukrain. And whereas the antient Limits of Poland and Moldavia are manifest, if there be a convenient time the Evacuation shall commence at the beginning of March next, and, if possible, sooner\u00a0 ; and as soon as the Fortresses and Places of Moldavia are evacuated, by the withdrawing of the Polish Militia, and Moldavia thereby remains free, the Evacuation of the Fortress of Caminiec shall also commence at the beginning of March ; and after the Affair of the Evacuations is perfected, it shall be put in execution without Hesitation, Delay and Neglect; and the Evacuation of Fort Caminiec shall be finish&#8217;d by the 15th of May next at farthest. And to the intent that the same may be evacuated with ease and speed, the Poles shall give all the Assistance possible with Waggons and Horses for the Transportation ; and the Affair of the Evacuation shall be carry&#8217;d on every where with security : so that if in the Evacuation of the Forts and other Places howsoever fortify &#8216;d, any of the Subjects have a mind to go out, they may safely depart with their Houshold Goods, and other Effects and whoever has a mind to stay, shall have the same Protection without Impediment. And since the Evacuation of the Forts and Places on both sides, is to commence in the beginning of March next, the Polish Embassador, who is speedily to be dispatch&#8217;d to the resplendent Porte, shall make Representation to the Imperial Throne of the Guns left at Caminiec, whether their own, or such as were found there.<\/p>\n<p>IV. None of the Subjects of the Sublime Empire, of what Condition soever, especially the Tartars of any Nation soever, shall on the score of any Pretence or Controversy whatsoever exercise Hostilitys against the Subjects of the King and Republick of Poland, and against their Frontiers, nor commit Excursions, carry or Persons to Captivity, drive away Cattle, nor do them any Damage or Injury ; and the Viziers, Beglerbeys, and the Ham of Crim Tartary, with the other Sultans, and the Weywod of Moldavia, shall be expressly commanded by Royal Edicts, to be very diligent in observing and keeping Peace and Tranquillity on the Frontiers, and that they do not injure the Subjects of Poland, by carrying off their People, driving away their Cattle, or by hurting or molesting them in any other way ; and that they inquire most strictly after the Disturbers and Transgressors of the Articles of Peace ; and that when they discover them, they punish them for Examples to others ; and that Restitution be made of Plunder to the proper Owners, and that if any a6t herein negligently or carelessly, they shall be justly punish&#8217;d, either by the Loss of their Offices, or of Life, as shall be consistent with the Divine Laws : And in like manner the Poles shall diligently, and in all respects observe and cultivate this Peace, and none shall dare to contravene it.<\/p>\n<p>V. Whereas the Kingdom of Poland has been free time out of mind, it shall not be disturb&#8217;d by any Hostility on the part of the Sublime Empire, or the Nations thereunto subject:, under colour of any Pretension whatsoever; nor shall be bound to comply with such Pretensions by virtue of the Articles of this Peace.<\/p>\n<p>VI. The Tartars of Budziac, and other Tartars, having during this War made Excursions from their own Territorys into those of Moldavia, where they committed several Acts of Rapine and Violence against the Moldavians and their Country, which is contrary to the sacred Capitulations made heretofore with the Kings of Poland, and therefore ought to be prevented and suppress&#8217;d, the Tartars shall be remov&#8217;d from all the Places, Farms, and other Estates, which they are now possessed of, or have newly built in Moldavia, and shall live peaceably in their own native Country, without committing any Offences hereafter.<\/p>\n<p>VII. The Roman Catholick Monks shall have their Churches, and the Exercise of their accustomed Functions thro&#8217;out the Empire, without Molestation or Disturbance, according to the Edicts formerly granted them by the Sublime Empire ; and it shall be lawful for the Embassador Extraordinary of Poland at the Resplendent Porte, to make any further Remonstrances on the head of Religion to the Imperial Throne.<\/p>\n<p>VIII. Whereas Peace gives Life and Soul to Commerce, which, when regulated, reduces Provinces to a better State, the Merchants of both Dominions, who hereafter come and go, not thro&#8217; clandestine Places but by Places of publick Access, after they have paid the antient Duties for Goods imported and exported, shall not be molested with new Exactions and Demands, nor shall the Dutys be demanded for ready Money. And all the Natives of Poland and Lithuania, and other Nations to them subject, who come for Traffick, and do no Damage, but carry on Trade, and Buying and Selling, as is also declar&#8217;d in former sacred Capitulations, shall not be molested by the Demand of the Tax call&#8217;d Haracz, and other inordinate Exactions ; but if any leaving their own Countrys settle in the Kingdoms of the Empire, and if other Foreigners mingle with the Poles, left such should prove to the Detriment of the Republick, nothing shall be demanded for the Arms, Horses and Captives of the Polish Merchants, who having a legal Discharge, are willing to return to their own Country ; nor shall any Person hinder the Captives so going away : but it shall not be lawful for any Person under that Pretence to take prohibited Goods along with them without Leave. Moreover, in case of the Death of any Merchants of both Dominions in other Countrys, their Goods and Effects shall not be seiz&#8217;d or divided by the Officers of either Party, but shall be deliver&#8217;d to a Merchant of Credit, that he may deliver the same to the Heirs, according to the Inventory taken upon Oath; but if any Dispute happen between the Merchants, the same shall be decided by the Provost, who shall do Justice to whom &#8217;tis due. No body shall be compell&#8217;d, contrary to the divine Laws, to pay a Debt which is not confirm&#8217;d by Writing, or some judicial Instrument ; nor shall Disputes about Debts and Suretyships be pleaded or heard only upon hired Evidence, but the Causes shall be juftly and duly decided by legal written Instruments : and in such Causes the Grants contain&#8217;d and stipulated to other Confederate Nations, in the sacred Capitulations, shall also be extended to the Polish Merchants. And further, the Sense and Meaning of the sacred Edicts granted heretofore to the Poles in particular, and kept in their Custody, shall be regarded and obferv&#8217;d.<\/p>\n<p>IX. The Prisoners and Captives taken by either side during the War shall be set at Liberty, paying their Ransom, which shall be settled according to the Laws, or according to the Oath that shall be made of it, pursuant to the Declaration of former Capitulations in this point. But if a Captive hath serv&#8217;d a long time, when &#8217;tis but just that his Ransom should be cheaper, if the Owner of the Captive will not agree to take a fair and moderate Price, such Differences shall be decided by the Judges of the Places, proceeding according to Law. If upon any account Prisoners are taken out of the Polish Countrys, after the Conclusion of the Peace, they shall be discharg&#8217;d gratis ; and the Persons who go to and fro in the Kingdoms of the Sublime Empire, and even among the Tartars to release the Polish Captives, shall on no account be molested as long as they behave peaceably, but those who offend and injure them shall be punish&#8217;d. The Captives detain&#8217;d in publick Prisons shall be exchang&#8217;d on both sides, and set at Liberty ; and it shall be free for the chief Embassador of the Poles, to make Representations concerning his Captives to the Imperial Throne.<\/p>\n<p>X. Whatsoever the most Serene King of Poland has obtain&#8217;d by the Peace stipulated with the Sublime Empire, shall remain in full Force ; Moldavia and Wallachia shall remain in Amity as formerly with the King of Poland, and if any Fugitives from those Countrys come into Poland they shall not be receiv&#8217;d. If any steal clandestinely into the Kingdom of Poland, and afterwards are found disturbing and corrupting the Country, such Men, when apprehended, shall be given up; and the same Condition which is so clearly and manifestly declar&#8217;d in the former Capitulations, shall be observ&#8217;d. In like manner, the Polish Subjects, be they Poles, Cossacks, or of what Nation soever, when they make any Disturbance, shall neither be receiv&#8217;d nor protected here, but sent back to their own Countrys ; and all Persons whatsoever that shall go about to disturb the Peace and Friendship now concluded on both sides, shall receive condign Punishment.<\/p>\n<p>XI. All Conditions and Clauses whatsoever declar&#8217;d and agreed to in the former Capitulations, which are in no sort contradictory to the Articles of this present Treaty, nor contrary to the free and perpetual Rights of both Dominions, shall henceforwards be carefully observ&#8217;d, and those which are contrary, shall, God willing, be made null and void. The Peace and Reconciliation concluded by Articles ingross&#8217;d on both sides, in the most perfect and exact manner, between their Majestys, the most August and most Potent Emperor of the Mussulmen and his Heirs, and the most Serene and most Potent King of Poland and his Successors, and the Republick of Poland, shall, by God&#8217;s Mercy, remain perpetual, stable, firm and inviolable, and be preserv&#8217;d and guarded from all Disturbance, Change, Violation and Confusion, and persevere and be continued firmly and constantly in one and the same Tenor. And that all Hostilitys may be entirely laid aside and suppress&#8217;d, notice shall be given with all Speed to the Presidents, Prefects and Governours on the Frontiers, that they take heed that Transgressions be not committed hereafter, and that neither Party damage the other, and that all on both sides carry it sincerely and amicably to one another. And to the end that the Conclusion of this happy Peace may be made known to all Persons, 30 Days are allow&#8217;d, after which time no Pretence or Excuse shall be admitted, but they who oppose the Edicts which require a strict Obedience, shall be very severely punish&#8217;d. And after the signing of the Instruments on both sides, an Envoy shall first come from Poland to the Resplendent Porte, and according to antient Custom bring the King&#8217;s Letters Patent, containing the Ratification of the Articles declar&#8217;d in the Instruments, and shall also receive and take with him the Emperor&#8217;s Ratifications. And afterwards the Embassador in ordinary, as soon as it can be done with Conveniency, shall proceed according to the antient laudable Method, to the solemn Confirmation of the Articles of the Peace, and to the Perfection of reciprocal Sincerity, and the absolute Determination of mutual Friendship, and to the Disposition of the other things remaining. And therefore the happy Peace concluded in n Articles, according to those Terms, shall be accepted and cultivated on both sides, when the abovemention&#8217;d Plenipotentiarys and Commissioners, the Embassadors of the most August Emperor of the Turks, have, by virtue of their Power and Authority, deliver&#8217;d a legal and valid Instrument, drawn up in the Turkish Language, as I have, by virtue of my Power and Deputation, deliver&#8217;d the Articles sign&#8217;d with my own Hand, and seal&#8217;d with my Seal, as a lawful and valid Instrument. Done at the Congrefs held under Tents in Carlowitz in Szerem, the 26th Day of January 1699.<\/p>\n<p>(L. S.) Stanislaus Palatine of Posnania, Plenipotentiary, and Embassador Extraordinary from the King of Poland.<\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<em>The\u00a0<\/em>Turkish<em>\u00a0Instrument of The Peace entered into between\u00a0<\/em>Mustapha Han<em>, Sultan of the\u00a0<\/em>Turks<em>, and the most Serene Republick of\u00a0<\/em>Venice<em>, as it was thro&#8217; the Mediation of King\u00a0<\/em>William III<em>. and the States General, concluded by the Imperial and\u00a0<\/em>Polish<em>\u00a0Ambassadors, tho without the Participation of the\u00a0<\/em>Venetian<em>\u00a0Ambassador, in hopes that it will be accepted by the said Republick ; for which end a certain Space of time is given and prefix&#8217;d. Done at the Congress of\u00a0<\/em>Carlowitz<em>, the 14th of the Month\u00a0<\/em>Reciep<em>, in the Year of the\u00a0<\/em>Hegira 1110<em>.<\/em>\n<p>In the Name of the Lord whose Mercy is Everlasting, and of the Almighty who bringeth all Things to Light.<\/p>\n<p>Whereas by reason of the Enmity and Ill-will which have subsisted for some Years, between the Sublime Empire and the Republick of Venice, the Subjects were willing that Friendship, Benevolence and the Laws of Good Neighbourhood may be restored, by the Mediation, Insinuation and Recommendation of the most Glorious, among the Great Princes and Republicks of Christendom, William III. King of England, Scotland and Ireland, and the States General of the Netherlands ; and a Congress being held for that purpose at Carlowitz in Szerem, near the Confines, between the Plenipotentiarys of both Partys, when the most illustrious, and most excellent among the Christian Nobility, William Lord Paget, Baron of Beaudesert, his Britannick Majesty&#8217;s Embassador Extraordinary, and the Heer James Colyer, Embassador of the Lords the States General of the Netherlands, performed the kind Offices of Mediators ; after the Exchange and Perusal of their respective full Powers according to antient Custom, and after Negotiations and Conferences for a Peace were set on foot, pursuant to the Imperial Mandate, and by virtue of our Authority and Deputation, the most illustrious among the Christian Nobility, Charles Ruzzini, Knight, notwithstanding he had time enough allow&#8217;d him to confider of the Articles of the Peace, delayed to sign them, on account of some Difficultys ; and for that Reason the most illustrious and most excellent the Embassadors Plenipotentiary of the Emperor of the Romans, and of the King and Republick of Poland, out of respect to the Preliminarys, settled by the Endeavour of the aforesaid Embassadors Mediators, and by the Consent and Approbation of all the rest, and particularly to the 3d Article for allowing a Fortnight longer for the Signing and Exchanging of the Instruments by the mutual consent of both Partys ; and to the Intent that the Republick of Venice might also be included and comprehended in the Peace concluded by the Divine Favour, they have at length reciprocally agreed with us, by the repeated Offices and Endeavours of the said Embassadors Mediators, between the Sublime Empire and the said Republick, the following 16 Articles, as they are hereafter inserted verbatim.<\/p>\n<p>I. The Morea with all its Citys, Fortresses, Castles, Lands, Villages, Mountains, Rivers, Lakes, Woods, Ports, and in general, all things else whatsoever which shall be found to be comprehended within the whole Extent of the same Province, and which are now possess&#8217;d by the Republick of Venice, shall remain in the Possession and under the Dominion of the said Republick, including the full Circumference of the Country inclosed between the Sea and the Isthmus, in that part where some of the Remains of the antient Wall are still to be seen ; \u00a0so that there shall be no Extension made of the Continent of the Morea into the Terra Firma, beyond the Confines of the said Province.<\/p>\n<p>II. In regard that the Terra Firma is under the Dominion of the Sublime Empire, it shall remain intirely in the Possession of the said Empire, in the same Condition it was in as the beginning of the last War. The Fortress of Lepanto shall be evacuated by the Republick of Venice, and the Castle call&#8217;d Romelia shall be demolish&#8217;d on that side next Lepanto-j the Fortress ofPrevesa shall be demolish&#8217;d in like manner, and the main Land shall be left on that side in its former and entire State.<\/p>\n<p>III. The Island of Sancta Maura with its Fortress, the Head of the Bridge call&#8217;d Peraccia, not extending any farther into the main Land ; and the Island of Leucate, annex&#8217;d to Sancta Maura, mall remain in the Possession and Lordship of the Republick of Venice.<\/p>\n<p>IV. The Evacuation of Lepanto, and the Demolition of the Castles of Romelia and Trevesa, shall be performed immediately after the Limits of Dalmatia are settled; and in the mean time, to prevent all manner of Hostilitys, and even to cut off all Occasions for such, the Garrisons of those three Places shall not stir out, but keep within the Fortifications thereof, and shall not make any Excursions into the main Land, nor offer at it upon any pretence whatsoever. The Inhabitants thereof shall also be permitted to remain there, or depart from thence as they shall think proper, nor shall the least Violence be offer&#8217;d to them.<\/p>\n<p>V. The Use of the Gulphs that lie between the main Land and the Morea, shall be in common to both Powers and both the one and the other of the two Partys oblige themselves to keep them free, and to clear them of all manner of Pirates and mischievous Persons.<\/p>\n<p>VI. The Islands of the Archipelago and of those Seas, shall remain under the Dominion of the Sublime Empire, in the Condition they were in before the Beginning of the last War. No Tributes call&#8217;d Caraches shall be exacted from the Subjects of the Republick, nor any Contributions, or other Imports, levy&#8217;d, which were introduc&#8217;d there during the present War.<\/p>\n<p>VII. The Sublime Empire shall not for the future exact any Pension for the time past or to come, from the Republick of Venice or its Inhabitants, for the Isle of Zante. The Island of Egina with its Fortress, lying near and adjoining to the Morea, and now posses&#8217;d by the said Republick, shall remain in the possession of the said Republick, in the Condition it is in at present.<\/p>\n<p>VIII. The Fortresses of Chnin, Sing, Ciclut and Gabetla, situate in Dalmatia, being at present posses&#8217;d by the Republick of Venice, shall remain for the future under the Dominion of the said Republick, peaceably to enjoy them. But forasmuch as the Limits of that Province are to be fix&#8217;d so exactly and so clearly, that there may be no Dispute about them for the future ; for the Preservation of the Repose and Tranquillity of the Subjects of both Partys, and to prevent all imaginable Differences that may in any manner whatsoever disturb the Peace of the Frontiers, &#8217;tis agreed, that from the Fortress of Chnin to that of Verlica, from Verlica to Sing, from Sing to Duara, otherwise call&#8217;d Zaduaria, from thence to Vergoraz, and from thence likewise to the Fortress of Ciclut and Gahella, strait Lines shall be drawn to make the Separation of the Confines ; so that between the said Lines drawing towards the Venetian Dominions and the Sea-Coast, all the Lands and Cantons, with the Castles, Forts, Towers and inclosed Places, shall \u00a0be only possess&#8217;d by the Republick aforesaid : And as for the Lands and Cantors that shall be without the said Line, they shall remain in the Possession, and under the Dominion of the Sublime Empire, with all the Castles, Forts, Towers, and inclosed Places comprehended therein ; nor shall it be lawful to extend or lessen the Frontiers on either side. The said Lines shall be mark&#8217;d out clearly and distinctly, according to the Situation of the Places, by means of the Hills and Woods, or of the Rivers and Currents; and where the Place shall not evidently distinguish the said Limits, they shall be mark&#8217;d out by Ditches, Stakes and Pillars, as the Commissioners appointed by both Partys to regulate the Limits aforesaid in concert, shall judge convenient. And to the end that the said Fortresses which are to remain in the Possession of the Republick, may have some convenient Space of Territory before them, the Commissioners shall mark out about the Fortresses of Chnin, Verlica, Sing, Duara, Vergeraz, and Ciclut, such a space of Ground as may be march &#8216;d in an hour, in a strait Line or Semi-Circle as the Ground will permit. The Fortress of Chnin shall present her Flank on that fide next Croatia, as far as the Emperor&#8217;s Frontiers, without doing any Prejudice to the three Potentates whose Confines shall join to the said Limits ; but they shall be always oblig&#8217;d inviolably to observe the Right which belongs to each of the said three Potentates, according to the Agreements of this Universal Peace. Both Partys shall be equally bound to observe the said Line ; and if it shou&#8217;d happen that in the Neighbourhood of the said Line, or in the Line itself, there shou&#8217;d be any Fortress depending upon the Sublime Empire, the Territory situate behind that Place shall remain intire to the Empire ; and in Front a space of Ground shall be mark&#8217;d out in the Circumference of the said Line, and which shall also have the Extent of an Hour&#8217;s March. As for the Fortress of Ciclut there shall be in like manner assign&#8217;d to it in Front, a space of Ground of an Hour&#8217;s March 5 and towards the Flank there shall be a space of two Hours March, without the Line, drawing out a strait Line to the Sea. And when the Limits are once fix&#8217;d, and the Bounds placed, and Territorys separated so as to remain in manner and form aforesaid, in the possession of both Partys, they shall be inviolably observ&#8217;d without the least Alteration ; and if ever it happens that any Person shou&#8217;d have the Boldness to violate the said Frontiers, or to go beyond the Bounds, or that the Officers themselves shou&#8217;d fail in their Duty and necessary Care in that particular, by not punishing the Offenders according to their Demerits, they shall themselves be severely punish&#8217;d on both sides. And in cafe the Commissioners shou&#8217;d meet with any Difficultys, or shou&#8217;d not agree among themselves, they shall faithfully and exactly inform their Masters thereof, to the end that such Differences may be amicably adjusted by the good Offices and Mediation of those who represent his Imperial Majesty, and the Lords Mediators, at the Ottoman Porte.<\/p>\n<p>IX. The Territory and Dependences of the Signiory of Ragusa, fhall be annex&#8217;d to the Territorys and Cantons of the Sublime Empire ; and all Obstacles that hinder the Union and Communication of the Lands of the said Signiory with the Lands of the said Empire, shall be remov&#8217;d.<\/p>\n<p>X. Castelnovo and Risano, which are in the Neighbourhood of Cattaro, being actually in the Possession and under the Dominion of the Republick of Venice, it shall remain in the peaceable Enjoyment of the laid Places and their Territorys. Which is likewise to be understood of any other Fortress whatsoever situate in that Canton, and of which the said Republick is in actual Possession. And the Commissioners who shall be deputed on both sides, shall be chose out of Persons of known Probity, to the end that not being sway&#8217;d by Passion or private Interest, they may determine this important Affair with all possible Equity, by making a Separation of the Territorys of the Country, and marking them out by Tokens so evident, as to cut off all occasions or Disturbance and Contention between the two Partys. But Advice shall be given on the same side, that the Communication of the Lands of Ragusa with those of the Ottoman Empire must not be interrupted.<\/p>\n<p>XI. And forasmuch as the fixing the Limits of both Partys ought to begin in Dalmatia, and on the side of Cattaro, as foon as the Weather favours, the Commissioners deputed for that End, shall give reciprocal notice of their Meeting, and shall meet in a Place proper and convenient for such Business, with an equal number of armed Attendants, Men of Peace, and not given to create Trouble ; and the said Commissioners shall, with the Help of God, begin their Function and Conferences on the first Day of the Equinox, that is to say 12\/22 of March this present Year : and they shall with all possible Care and Diligence employ themselves in distinguishing the Confines of both Partys ; in such manner that they may entirely finish the Separation in two Months, or sooner if possible.<\/p>\n<p>XII. And whereas both the said Partys have mutually express&#8217;d an ardent Desire to be united to one another, by a firm and constant Friendship, and to procure the Tranquillity of their Subjects, they must naturally have the greater Aversion to such ill-minded Persons as disturb the Tranquillity of the Frontiers by Robberys, and Hostilitys of other kinds : Therefore no Shelter or Protection shall be given on either side to such Fugitives, of what Quality soever they are ; bur, on the contrary, they shall be pursued, apprehended and imprison&#8217;d, that they may have condign Punishment for a warning to others : and for the future, the giving Support or Protection to People of this fort shall be prohibited.<\/p>\n<p>XIII. Both Partys shall be permitted to repair and fortify the Fortresses in their Possession, but not to build any new ones upon the Frontiers, nor to rebuild those which have been demolish&#8217;d by the Republick of Venice on the Confines of the Terra Firma : The Subjects also of both Partys are permitted to build Towns and Villages every where, on condition that they live sociably like good Neighbours and Friends, and keep strictly within their own Bounds. And if any Difference happen among them, the Governours of the Frontiers on both sides shall be amicably inform&#8217;d thereof, to the end that they may with the greatest Equity prevent all Cause of Complaint.<\/p>\n<p>XIV. As for what concerns Religion, the release and exchange of Slaves, and matter of Commerce, the conditions of the last Treaty shall be observed according to their Form and Tenour, and the Ambaffador of the Republick shall have leave to make new Instances to the Imperial Throne upon this Head. As to Traffick, the Sacred Imperial Edicts formerly granted to this Republick, are confirm&#8217;d by the present Treaty of Peace ; and Trade shall be carry&#8217;d on in the same manner as it was before the last War, and the Venetian Merchants shall enjoy all the Privileges that were ever granted them heretofore.<\/p>\n<p>XV. From the Day of signing the Treaty concluded between the Plenipotentiarys of the Sublime Empire and the Republick:, all Hostilitys shall cease both by Land and Sea, and the Subjects of both Partys shall live in good Friendship and Correspondence : And to the end that the Governours of the Frontiers may be inform&#8217;d of this Suspenflon of Arms, the Partys are agreed on a Term of thirty Days for the Provinces of Bosnia, Albania and Dalmatia, and forty Days for the Isle of Candia, the Morea, and other Frontiers on the same Coast ; during which Space of Time, the Sublime Empire and the Republick shall each on his part do all that is possible to hinder the Contravention of any one of the Articles. Moreover, a sincere and general Amnesty is to be allow&#8217;d to the Subjects of both Partys, for any Action or Crime committed during the War, which shall be entirely bury&#8217;d in Oblivion; and no Person shall on that account be prosecuted, molested or punish&#8217;d for the future as a Delinquent.<\/p>\n<p>XVI. It shall be determin&#8217;d how long the present Treaty between the Sublime Empire and the Republick shall continue, when the Instruments of it are deliver&#8217;d, and when the Plenipotentiarys of both Partys proceed to the immediate signing of the said Treaty, in the Form and Manner that shall be declar&#8217;d afterwards. And they shall in like manner agree to the Conventions that shall be thought necessary, for establishing the Friendship and perfect Correspondence of the Partys more and more.<\/p>\n<p>After all &#8217;tis stipulated and agreed by this present Instrument, that if while we are here, the said Plenipotentiary of Venice shall resolve to accept and Sign it, he may immediately, and without delay, copy the whole Instrument, and confirm it with his own Hand and Seal, and deliver it to us, and at the same time receive from us the Instrument confirm&#8217;d with our Seals and Subscriptions ; provided nevertheless, that the abovemention&#8217;d Articles be not violated or alter&#8217;d, or restrain&#8217;d, or magnify&#8217;d, and that only those Things be added by mutual Consent, which seem to tend more to the renewing the Offices of Friendship, without changing the Articles of the Places and Limits.<\/p>\n<p>But if the said Ambassador Plenipotentiary of the Republick of Venice shou&#8217;d remain here when we are going away, without having come to any Determination, the said Republick is allow&#8217;d by virtue of that Instrument, the space of thirty Days, from the Conclusion of the Peace, to ratify the said Instrument, to transmit their Ratification to the Ambassadors Mediators, to extend the Articles to reciprocal Offices of Friendship, and compleatly to finish the present Treaty at Vienna, by their Ambassador Plenipotentiary residing there, within the space of two Months.<\/p>\n<p>But if the said Republick does not acquiesce in the above recited Articles, even while the illustrious Mediation continues at Vienna, and while either of the Emperor&#8217;s Plenipotentiarys is present, the Ambassadors of both Partys may reassume and direct this Treaty ; on these Conditions nevertheless, that the fundamental Instrument, now stipulated once for all by the mutual Consent of the Partys, may be religiously and inviolably observ&#8217;d by both, equally alike in all things ; nor shall the Articles in this present Instrument mention&#8217;d be call&#8217;d in question, nor shall one Party take more Advantage of them than the other. Moreover, within the space of six Months, from the Day that the solemn Embassy arrives at Vienna from the Sublime Empire, according to the Terms of the Preliminary and Fundamental Instrument so often mention&#8217;d, the Venetian Ambassador Plenipotentiary at Vienna shall finish his Treaty, and to this end exchange the authentick Instruments necessary for both Partys ; and consequently the Venetian Republick shall be included in this happy Peace, the Cessation of Arms being observed in the mean time on both sides, according to the Reason declar&#8217;d in the Articles above inserted, and all manner of Hostilitys and Offences being stopp&#8217;d by Land and Sea, and no Contravention of the Articles hereby establish&#8217;d being admitted. But if this neither be pleasing to the abovenam&#8217;d Republick, it shall rest upon the said Republick, after the Term abovemention&#8217;d, to manage the Affair either of War or Peace by themselves, and not to lay the Blame upon any but themselves. And whereas the abovemention&#8217;d Ambassadors Extraordinary and Plenipotentiarys of his Imperial Majesty, and the King and Republick of Poland, in presence of the Ambassadors Plenipotentiary Mediators, have deliver&#8217;d to us the authentick and lawful Instrument drawn up in the Latin Tongue, confirm&#8217;d with their Hands and Seals, by virtue of the Authority, and Power, and Deputation to them granted ; we also, by virtue of our Power, Authority and Deputation, have deliver&#8217;d this valid and legal Instrument, confirm&#8217;d with our Hands and Seals. Done the 24th of the Month call&#8217;d Reciep, in the Year of the Hegira 1110.<\/p>\n<p>Sign&#8217;d,<\/p>\n(L. S.) MEHEMEMET RAMI, Great Chancellor.<br \/>\n(L. S.) ALEXANDER Mauro Cordato di Scarlato.\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<em>The Imperial and\u00a0<\/em>Polish\u00a0<em>Instrument of the Peace to be establish&#8217;d and observ&#8217;d, between<\/em>\u00a0Mustapha Han,\u00a0<em>Sultan of the<\/em>\u00a0Turks,\u00a0<em>and the most Serene Republick of<\/em>\u00a0Venice ;\u00a0<em>in which Instrument, by reason the\u00a0<\/em>Venetian\u00a0<em>Ambassador exus&#8217;d himself from acting, the Imperial and\u00a0<\/em>Polish<em>\u00a0Ambassadors take the<\/em>\u00a0Venetian<em>\u00a0Affairs upon them, and in the Name of the most Serene Republick, enter into Conditions of Peace, leaving the said Republick a certain space of Time, either to accept or reject them. Done at the Congress at\u00a0<\/em>Carlowitz<em>\u00a0in\u00a0<\/em>Szerem<em>, the 26th of\u00a0<\/em>January<em>\u00a01609. Together with the Approbation and Subscription of the Mediators, and the Acceptance and Ratification of the Said Treaty, by the most Serene Republick of\u00a0<\/em>Venice<em>. Given at the Ducal Palace the 7th of<\/em>\u00a0Feb<em>. 1699.<\/em>\n<p>BE it known to all and every one whom it concerns, That after a Declaration of Peace was made by the Mediation of the most Serene and most Potent Prince and Lord, William III. King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, and the High and Mighty States General of the United Netherlands, for restoring Tranquillity, which had been disturb&#8217;d several Years by a War, and for renewing the Friendship between the Sublime Ottoman Emperor and the most Serene Republick of Venice, a Congress was appointed for that end, between the Plenipotentiarys of both Partys at Carlowitz in Szerem, by the Intervention of the most illustrious and the most excellent Lords, the Lord William Paget, Baron of Beaudefert, and the Heer James Colyer, both Ambassadors at the Ottoman Porte, the former from the most Serene King of Great Britain, and the latter from the High and Mighty States of the United Netherlands, who most diligently and faithfully perform&#8217;d the mediatorial Office of Ambassadors Plenipotentiary for restoring this Peace, and after the Exchange of the full Powers on both sides, the Congress was continued. But the most illustrious, and most excellent Lord, Charles Ruzzini Knt. Ambassador Plenipotentiary of the said most Serene Republick, after various Conferences held concerning a Peace, even tho he had time enough and to spare for consideration of the Articles, yet by reason of several Difficultys which occurr&#8217;d to him, cou&#8217;d not proceed in the Treaty : We therefore the underwritten Ambassadors Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of his Sacred Imperial Majesty, and of his Royal Majesty of Poland, perceiving the Expiration of the last Term granted near at hand, and the immediate Necessity of bringing the Treaty to an absolute Conclusion, in regard to the Preliminarys settled at this Congress by the Endeavours of the said Lords the Mediators, and by the Consent of all of us, especially in regard to the Reason declar&#8217;d in the 3d Article, having a desire to promote the Peace of the most Serene Republick of Venice, have undertaken the Treaty in their Name ; and in regard to the solemn Foundation of this Peace, heretofore establish&#8217;d inviolably between his Imperial Majesty, the Republick of Venice, and the Sublime Empire, have in the best manner we cou&#8217;d, concluded a Treaty with the most illustrious and most excellent the Lords Ambassadors Plenipotentiary of the Ottoman Porte, viz. the Lord Mehemet Effendi, Chancellor of the Sublime Ottoman Empire, and the Lord Mauro Cordato, of the Noble Family of Scarlati, late Chancellor of the said Empire, and private Secretary, containing sixteen Articles as follows.<\/p>\n<em>Fiat Insertio.<\/em>\n<p>After all &#8217;tis further agreed, with the abovemention&#8217;d Ambassadors of the Sublime Ottoman Empire, that as long as the said Lords the Ambassadors stay here, if the Venetian Ambassador resolve to accept of the Articles above inserted, he mall presently reduce them into the Form of an Instrument, and after having sign&#8217;d and seal&#8217;d it, deliver it to the Ottoman Plenipotentiarys, and receive the Duplicate of it sign&#8217;d and seal&#8217;d in like manner by them ; on Condition nevertheless, that it shall not be lawful to change, restrain, amplify or alter the abovemention&#8217;d Articles with respect : to the Limits and Places, nor in any other respect, but in those things only which shall seem to appertain to the Offices of greater Friendship. But if when the Lords Ambassadors of the Sublime Ottoman Empire go away, it happens that the said Lord Ambassador of Venice be still undetermin&#8217;d, then it shall be lawful for the said Republick of Venice, within thirty Days after the Conclusion of this happy general Peace, to ratify this Instrument, to transmit their Ratification to the Lords the Ambassadors Mediators, to extend the Articles to reciprocal Offices of Friendship, and compleatly to finish the present Treaty at Vienna, by their Ambassador Plenipotentiary residing there, within the space of two Months.<\/p>\n<p>But if the said Republick does not acquiesce in the above recited Articles, even while the illustrious Mediation continues at Vienna, and while one or other of the Imperial Ministers Plenipotentiary be present, the Ambassadors of both Partys may reassume and direct this Treaty : on these Conditions nevertheless, that the Preliminary and Fundamental Instrument heretofore Stipulated, by the mutual Consent of the Partys, may religiously and inviolably be observ&#8217;d by both equally alike in all Things ; nor shall the Articles of Peace recited in this present Instrument be called in question, nor shall one Party take more Advantage of them than the other.<\/p>\n<p>Moreover, within the space of six Months, from the Day that the solemn Embassy of the Sublime Ottoman Empire arrives at Vienna, according to the Terms of the Preliminary and Fundamental Instrument so often mention&#8217;d, the Venetian Ambassador Plenipotentiary at Vienna shall finish his Treaty, and moreover exchange the authentick Instruments necessary for both Partys ; \u00a0and consequently the Republick of Venice shall be included in this happy Peace, a Cessation of Arms being observ&#8217;d in the mean time on both sides, according to the Reason declar&#8217;d in the Articles above inserted, and all manner of Hostilitys and Offences being stop&#8217;d by Land and Sea, and no Contravention of the Articles hereby establish&#8217;d being admitted. But if neither the abovenam&#8217;d Republick can bring its Treaty to a Conclusion within the Terms abovemention&#8217;d, it shall rest upon the said Republick to take care of their own Affairs. And whereas the abovemention&#8217;d Ambassadors Plenipotentiarys of the Sublime Ottoman Empire have, by virtue of their Power, Authority and Deputation, deliver&#8217;d to us the authentick and lawful Instrument, confirm&#8217;d with their Hands and Seals ; we also the Ambassadors Extraordinary and Plenipotentiarys of his Imperial Majesty, and his Majesty the King of Poland, by virtue of his Imperial Majesty&#8217;s, and the most Serene King of Poland, \u00a0general full Powers, and the Lords Ambassadors Plenipotentiarys Mediators being also present, and witnessing it, have likewise confirm&#8217;d the said Instrument of the Conditions of the Peace (promoted, as above, by our Officers for the famous Republick of Venice) with our Hands and Seals. Done at the Congress of Carlowitz in Szerem under the Tent, Jan. 26, 1699.<\/p>\n(L. S.) Wolfgangus C. ab Otting.<br \/>\n(L. S.) Leopoldus C. Schlik,<br \/>\n(L. S.) S. Matachouski.\n<p>We attest and confirm, by our Hands and Seals, that the foregoing Instruments were done, concluded and confirm&#8217;d in presence of us, by virtue of our publick Function as Mediators, the Year and Day abovementioned.<\/p>\n(L. S.) WILLIAM PAGET.<br \/>\n(L. S.) J. COLYER.\n<em>A Copy of the Form added by the most Serene Republick of\u00a0<\/em>Venice<em>, for the Ratification of the Instrument of Peace.<\/em>\n<p>SLYVESTER VALERIO, by the Grace of God, Doge of Venice, &amp;c. We make known and certify, that on the 26th Day of January 1699, according to the Computation of the Empire, an Instrument of the following Tenour was concluded in the Congress at Carlowitz.<\/p>\n<em>After the inserting of the said Instrument.<\/em>\n<p>We therefore, and our Senate, do altogether approve of, and ratify the said sixteen Articles of the Peace, between the most Serene Mustapha Emperor of the Turks, and our Republick, promising on the Word of the aforesaid Republick, inviolably to observe all and singular the Articles, and not to suffer them, if we can help it, to be violated by others. In Witness whereof, we acknowledge these Presents to be our Act and Deed, have sign&#8217;d them with our Hand, and confirm&#8217;d them with our Ducal Seal, at the Ducal Palace on the 7th of February 1699.<\/p>\nM.V.<br \/>\nSylvester Valerio Doge of Venice.<br \/>\nThe Ducal Seal is appendant in Silver.<br \/>\nAgostino Bianchi Secretary.\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<p><strong>Whatley, Samuel.<em>\u00a0A General Collection of Treatys of Peace and Commerce, Manifestos, Declarations of War, and other Publick Papers, from the End of the Reign of Queen Anne to the Year 1731, Vol. IV.\u00a0<\/em>London: J.J. and P. Knapton et al., 1732. pp. 290-322.<\/strong><\/p>\n\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--label-3\">The Treaty of K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck Kaynarca (1774)<\/a>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--icon-3\"><i>Expand<\/i><\/a>\n<strong>Treaty of Peace (K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck Kaynarca), 1774<br \/>\n<\/strong><em>Count Peter Rumyantsev; Musul Zade Mehmed Pasha<\/em><strong><br \/>\n<\/strong>\n<hr \/>\n1. Public Treaty\n<p>ART. I. From the present time all the hostilities and enmities which have hitherto prevailed shall cease for ever, and all hostile acts and enterprises committed on either side, whether by force of arms or in any other manner, shall be buried in an eternal oblivion, without vengeance being taken for them in any way whatever; but, on the contrary, there shall always be a perpetual, constant, and inviolable peace, as well by sea as by land. In like manner there shall be cultivated between the two High Contracting Parties, Her Majesty the Empress of all the Russias and His Highness, their succes\u00adsors and heirs, as well as between the two empires, their states, territories, subjects, and inhabitants, a sincere union and a perpetual and inviolable friendship, with a careful accomplishment and maintenance of these Articles; so that neither of the two parties shall, in future, undertake with respect to the other any hostile act or design whatsoever, either secretly or openly. And in consequence of the renewal of so sincere a friendship, the two Contracting Parties grant respectively an amnesty and general pardon to all such of their subjects, without distinction, who may have been guilty of any crime against one or other of the two Parties; delivering and setting at liberty those who are in the gallies or in prison; permitting all banished persons or exiles to return home, and promising to restore to them, after the peace, all the honours and property which they before enjoyed, and not to subject them, nor allow others to subject them, with impunity, to any insult, loss, or injury under any pretext whatso\u00adever; but that each and every of them may live under the safeguard and protection of the laws and customs of his native country in the same manner as his native fellow countrymen.<\/p>\n<p>II.\u00a0If, after the conclusion of the Treaty and the exchange of the ratifications, any subjects of the two Empires, having committed any capital offence, or having been guilty of disobedience or of treason, should endeavour to conceal themselves, or seek an asylum in the territories of one of the two Powers, they must not be received or sheltered there under any pretext, but must be immediately delivered up, or at least expelled, from the States of the Power whither they had escaped, in order that, on account of such criminals, there should not arise any coolness or useless dispute between the two Empires, with the exception, however, of those who, in the Empire of Russia, shall have embraced the Christian religion, and, in the Ottoman Empire, the Mahometan religion. In like manner, should any subjects of the two Empires, whether Christians or Mahometans, having committed any crime or offence, or for any reason whatsoever, pass from one Empire into the other, they shall be immediately delivered up, so soon as a requisition to that effect is made.<\/p>\n<p>III. All the Tartar peoples &#8211; those of the Crimea, of the Budjiac, of the Kuban, the Edissans, Geambouiluks and Editschkuls\u00ad shall, without any exception, be acknowl\u00adedged by the two Empires as free nations, and entirely independent of every foreign Power, governed by their own Sovereign, of the race of Ghengis Khan, elected and raised to the throne by all the Tartar peo\u00adples; which Sovereign shall govern them according to their ancient laws and usages, being responsible to no foreign Power whatsoever; \u00a0for which reason, neither the Court of Russia nor the Ottoman Porte shall in\u00adterfere, under any pretext whatever, with the election of the said Khan, or in the domestic, political, civil and internal affairs of the same; but, on the contrary, they shall acknowledge and consider the said Tartar nation, in its political and civil state, upon the same footing as the other Powers who are governed by themselves, and are de\u00ad pendent upon God alone. As to the cere\u00admonies of religion, as the Tartars profess the same faith as the Mahometans, they shall regulate themselves, with respect to His Highness, in his capacity of Grand Caliph of Mahometanism, according to the precepts prescribed to them by their law, without compromising, nevertheless, the stability of their political and civil liberty. Russia leaves to this Tartar nation, with the exception of the fortresses of Kertsch and Jenicale (with their districts and ports, which Russia retains for herself), all the towns, fortresses, dwellings, territories, and ports which it has conquered in Crimea and in Kuban; the country situated between the rivers Berda, Konskie, Vodi, and the Dnieper, as well as all that situated as far as the frontier of Poland between the Boug and the Dniester, excepting the fortress of Oczakow, with its ancient territory, which shall belong, as heretofore. to the Sublime Porte, and it promises to withdraw its troops from their possessions immediately after the conclusion and exchange of the Treaty of Peace. The Sublime Ottoman Porte engages, in like manner, on its part, to abandon all right whatsoever which it might have over the fortresses, towns, habitations, &amp;c., in Crimea, in Kuban, and in the island [sic] of Taman; to maintain in those places no garrison nor other armed forces, ceding these States to the Tartars in the same manner as the Court of Russia has done, that is to say, in full power and in absolute and independent sovereignty. In like manner the Sublime Porte engages, in the most solemn manner, and promises neither to introduce nor maintain, in future, any garrison or armed forces whatsoever in the above-mentioned towns, fortresses, lands, and habitations, nor, in the interior of those States, any intendant or military agent, of whatsoever denomination, but to leave all the Tartars in the same perfect liberty and independence in which the Empire of Russia leaves them.<\/p>\n<p>IV.\u00a0It is conformable to the natural right of every Power to make, in its own country, such dispositions as it may consider to be expedient: in consequence whereof, there is respectively reserved to the two Empires a perfect and unrestricted liberty of constructing anew in their respective States, and within their frontiers, in such localities as shall be deemed advisable, every kind of fortresses, towns, habitations, edifices, and dwellings, as well as of repairing and rebuilding the old fortresses, towns, habitations, &amp;c.<\/p>\n<p>V. After the conclusion of this happy peace, and the renewal of a sincere and neighbourly friendship, the Imperial Court of Russia shall always have, henceforth, at the Sublime Porte, a Minister of the second rank, that is to say, an Envoy or Minister Plenipotentiary; the Sublime Porte shall show to him, in his official character, all the attentions and respect which are observed towards the Ministers of the most distin\u00adguished Powers; and upon all public occa\u00adsions the said Minister shall immediately follow the Emperor&#8217;s Minister, if he be of the same rank as the latter; but if he be of a different rank, that is to say, either su\u00adperior or inferior, then the Russian Minister shall immediately follow the Ambassador of Holland, and, in his absence, that of Venice.<\/p>\n<p>VI. If any individual in the actual service of the Russian Minister during his stay at the Sublime Porte, having been guilty of theft or having committed any crime or act liable to punishment, should, for the purpose of escaping the penalty of the law, become Turk; although he cannot be prevented from so doing, yet after he has un\u00addergone the punishment be deserves, all the articles stolen shall be restored\u00a0<em>in toto<\/em>, according to the specification of the Minister. But those who, being intoxicated, might be desirous of adopting the turban, must not be allowed so to do until after their fit of drunkenness is over, and they have come to their right senses; and even then, their final declaration shall not be taken, unless in the presence of an interpreter sent by the Min\u00adister, and of some Musslman free from the suspicion of partiality.<\/p>\n<p>VII. The Sublime Porte promises to protect constantly the Christian religion and its churches, and it also allows the Ministers of the Imperial Court of Russia to make, upon all occasions, representations, as well in favour of the new church at Constantinople, of which mention will be made in Article XIV, as on behalf of its officiat\u00ading ministers, promising to take such representations into due consideration, as being made by a confidential functionary of a neighbouring and sincerely friendly Power.<\/p>\n<p>VIII. The subjects of the Russian Em\u00adpire, as well laymen as ecclesiastics, shall have full liberty and permission to visit the holy city of Jerusalem, and other places deserving of attention. No<em>\u00a0charatsch\u00a0<\/em>[ie.,\u00a0<em>hara\u00e7<\/em>\u00a0or military-exemption tax], con\u00adtribution, duty, or other tax, shall be exacted from those pilgrims and travellers by any one whomsoever, either at Jerusalem or elsewhere, or on the road; but they shall be provided with such passports and firmans as are given to the subjects of the other friendly Powers. During their sojourn in the Ottoman Empire, they shall not suffer the least wrong or injury; but, on the con\u00adtrary, shall be under the strictest protection of the laws.<\/p>\n<p>IX. The interpreters attached to the Russian Ministers resident at Constanti\u00adnople, of whatever nation they may be, being employed upon State affairs, and consequently in the service of both Empires, must be regarded and treated with every degree of kindness; and they shall be subjected to no ill-treatment on account of the business with which they may be entrusted by their principals.<\/p>\n<p>X. If between the signing of these Articles of Peace and the orders which shall thereupon be dispatched by the Command\u00aders of the two respective armies, an engage\u00adment should anywhere take place, neither party shall be offended thereat, nor shall it be productive of any consequences, every acquisition made thereby being restored, and no advantage shall accrue therefrom to one party or the other.<\/p>\n<p>XI. For the convenience and advantage of the two Empires, there shall be a free and unimpeded navigation for the merchantships belonging to the two Contracting Powers, in all the seas which wash their shores; the Sublime Porte grants to Russian merchant-vessels, namely, such as are universally employed by the other Powers for commerce and in the ports, a free passage from the Black Sea into the White Sea, and reciprocally from the White Sea into the Black Sea, as also the power of entering all the ports and harbours situated either on the sea-coasts, or in the passages and channels which join those seas. In like manner, the Sublime Porte allows Russian subjects to trade in its States by land as well as by water and upon the Danube in their ships, in conformity with what has been specified above in this Article, with all the same privileges and ad\u00ad vantages as are enjoyed in its States by the most friendly nations, whom the Sublime Porte favours most in trade, such as the French and the English; and the capitula\u00adtions of those two nations and others shall, just as if they were here inserted word for word, serve as a rule, under all circum\u00ad stances and in every place, for whatever concerns commerce as well as Russian merchants, who upon paying the same duties may import and export all kinds of goods, and disembark their merchandize at every port and harbour as well upon the Black as upon the other Seas, Constantinople being expressly included in the number.<\/p>\n<p>While granting in the above manner to the respective subjects the freedom of commerce and navigation upon all waters with\u00ad out exception, the two Empires, at the same time, allow merchants to stop within their territories for as long a time as their affairs require, and promise them the same security and liberty as are enjoyed by the subjects of other friendly Courts. And in order to be consistent throughout, the Sublime Porte also allows the residence of Consuls and Vice-Consuls in every place where the Court of Russia may consider it expedient to establish them, and they shall be treated upon a perfect footing of equality with the Consuls of the other friendly Powers. It permits them to have interpreters called Baratli, that is, those who have patents, providing them with Imperial patents, and causing them to enjoy the same prerogatives as those in the service of the said French, English, and other nations. Similarly, Russia permits the subjects of the Sublime Porte to trade in its dominions, by sea and by land, with the same prerogatives and advantages as are enjoyed by the most friendly nations, and upon paying the accustomed duties. In case of accident happening to the vessels, the two Empires are bound respectively to render them the same assistance as is given in similar cases to other friendly nations; and all necessary things shall be furnished to them at the ordinary prices.<\/p>\n<p>XII. When the Imperial Court of Russia shall have the intention of making any Commercial Treaty with the regencies of Africa, as Tripoli, Tunis, and Algiers, the Sublime Porte engages to employ its power and influence in order to accomplish the views of the above-named Court in this respect, and to guarantee, as regards those regencies, all the conditions which shall have been stipulated in those Treaties.<\/p>\n<p>XIII. The Sublime [Porte] promises to employ the sacred title of the Empress of all the Russias in all public acts and letters, as well as in all other cases, in the Turkish language, that is to say, &#8220;Temamen Roussielerin Padischag.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>XIV. After the manner of the other Powers, permission is given to the High Court of Russia, in addition to the chapel built in the Minister&#8217;s residence, to erect in one of the quarters of Galata, in the street called Bey Oglu, a public church of the Greek ritual, which shall always be under the protection of the Ministers of that Empire, and secure from all Coercion and outrage.<\/p>\n<p>XV. Although, according to the manner in which the boundaries of the two Contracting Powers are arranged, there is every reason to hope that the respective subjects shall no longer find any occasion for serious differences and disputes amongst them\u00ad selves, nevertheless, at all events to guard against whatever might occasion a coolness or cause a misunderstanding, the two Empires mutually agree that all such cases of disagreement shall be investigated by the Governors and Commanders of the frontiers, or by Commissioners appointed for that purpose, who shall be bound, after making the necessary inquiries, to render justice where it is due, without the least loss of time: with the express condition that events of this nature shall never serve as a pretext for the slightest alteration in the friendship and good feeling re-established by this Treaty.<\/p>\n<p>XVI. The Empire of Russia restores to the Sublime Porte the whole of Bessarabia, with the cities of Ackermann, Kilija, Ismail, together with the towns and villages, and all contained in that Province; in like manner it restores to it the fortress of Bender. Similarly the Empire of Russia restores to the Sublime Porte the two Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia, together with all the fortresses, cities, towns, villages, and all which they contain, and the Sublime Porte receives them upon the following conditions, solemnly promising to keep them religiously:<\/p>\n<blockquote>1.\u00a0To observe, with respect to all the in\u00ad habitants of these Principalities, of what\u00ad ever rank, dignity, state, calling, and extraction they may be, without the least exception, the absolute amnesty and eternal oblivion stipulated in Article I of the Treaty, in favour of all those who shall have actually committed any crime, or who shall have been suspected of having had the intention of doing injury to the interests of the Sublime Porte, re-establishing them in their former dignities, ranks, and possessions, and restoring to them the property which they were in the enjoyment of previously to the present war.<br \/>\n2. To obstruct in no manner whatsoever the free exercise of the Christian religion, and to interpose no obstacle to the erection of new churches and to the repairing of the old ones, as has been done heretofore.<br \/>\n3. To restore to the convents and to other individuals the lands and possessions formerly belonging to them, which have been taken from them contrary to all justice, and which are situated in the environs of Brahilow, Choczim, Bender, &amp;c., now called Rai.<br \/>\n4. To entertain for ecclesiastics the particular respect due to their calling.<br \/>\n5. To grant to families who shall be desirous to quit their country in order to establish themselves elsewhere, a free egress with all their property; and in order that such families may duly arrange their affairs, to allow them the term of one year for this free emigration from their country, reckon ing from the day on which the present Treaty shall be exchanged.<br \/>\n6. Not to demand or exact any payment for old accounts, of whatever nature they may be.<br \/>\n7. Not to require from these people any contribution or payment for all the time of the duration of the war; and even, on ac\u00ad count of the devastations to which they have been exposed, to relieve them from all taxes for the space of two years, reckoning, from the day on which the present Treaty shall be exchanged.<br \/>\n8. At the expiration of the above-mentioned term, the Porte promises to treat them with all possible humanity and generosity in the monetary taxes which it shall impose upon them, and to receive them by means of deputies, who shall be sent to it every two years; and after the payment of these taxes, no Bacha, Governor, nor \u00a0any other person whatsoever shall molest them, or exact from them any other payments or taxes of what description soever, but they shall possess all the advantages which they enjoyed during the reign of the late Sultan.<br \/>\n9. The Porte allows each of the Princes of these two States to have accredited to it a Charg\u00e9 d&#8217;Affaires, selected from among the Christians of the Greek communion, who shall watch over the affairs of the said Principalities, be treated with kindness by the Porte, and who, not withstanding their comparative want of importance, shall be considered as persons who enjoy the rights of nations, that is to say, who are protected from every kind of violence.<br \/>\n10. The Porte likewise permits that, according as the circumstances of these two Principalities may require, the Ministers of the Imperial Court of Russia resident at Constantinople may remonstrate in their favour; and promises to listen to them with all the attention which is due to friendly and respected Powers.<\/blockquote>\n<p>XVII. The Empire of Russia restores to the Sublime Porte all the islands of the Archipelago which are under its dependence; and the Sublime Porte, on its part, promises:<\/p>\n<blockquote>1.\u00a0To observe religiously, with respect to the inhabitants of these islands, the conditions stipulated in Article I concerning the general amnesty and the eternal oblivion of all crimes whatsoever, committed or suspected to have been committed to the prejudice of the interests of the Sublime Porte.<br \/>\n2. That the Christian religion shall not be exposed to the least oppression any more than its churches, and that no obstacle shall be opposed to the erection or repair of them; and also that the officiating ministers shall neither be oppressed nor insulted.<br \/>\n3. That there shall not be exacted from these islands any payment of the annual taxes to which they were subjected, namely, since the time that they have been under the dependence of the Empire of Russia; and that, moreover, in consideration of the great losses which they have suffered during the war, they shall be exempt from any taxes for two years more, reckoning from the time of their restoration to the Sublime Porte.<br \/>\n4.\u00a0 To permit the families who might wish to quit their country, and establish them\u00ad selves elsewhere, free egress with their property; and in order that such families may arrange their affairs with all due convenience, the term of one year is allowed them for this free emigration, reckoning from the day of the exchange of the present Treaty.<br \/>\n5. In case of the Russian fleet, at the time of its departure, which must take place within three months, reckoning from the day on which the present Treaty is exchanged, should be in need of anything, the Sublime Porte promises to provide it, as far as possible with all that may be necessary.<\/blockquote>\n<p>XVIII. The Castle of Kinburn, situated at the mouth of the Dnieper, with a proportionate district along the left bank of the Dnieper, and the corner which forms the desert between the Bug and the Dnieper,remains under the full, perpetual, and incontestable dominion of the Empire of Russia.<\/p>\n<p>XIX. The fortresses of Jenicale and Kertsch situated in the peninsula of Crimea, with their ports and all therein contained, and moreover with their districts, commencing from the Black Sea, and following the ancient frontier of Kertsch as far as the place called Bugak, and from Bugak ascending in a direct line as far as the Sea of Azow, shall remain under the full, perpetual, and incontestable dominion of the Empire of Russia.<\/p>\n<p>XX. The city of Azow, with its district, and the boundaries laid down in the Conventions made in 1700, that is to say in 1113 between the Governor Tolstoi and Hassan Bacha, Governor of Atschug, shall belong in perpetuity to the Empire of Russia.<\/p>\n<p>XXI. The two Cabardes, namely, the Great and Little, on account of their proximity to the Tartars, are more nearly connected with the Khans of Crimea; for which reason it must remain with the Khan of Crimea to consent, in concert with his Council and the ancients of the Tatar nation, to these countries becoming subject to the Imperial Court of Russia.<\/p>\n<p>XXII. The two Empires have agreed to annihilate and leave in an eternal oblivion all the Treaties and Conventions heretofore made between the Two States, including therein the Convention of Belgrade, with all those subsequent to it; and never to put forth any claim grounded upon the said Conventions, excepting, however, the one made in 1700 between Governor Tolstoi and Hassan Bacha, Governor of Atschug, the subject of the boundaries of the district of Azow and of the line of demarcation of the frontier of Kuban, which shall remain invariably such as it has heretofore been.<\/p>\n<p>XXIII. The fortresses which are standing in a part of Georgia and of Mingrelia, as Bagdadgick, Kutatis, and Scheherban, conquered by the Russian arms, shall be considered by Russia as belonging to those whom they were formerly dependent; so that if, in ancient times, or for a very long period, they have act ally been under the dominion of the Sublime Porte, they shall be considered as belonging to it; and after the exchange of the present Treaty the Russian troops shall, at the time agreed upon, quit the said Provinces of Geo g1a and Mingrelia. On its part, the Sublime Porte engages, conformably to the contents of the present Article, to grant a general amnesty to all those in the said countries who, in the course of the present war, shall have offended it in any manner whatsoever. It renounces solemnly and for ever to exact tributes of children, male and female, and every other kind of tax. It engages to consider such of these people only as its subjects as shall have belonged to it from all antiquity; to leave and restore all the castles and fortified places which have been under the dominion of the Georgians and Mingrelians, to their own exclusive custody and government; as also not to molest in any manner the religion, monasteries, and churches; not to hinder the repairing of dilapidated ones, nor the building of new ones; and it promises that these people shall not be oppressed on the part of theGovernor of Tschildirsk, and other chiefs and officers, by exactions which despoil them of their property. But as the said people are subjects of the Sublime Porte, Russia must not, in future, intermeddle in any manner in their affairs, nor molest them in any way.<\/p>\n<p>XXIV. Immediately upon the signing and confirmation of these Articles, all the Russian troops which are in Bulgaria on the right bank of the Danube shall withdraw, and within one month, reckoning from the day of the signature, they shall cross to the other side of the river. When all the troops shall have passed the Danube, the castle of Hirsow shall be delivered up to the Turks, the said castle being evacuated to them when all the Russian troops shall have completely passed over to the left bank of that river. After which, the evacuation of Wallachia and Bessarabia shall be effected simultaneously, the term of two months being allowed for that operation. After all the Russian troops shall have quitted these two Provinces, the fortresses of Giurgewo and afterwards Brahilow on the one side (of the river), and on the other, the town of Ismail and the fortresses of Kilia and Akkerman, shall be delivered up to the Turkish troops, from all which places the Russian garrisons shall withdraw for the purpose of following the other troops, so that for the complete evacuation of the said Provinces the term of three months shall be assigned. Lastly, the Imperial troops of Russia shall, two months afterwards, withdraw from Moldavia, and shall pass over to the left bank of the Dniester; thus, the evacuation of all the aforesaid countries shall be effected within five months, reckoning from the above\u00ad mentioned signing of the Treaty of Perpetual Peace between the two contracting Empires. When all the Russian troops shall have passed to the left bank of the Dniester, the fortresses of Chotzum and of Bender shall be given up to the Turkish troops; upon this condition, however, that the castle of Kinburn with the district belonging to it, and the desert situated between the Dnieper and the Boug, shall have been already restored in full, perpetual and incontestable sovereignty to the Empire of \u00a0Russia, conformably to Article XVIII of the Treaty of Perpetual Peace between the two Empires.<\/p>\n<p>As to the islands of the Archipelago, they shall be left, as heretofore, under the legitimate dominion of the Ottoman Porte, by the fleet and the Imperial troops of Russia, as soon as the arrangements and peculiar necessities of the fleet shall permit, with regard to which it is not possible to assign here the precise time. And the Sublime Porte, in order to accelerate as much as possible the departure of the said fleet, already engages, as a friendly Power, to furnish it, as far as it can, with every necessary of which it may be in need. During the stay of the Imperial troops of Russia in the Provinces to be restored to the Sublime Porte, the government and police shall remain there in the same vigour as at present and since the conquest, and the Porte must take no part whatever therein, during the whole of this time, nor until the entire withdrawal of all the troops. Up to the last day of their quitting these countries, the Russian troops shall be provided with all necessaries, as well provisions as other articles, in the same manner as they have hitherto been furnished with them.<\/p>\n<p>The troops of the Sublime Porte must not enter the fortresses which shall be restored to it, nor shall that Power commence to exercise its authority in the countries which shall be given up to it, until at each place or country which shall have been evacuated by the Russian troops, the Commander of those troops shall have given notice thereof to the officer appointed for that purpose on the part of the Ottoman Porte. The Russian troops may, at their pleasure, empty their magazines of ammunition and provisions which are in the fortresses, towns and wherever else they may be, and they shall leave nothing in the fortresses restored to the Sublime Porte but such Turkish artillery as is actually found there. The inhabitants in all the countries restored to the Sublime Porte, of whatever state and condition they may be, and who are in the Imperial service of Russia, have the liberty, besides the term allowed of one year, as assigned in the Articles XVI and XVII of the Treaty of Peace, of quitting the country and withdrawing with their families and property in the rear of the Russian troops; and conformably to the above-mentioned Articles, the Sublime Porte engages not to oppose their departure, neither then nor during the entire term of one year.<\/p>\n<p>XXV. All the prisoners of war and slaves in the two Empires, men and women, of whatever rank and dignity they may be, with the exception of those who, in the Empire of Russia shall have voluntarily quitted Mahometanism in order to embrace the Christian religion, or in the Ottoman Empire shall have voluntarily abandoned Christianity in order to embrace the Mahometan faith, shall be, immediately after the exchange of the ratifications of this Treaty, and without any excuse whatever, be [sic] set at liberty on either side, and restored and delivered up without ransom or redemption money; in like manner, all the Christians fallen into slavery, such as Poles, Moldavians, Wallachians, Peloponnesians, inhabitants of the islands, and Georgians, all, without the least exception, must be set at liberty without ransom or redemption money. Similarly all Russian subjects who, since the conclusion of this happy peace, shall by any accident have fallen into slavery, and who shall be found in the Ottoman Empire, must be set at liberty and restored in like manner; all which the Empire of Russia promises also to observe, on its part, towards the Ottoman Porte and its subjects.<\/p>\n<p>XXVI.\u00a0After having received in Crimea and in Oczakow intelligence of the signature of these Articles, the Commander of the Russian army in Crimea, and the Governor of Oczakow must immediately communicate with each on the subject, and within two months after the signing of the Treaty send, respectively, persons duly ac\u00ad credited for effecting, on the one hand, the cession, and on the other the taking possession, of the Castle of Kinburn, with the desert, as stipulated in Article XVIII above; and this the said Commissioners must absolutely effect within two months from the day of their meeting, in order that within four months, or even sooner, reckoning from the signing of the Treaty, the whole of this business be accomplished, and immediately after the said execution thereof, notice of the same shall be given to their Excellencies the Field-Marshal and the Grand Vizier.<\/p>\n<p>XXVII. But in order that the present peace and sincere friendship between the two Empires be so much the more strongly and authentically sealed and confirmed, there shall be sent on both sides solemn and extraordinary Embassies with the Imperial ratifications signed, confirmatory of the Treaty of Peace, at such time as shall be agreed upon by both the High Contracting Parties. The Ambassadors shall be met on the frontiers in the same manner, and they shall be received and treated with the same honours and ceremonies as are observed in the respective Embassies between the Ottoman Porte and the most respectable Powers. And as a testimonial of friend\u00ad ship, there shall be mutually sent through the medium of the said Ambassadors presents which shall be proportionate to the dignity of their Imperial Majesties.<\/p>\n<p>And as the negotiation and accomplishment of this peace have been confided by the Sovereigns of the respective Empires to the care of the Commanders-in-chief of their armies, namely, the Field-Marshal Count Pierre de Roumanzow, and the Grand Vizier of the Sublime Porte, Mousson Zade Mechmet Bacha, the said Field\u00ad Marshal and Grand Vizier must, by virtue of the full power given to each of them by their Sovereigns, confirm all the said Articles of the perpetual peace as they are here\u00ad in expressed, and with the same force as if they had been drawn up in their presence, sign them with the seal of their coat-of arms, observe and faithfully and inviolably accomplish all that has been there stipulated and promised, do nothing, nor suffer anything whatsoever to be done in contravention of the said Treaty, and the copies, in every respect similar to the present one, signed by them, and having their seals attached, on the part of the Grand Vizier in the Turkish and Italian language, and on the part of the Field-Marshal in Russian and Italian, as well as the full-powers to them given by their Sovereigns, shall be respectively exchanged by the same persons above-mentioned, who have been sent, on the part of the Sublime Porte, to the Field\u00ad Marshal, \u00a0within five days without fail reckoning from the day of the signing of the present Treaty, and sooner if it be possible it being, from this present time, determined that they shall receive the said copies from the Field-Marshal as soon as they shall have notified that those of the Grand Vizier have reached them &#8230;.<\/p>\n2. Separate Articles\n<p>ART. I. Although it is indicated in Article XVII of the Treaty of Peace signed today, that in three months the Imperial Russian fleet will evacuate the islands of the archipelago, in Article XXIV of the same Treaty it is explained that, taking such a distance into consideration, it is not possible to specify how much time may be necessary; we have agreed to hold ourselves to the latter Article. Accordingly, we repeat that the said Imperial Russian fleet, will evacuate the archipelago as soon as Possible, without setting a time limit and to facilitate the evacuation, the sublime Porte will provide [the Imperial Russian fleet] with all that it needs for its voyage, insofar as that depends upon [the Sublime Porte].<\/p>\n<p>This separate Article will receive the same confirmation as the entire Treaty, and we shall give it the same force and validity as if it had been inscribed word for word in the Treaty executed today, in the faith of which we have signed it in our own hand and sealed it with our seals&#8230;.<\/p>\n<p>ART. II. It is regulated and established by this separate Article that the Sublime Porte will pay the sum of 15,000 purses or 7.5 million piasters, which in Russian money equals 4.5 million rubles, to the Russian Empire in three periods, for the expenses of the war. The first payment will fall due on 1\/12 January 1775; the second payment, on 1\/12 January 1776; the third payment, on 1\/12 January 1777. Each payment of 5,000 purses will be made by the Sublime Porte to the Russian Minister accredited to the said Sublime Porte; and if the Court of Russia should wish some other assurance beyond that, the Ottoman Porte solemnly obligates itself to satisfy [Russia] on that score. This separate Article will be confirmed, together with the entire Treaty signed today and we shall give 1t the same force and validity as if it had been inscribed word for word in the Treaty concluded today between the two respective Empires; in the faith of which we have signed it with our hand and sealed it with our seals&#8230;.<\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<p><strong>Great Britain,\u00a0<em>Parliamentary Papers,<\/em>\u00a0<em>1854<\/em>, vol. 72, pp. 171-79.<\/strong><\/p>\n<h2>\n\t\tRussia\n\t<\/h2>\n\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--label-0\">The Gorchakov Memorandum (1864)<\/a>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--icon-0\"><i>Expand<\/i><\/a>\n<strong>The Gorchakov Memoradum, 1864<br \/>\n<\/strong><em>Alexander Mikhailovich, Prince Gorchakov<\/em><strong><br \/>\n<\/strong>\n<hr \/>\n<p>In 1864 Russia began actively moving its imperial boundary east of the Caspian into the Kazakh steppe and the khanates of Kokand, Khiva and Bukhara, collectively known to the Russians as Turkestan. Although the advance was partly motivated by Russia\u2019s strategic rivalry with Great Britain in Central Asia, the so-called \u201cGreat Game\u201d, there were other factors at work. In addition to opening badly-needed markets to Russian goods and access to new sources of cotton following the supply disruptions of the American Civil War, the conquest of Turkestan was seen as a means of recouping Russian military prestige following the disaster of the Crimea and of countering British strength elsewhere by placing the tsar\u2019s armies in a position to menace the Achilles\u2019 heel of its rival\u2019s rich Indian possessions.<\/p>\n<p>Following a failed attempt in July of that year, Russian troops succeeded in capturing the oasis town of Shymkent (Tchemkend), expelling the Kokandians and occupying it in September. Anticipating the outcry, particularly from Britain, which would accompany any further advances into Central Asia, Prince A.M. Gorchakov, the Russian Imperial Chancellor and Foreign Minister, prepared an official explanation for the diplomatic corps to provide foreign governments which he hoped would allay European fears and suspicions. In a memorandum dated 14 November intended to clarify Russia\u2019s policy and circulated via its embassies, Gorchakov justified the succession of conquests by citing the need to protect its borders against lawless tribesmen in \u201cthe interests of humanity and civilisation.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Gorchakov explained the idea behind his country\u2019s imperial advance into Central Asia in terms that many of his European counterparts would have found difficult to dispute, likening the Russian \u2018dilemma\u2019 of advancing until it could establish secure frontiers, and the need for final extension to be based on fertile land suitable for colonisation in order to counter strong states such as Kokand, to those of other empires, namely Britain, France, Holland and the United States. Like them, Russia had been \u201cirresistibly forced, less by ambition than by imperious necessity, into this onward march, where the greatest difficulty is to know when to stop.\u201d The memorandum\u2019s comparison of Russia\u2019s situation with that of the Western countries reflected the belief that Russian policies were consistent with those of other colonial powers, and was skilfully designed to make it difficult for them to protest its actions by equating its position in Central Asia to theirs in their own extensive overseas territories.<\/p>\n<p>In spite of these justifications, Gorchakov averred that Russia\u2019s advance into Central Asia would be limited. The memorandum relied on a distinction between \u201ccivilised states\u201d and \u201chalf-savage, nomadic populations who possess no fixed social organisation.\u201d In such cases, according to Gorchakov, \u201cthe more civilised state is forced, in the interests of security and commerce, to exercise a certain ascendancy over those whose turbulent and unsettled character makes them most undesirable neighbours.\u201d He presents this boundary concept as vindicating further expansion of empire in Turkestan while appearing to accord respect to state boundaries upon which the European international system rested, discriminating the \u201cunstable communities\u201d of nomad tribes from the \u201cagricultural and commercial populations attached to the soil\u201d of the Central Asian khanates, who, in spite of their \u201cbackward civilisation\u201d and \u201cthe instability of their political condition\u201d:<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>\u201c\u2026 possessing a more advanced social organisation, offer us every chance of gaining neighbours with whom there is a possibility of entering into relations. Consequently, our frontier line ought to swallow up the former, and stop short at the limit of the latter.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>He went on to promise that once Russia had reached what is now approximately the southern border of modern Kazakhstan, between Ysyk K\u00f6l and the Syr Darya, its frontier would be fixed in order to avoid \u201cthe danger of being carried away, as is almost inevitable, by a series of repressive measures and reprisals, into an unlimited extension of territory.\u201d Accordingly, the Russian Empire would only expand to wherever it met a government able to impose order on a settled population and willing to maintain commercial relations, absorbing areas and peoples lacking \u201csome organised form of society and a Government to direct and represent it,\u201d but not those who \u201caccept that peaceful and commercial relations with her are more profitable than disorder, pillage, reprisals, and a permanent state of war.\u201d Gorchakov expressly identifies the former as an essential criterion for civilisation, stating that \u201cno agent has been found more apt for the progress of civilisation than commercial relations.\u201d Their development, however, \u201crequires everywhere order and stability,\u201d which would only follow \u201ca complete transformation of the habits of the people\u201d \u2013 to be imposed by Russian arms.<\/p>\n<p>As a statement of intent and summary of the Russian view of the peoples of Turkestan, the memorandum is a significant document, supplying not only the motive and legal basis of Russia\u2019s Central Asian policy \u2013 although Khiva and Bukhara were subsequently absorbed, contrary to Gorchakov\u2019s promises, they remained nominally independent as Russian protectorates until Bolshevik annexation in 1920 \u2013 but also the \u00a0moral rationale for intervention, in its interpretation of a tsarist \u2018civilising mission\u2019 not dissimilar from those in circulation in Western colonial discourse at the time. With its parallels to the imperial experience elsewhere, the imposition of highly subjective concepts such as order, commerce and civilisation, filtered through an industrial European lens, onto Central Asian khanates belonging to a much different civilisation and political tradition, presents another example of the difference between modern and early modern conceptions of empire.<\/p>\n<h3><strong>The Gorchakov Memorandum of 1864<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p>(Circular.) \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0 St Petersburg: November 21, 1864<\/p>\n<p>The Russian newspapers have given an account of the last military operations executed by a detachment of our troops in the regions of Central Asia with remarkable success and important results. It was to be foreseen that these events would the more attract the attention of the foreign public that their scene was laid in scarcely known countries.<\/p>\n<p>Our august Master has commanded me to state to you briefly, but with clearness and precision, the position in which we find ourselves in Central Asia, the interests which inspire us in those countries, and the end which we have in view.<\/p>\n<p>The position of Russia in Central Asia is that of all civilised States which are brought into contact with half-savage nomad populations, possessing no fixed social organisation.<\/p>\n<p>In such cases it always happens that the more civilised State is found, in the interest of the security of its frontier and its commercial relations, to exercise a certain ascendancy over those whom their turbulent and unsettled character make most undesirable neighbours. First, there are raids and acts of pillage to be put down. To put a stop to them, the tribes on the frontier have to be reduced to a state of more or less perfect submission. This result once attained, these tribes take to more peaceful habits, but are in their turn exposed to the attacks of the more distant tribes.<\/p>\n<p>The State is bound to defend them against these depredations, and to punish those who commit them. Hence the necessity of distant, costly, and periodically recurring expeditions against an enemy whom his social organisation makes it impossible to seize. If, the robbers once punished, the expedition is withdrawn, the lesson is soon forgotten; its withdrawal is put down to weakness. It is a peculiarity of Asiatics to respect nothing but visible and palpable force; the moral force of reason and of the interests of civilisation has as yet no hold upon them. The work has then always to be done over again from the beginning.<\/p>\n<p>In order to put a stop to this state of permanent disorder, fortified posts are established in the midst of these hostile tribes, and an influence is brought to bear upon them which reduces them by degrees to a state of more or less forced submission. But soon beyond this second line other still more distant tribes come in their turn to threaten the same dangers and necessitate the same measures of repression. The State thus finds itself forced to choose one of two alternatives, either to give up this endless labour and to abandon its frontier to perpetual disturbance, rendering all prosperity, all security, all civilisation an impossibility, or, on the other hand, to plunge deeper and deeper into barbarous countries, where the difficulties and expenses increase with every step in advance.<\/p>\n<p>Such has been the fate of every country which has found itself in a similar position. The United States of America, France in Algeria, Holland in her Colonies, England in India \u2013 all have been irresistibly forced, less by ambition than by imperious necessity, into this onward march, where the greatest difficulty is to know when to stop.<\/p>\n<p>Such, too, have been the reasons which have led the Imperial Government to take up at first a position resting on one side on the Syr-Daria, on the other on the Lake Issyk-Kaul, and to strengthen these two lines by advanced forts, which, little by little, have crept on into the heart of those distant regions, without however succeeding in establishing on the other side of our frontiers that tranquillity which is indispensable for their security.<\/p>\n<p>The explanation of this unsettled state of things is to be found, first, in the fact that, between the extreme points of this double line, there is an immense unoccupied space, where all attempts at colonisation or caravan trade are paralysed by the inroads of the robber tribes; and, in the second place, in the perpetual fluctuations of the political condition of those countries, where Turkistan and Khokand, sometimes united, sometimes at variance, always at war, either with one another or with Bokhara, presented no chance of settled relations or of any regular transactions whatever.<\/p>\n<p>The Imperial Government thus found itself, in spite of all its efforts, in the dilemma we have above alluded to, that is to say, compelled either to permit the continuance of a state of permanent disorder, paralysing to all security and progress, or to condemn itself to costly and distant expeditions, leading to no practical result, and with the work always to be done anew; or, lastly, to enter upon the undefined path of conquest and annexation which has given to England the Empire of India, by attempting the subjugation by armed force, one after another, of the small independent States whose habits of pillage and turbulence and whose perpetual revolts leave their neighbours neither peace nor repose.<\/p>\n<p>Neither of these alternative courses was in accordance with the object of our august Master\u2019s policy, which consists, not in extending beyond all reasonable bounds the regions under his sceptre, but in giving a solid basis to his rule, in guaranteeing their security, and in developing their social organisation, their commerce, their well-being, and their civilisation.<\/p>\n<p>Our task was, therefore, to discover a system adapted to the attainment of this three-fold object.<\/p>\n<p>The following principles have, in consequence, been laid down:\u2013<\/p>\n<p>1. It has been judged to be indispensable that our two fortified frontier lines \u2013 one extending from China to the Lake Issyk-Kaul, the other from the Sea of Aral along the Syr-Daria \u2013 should be united by fortified points, so that all our posts should be in a position of mutual support, leaving no gap through which the nomad tribes might make with impunity their inroads and depredations.<\/p>\n<p>2. It was essential that the line of our advanced forts thus completed should be situated in a country fertile enough, not only to insure their supplies, but also to facilitate the regular colonisation, which alone can prepare a future of stability and prosperity for the occupied country, by gaining over the neighbouring populations to civilised life.<\/p>\n<p>3. And, lastly, it was urgent to lay down this line definitively, so as to escape the danger of being carried away, as is almost inevitable, by a series of repressive measures and reprisals, into an unlimited extension of territory.<\/p>\n<p>To attain this end a system had to be established, which should depend not only on reason, which may be elastic, but on geographical and political conditions, which are fixed and permanent.<\/p>\n<p>This system was suggested to us by a very simple fact, the result of long experience, namely, that the nomad tribes, which can neither be seized nor punished, nor effectually kept in order, are our most inconvenient neighbours; while, on the other hand, agricultural and commercial populations attached to the soil, and possessing a more advanced social organisation, offer us every chance of gaining neighbours with whom there is a possibility of entering into relations.<\/p>\n<p>Consequently, our frontier line ought to swallow up the former, and stop short at the limit of the latter.<\/p>\n<p>These three principles supply a clear, natural, and logical explanation of our last military operations in Central Asia. In fact, our original frontier line, extending along the Syr-Daria to Fort Perovsky on one side, and on the other to the Lake Issyk-Kaul, had the drawback of being almost on the verge of the desert. It was broken by a wide gap between the two extreme points: it did not offer sufficient resources to our troops, and left unsettled tribes over the border, with which any settled arrangement became impossible.<\/p>\n<p>In spite of our unwillingness to extend our frontier, these motives had been powerful enough to induce the Imperial Government to establish this line between Lake Issyk-Kaul and the Syr-Daria, by fortifying the town of Tchemkend, lately occupied by us. By the adoption of this line we obtain a double result. In the first place, the country it takes in is fertile, well wooded, and watered by numerous watercourses; it is partly inhabited by various Kirghiz tribes, which have already accepted our rule; it consequently offers favourable conditions for colonisation and the supply of provisions to our garrisons. In the second place, it puts us in the immediate neighbourhood of the agricultural and commercial populations of Khokand. We find ourselves in presence of a more solid and compact, less unsettled, and better organised social state; fixing for us with geographical precision the limit up to which we are bound to advance, and at which we must halt, because, while on the one hand any further extension of our rule, meeting, as it would, no longer with unstable communities, such as the nomad tribes, but with more regularly constituted States, would entail considerable exertions, and would draw us on from annexation to annexation with unforeseen complications; on the other, with such States for our future neighbours, their backward civilisation, and the instability of their political condition, do not shut us out from the hope that the day may come when regular relations may, to the advantage of both parties, take the place of the permanent troubles which have up to the present moment paralysed all progress in those countries.<\/p>\n<p>Such, sir, are the interests which inspire the policy of our august Master in Central Asia: such is the object, by his Imperial Majesty\u2019s orders, of the action of his Cabinet.<\/p>\n<p>You are requested to take these arguments as your guide in any explanations you may give to the Government to which you are accredited, in case questions are asked or you may see credence given to erroneous ideas as to our action in these distant parts.<\/p>\n<p>It is needless for me to lay stress upon the interests which Russia evidently has not to increase her territory, and, above all, to avoid raising complications on her frontiers, which can but delay and paralyse her domestic development.<\/p>\n<p>The programme which I have just traced is in accordance with these views.<\/p>\n<p>Very frequently of late years the civilisation of these countries, which are her neighbours on the continent of Asia, has been assigned to Russia as her special mission.<\/p>\n<p>No agent has been found more apt for the progress of civilisation than commercial relations. Their development requires everywhere order and stability; but in Asia it demands a complete transformation of the habits of the people. The first thing to be taught to the populations of Asia is that they will gain more in favouring and protecting the caravan trade than in robbing them. These elementary ideas can only be accepted by the public where one exists; that is to say, where there is some organised form of society and a Government to direct and represent it.<\/p>\n<p>We are accomplishing the first part of our task in carrying our frontier to the limit where the indispensable conditions are to be found.<\/p>\n<p>The second we shall accomplish in making every effort henceforward to prove to our neighbouring States, by a system of firmness in the repression of their misdeeds, combined with moderation and justice in the use of our strength, and respect for their independence, that Russia is not their enemy, that she entertains towards them no ideas of conquest, and that peaceful and commercial relations with her are more profitable than disorder, pillage, reprisals, and a permanent state of war.<\/p>\n<p>The Imperial Cabinet, in assuming this task, takes as its guide the interests of Russia. But it believes that, at the same time, it is promoting the interests of humanity and civilisation. It has a right to expect that the line of conduct it pursues and the principles which guide it will meet with a just and candid appreciation.<\/p>\n<p>(Signed) Gorchakov.<\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<p><strong>Causes of the Afghan War: Being a Selection of Papers Laid Before Parliament with a Connecting Narrative and Comment. London : Chatto &amp; Windus, 1879. pp. 222-227.<\/strong><\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<p><em>Annotated by Daniel Lee<\/em><\/p>\n<h2>\n\t\tMuhgals\n\t<\/h2>\n\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--label-0\">The Tarikh-I Sher Shahi (1580)<\/a>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--icon-0\"><i>Expand<\/i><\/a>\n<strong>Tarikh-I Sher Shahi\u00a0by Abbas Khan Sarwani, 1580<br \/>\n<\/strong><em>Abbas Khan Sarwani<\/em><strong><br \/>\n<\/strong>\n<hr \/>\n<p>During the second half of the sixteenth century, the Mughal emperor Akbar commissioned the\u00a0<em>Tarikh-I Sher Shahi<\/em>\u00a0(history of the reign of Sher Shah) to be written. Interested in the history of administrative apparatuses during the reign of Afghan empire builder Farid Khan or Sher Shah (r.1540 \u2013 1545), Akbar commanded Abbas Khan, an Afghan newswrite (<em>waqia-navis<\/em>) in his employ, to complete this work. The author of this source claims to have been related to the family of Sher Shah by marriage. This allegedly gave him an access to authentic information concerning the aspects of Sher Shah\u2019s administration. The author also interviewed those who were contemporary to Sher Shah or had witnessed some important events. According to the editor, John Dowson, the work is \u201ca biography, not a history.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Although this source is in the form of a biography, it contains valuable historical information on political developments and state formation in northern India during the first half of the sixteenth century. The fluid political situation of this period, which witnessed the political transition from the Afghans to the Mughals, offered excellent opportunities to the sturdy warlords who staked claims at forming their own kingdoms. One of these warlords, Farid Khan succeeded in concentrating the resources and power, recruited militia, expanded his sphere of influence and eventually ousted the Mughals to form his own empire. Farid Khan achieved this by his political ingenuity and administrative skills that he learnt while managing his father\u2019s\u00a0<em>jagir<\/em>\u00a0(revenue bearing land) in southern Bihar.<\/p>\n<p>This is a valuable source for the South Asian history. The politically unsettled conditions of the first half of the sixteenth century remind of the similar circumstances in the first half of the eighteenth century. The region that had given rise to Sher Shah once again harbored many warlords cum state-builders who were accumulating more wealth and power. Taking cue from these warlords and after an initial foray into<em>\u00a0zamindari<\/em>, the EIC expanded militarily and politically and formed its own Indian empire.<\/p>\n<h3><strong>T\u00e1r\u00edkh-i Sher Sh\u00e1h\u00ed; or, Tuhfat-i Akbar Sh\u00e1h\u00ed, of &#8216;Abb\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n Sarw\u00e1n\u00ed<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p>[Praise of God and the Prophet.]<\/p>\n<p><sup>1<\/sup>The First Chapter contains the history of the reign of Sher Sh\u00e1h S\u00far. The Second relates the history of the reign of Isl\u00e1m Sh\u00e1h, son of Sher Sh\u00e1h S\u00far. The Third Chapter concerns the history of the princes who were descended from Sher Sh\u00e1h, and who, subsequent to Isl\u00e1m Kh\u00e1n, laid claim to the sovereignty, and struck coin and read the\u00a0<em>khutba<\/em>\u00a0in their own names; and who dethroned the son of Islam Sh\u00e1h.<\/p>\n<p>I, the humble sweeper of the threshold of the dweller in the palace the Second Alexander, the author of the history of the reigns of the Afgh\u00e1ns\u2014&#8217;Abb\u00e1s, son of Shaikh &#8216;Al\u00ed Sarw\u00e1n\u00ed\u2014 write by order of the Emperor Akbar.<\/p>\n<strong>CHAPTER I.<\/strong>\n<em>Account of the reign of Sher Sh\u00e1h S\u00far.<\/em>\n<p>I derive my information from trustworthy Afgh\u00e1ns, skilled in the science of history and in rhetoric, who accompanied the king from the beginning of his fortunes to the end of his reign, and were employed in his confidential service. I have written also what I have well ascertained from others. Whatever was opposed to the information thus acquired, and could not stand the touchstone of truth, I have rejected.<\/p>\n<p>When Sult\u00e1n Bahlol, of the family of S\u00e1h\u00fa-khail, of the tribe of Lodi Afgh\u00e1n, possessed the throne of Dehl\u00ed, there were many persons in the various kingdoms of Hind who struck coin, and had the\u00a0<em>khutba<\/em>\u00a0read in their own names, and who were hostile to him.<\/p>\n<p>Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad bin Sult\u00e1n Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm Shark\u00ed possessed the throne of Jaunp\u00far, Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad Khilj\u00ed reigned in M\u00e1lw\u00e1, Sult\u00e1n Kutbu-d d\u00edn in Gujar\u00e1t, Sult\u00e1n &#8216;Al\u00e1u-d d\u00edn Ahmad Sh\u00e1h in the Dekhin, and Sult\u00e1n Zainu-l &#8216;\u00e1bid\u00edn in Kashm\u00edr; but the names of the rulers of Bengal<sup>2<\/sup>\u00a0and Tatta are not known to me. The ruler of Mult\u00e1n was Shaikh Y\u00fasuf, the spiritual successor of Shaikh Makhd\u00fam Bah\u00e1u-d d\u00edn Zakariy\u00e1 Kuraish\u00ed. As long as Sult\u00e1n Bahlol remained within the great city of Dehl\u00ed, the capital, no one of these Sult\u00e1ns placed the foot of presumption in the plain of opposition.<\/p>\n<p>R\u00e1\u00ed S\u00edhar Lang\u00e1h, Zam\u00ednd\u00e1r of Z\u00e1b\u00edr\u00ed,<sup>3<\/sup>\u00a0having expelled Shaikh Y\u00fasuf from the city of Mult\u00e1n, himself assumed the kingdom, with the title of Sult\u00e1n Kutbu-d d\u00edn. Shaikh Y\u00fasuf came to Dehl\u00ed and entreated the Sult\u00e1n&#8217;s aid. Sult\u00e1n Bahlol and his veteran army having accordingly set out for Mult\u00e1n, in company with Shaikh Y\u00fasuf, Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad of Jaunp\u00far came to Dehl\u00ed and besieged it.<\/p>\n<p>Sult\u00e1n Bahlol was at D\u00edp\u00e1lp\u00far when he heard the distressing intelligence of the siege of Dehl\u00ed, and he said to his nobles and ministers: \u201cThe countries of Hind are broad and rich, and their kings are of Indian extraction. In my own land I have many kinsmen renowned for their valour and strength, who are pressed for a livelihood. Were they here they would be relieved from the contempt of poverty, and I could grasp Hind and destroy my enemies.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>His chiefs replied: \u201c*** It is expedient under present cir\u00adcumstances that His Majesty the Sult\u00e1n should send letters to the chiefs of the tribes in the Roh country to this effect: \u2018God in his goodness has granted the kingdom of Dehl\u00ed to the Afgh\u00e1ns, but the other kings of Hind wish to expel them from the country. The honour of our women is concerned; the lands of Hind are broad and rich, and can afford mainten\u00adance to many. Come, then, to this country; the name indeed of sovereignty shall remain with me, but whatever countries we may conquer shall be shared between us as brothers. Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad of Jaunp\u00far is now besieging Dehl\u00ed, where the families of the Afgh\u00e1ns are. If you feel disposed to assist me, you must do so now, and with a large force.\u2019\u201d ** The king, approving of this advice, issued\u00a0<em>farm\u00e1ns<\/em>\u00a0to the chiefs of the various Afgh\u00e1n tribes. On receipt of the\u00a0<em>farm\u00e1ns<\/em>, the Afgh\u00e1ns of Roh came, as is their wont, like ants and locusts, to enter the king&#8217;s service.<\/p>\n<p>When they drew near to Dehl\u00ed, a force was sent by Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad Shark\u00ed to give them battle. Fath Kh\u00e1n Hiraw\u00ed, Sipah-s\u00e1l\u00e1r of Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad, had with him a large force, and elephants like mountains; but the Afgh\u00e1ns, in a moment, overthrew his army and levelled it with the dust. When Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad heard of the death of Fath Kh\u00e1n, he fled without fighting, and of the countries of Hind a considerable portion fell on this occasion into the possession of Sult\u00e1n Bahlol.<\/p>\n<p>K\u00e1l\u00fa Kh\u00e1n, chief of the Mahm\u00fad-khail, of the family of S\u00e1h\u00fa-khail Bahlol\u00ed, was wounded in the engagement above mentioned, and Sult\u00e1n Bahlol sent him a present of money by way of recompense; but he refused it, saying, \u201cI did not come here to sell my wounds.\u201d At the same time, many of the chiefs of name besought the king for leave to depart. The king entreated them to remain, but they said:\u2014\u201cWe came on this occasion to succour and assist you, to save the reputation and honour of your women. Dismiss us now we entreat of you, here\u00adafter we will again return to your service.\u201d The king loaded them with presents of money and goods of all kinds, beyond their utmost expectations, and provided them with everything they could possibly want. Such Afgh\u00e1ns as chose to remain in his service he ennobled, and gave them\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edrs<\/em>\u00a0to their full content. K\u00e1l\u00fa Kh\u00e1n, however, said:\u2014\u201cYour Majesty must excuse my declining to accept anything, as I did not come to this country from any worldly motives.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>When the chiefs of the tribes of Roh had gone, the king com\u00admanded his nobles, saying:\u2014\u201cEvery Afgh\u00e1n who comes to Hind from the country of Roh to enter my service, bring him to me. I will give him a\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edr<\/em>\u00a0more than proportioned to his deserts, and such as shall content him; but if he for reasons of kindred or friendship prefers remaining in the service of any one of you, do you provide for him to his satisfaction; for if I hear of one Afgh\u00e1n from Roh returning thither again for want of a livelihood or employment, I will resume the\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edrs<\/em>\u00a0of that noble who may have refused to entertain him.\u201d When the Afgh\u00e1ns of Roh heard of this, and saw the favour and affection of the king towards them, they began every day, every month, and every year, to arrive in Hind, and received\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edrs<\/em>\u00a0to their heart&#8217;s content.<\/p>\n<p>It was at the time of this bounty of Sult\u00e1n Bahlol, that the grandfather of Sher Sh\u00e1h, by name Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm Kh\u00e1n S\u00far,<sup>4<\/sup> with his son Hasan Kh\u00e1n, the father of Sher Sh\u00e1h, came to Hindu-st\u00e1n from Afgh\u00e1nist\u00e1n, from a place which is called in the Afgh\u00e1n tongue \u201cShargar\u00ed,\u201d<sup>5<\/sup>\u00a0but in the Mult\u00e1n tongue \u201cRohr\u00ed.\u201d It is a ridge, a spur of the Sulaim\u00e1n Mountains, about six or seven\u00a0<em>kos<\/em>\u00a0in length, situated on the banks of the Gumal. They entered into the service of Muhabbat Kh\u00e1n S\u00far, D\u00e1\u00fad S\u00e1h\u00fa-khail, to whom Sult\u00e1n Bahlol had given in\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edr<\/em>\u00a0the\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>\u00a0of Hari\u00e1na and Bahk\u00e1la, etc., in the Panj\u00e1b, and they settled in the\u00a0<em>pargana<\/em>\u00a0of Bajw\u00e1ra.<\/p>\n<p>Sher Sh\u00e1h was born in the reign of Sult\u00e1n Bahlol, and they named him Far\u00edd Kh\u00e1n.<sup>6<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>After some time had elapsed, Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm Kh\u00e1n left Muhabbat Kh\u00e1n, and entered the service of Jam\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n S\u00e1rang-kh\u00e1ni, of His\u00e1r-F\u00edrozah, who bestowed on him several villages in\u00a0<em>pargana<\/em>\u00a0N\u00e1rnaul for the maintenance of forty horsemen. And M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan Kh\u00e1n, the father of Far\u00edd Kh\u00e1n, entered the service of Masnad-i &#8216;\u00e1l\u00ed &#8216;Umar Kh\u00e1n Sarw\u00e1n\u00ed Kalkap\u00far, who bore the title of Kh\u00e1n-i &#8216;azam, and was a counsellor and courtier of Sult\u00e1n Bahlol. After the death of Masnad-i &#8216;\u00e1l\u00ed T\u00e1t\u00e1r Kh\u00e1n, Bahlol gave (the government of) L\u00e1hore to this &#8216;Umar Kh\u00e1n, who held as\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edrs<\/em>, in the\u00a0<em>sirk\u00e1r<\/em>\u00a0of Sirhind, Bhatn\u00far, Sh\u00e1h\u00e1b\u00e1d, and P\u00e1elp\u00far; and &#8216;Umar Kh\u00e1n gave several villages in the\u00a0<em>pargana<\/em>\u00a0of Sh\u00e1h\u00e1b\u00e1d as a\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edr<\/em>\u00a0to Hasan Kh\u00e1n.<\/p>\n<p>After some time, Far\u00edd Kh\u00e1n said to his father Hasan Kh\u00e1n, \u201cTake me before Masnad-i &#8216;\u00e1l\u00ed &#8216;Umar Kh\u00e1n, and say for me: \u2018Far\u00edd Kh\u00e1n wishes to serve you\u2014order him on any duty of which he is capable.\u2019\u201d Hasan Kh\u00e1n declined compliance on ac\u00adcount of his tender age, recommending him to wait some time longer. Far\u00edd Kh\u00e1n then spoke to his mother, and his mother said to Hasan Kh\u00e1n\u2014\u201cSince he desires to see the Masnad-i &#8216;\u00e1l\u00ed, take him with you\u2014perhaps he may be pleased at the request of so young a boy, and give him something\u201d Hasan Kh\u00e1n, to please Far\u00edd and his mother, took him with him before Masnad-i &#8216;\u00e1l\u00ed &#8216;Umar Kh\u00e1n, and said:\u2014\u201cFar\u00edd wishes to serve you.\u201d &#8216;Umar Kh\u00e1n replied\u2014\u201cFar\u00edd is now a little boy; when he is fit for my service I will employ him. For the present I give him Balh\u00fa, a hamlet of the village of Mah\u00e1wal\u00ed.\u201d<sup>7<\/sup> Hasan Kh\u00e1n and Far\u00edd Kh\u00e1n were exceedingly delighted, and when Far\u00edd got home he said to his mother\u2014\u201cMy father would not take me but at your request, and Masnad-i &#8216;\u00e1l\u00ed has given me a village in\u00a0<em>pargana<\/em>\u00a0Sh\u00e1h\u00e1b\u00e1d.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Several years after this, Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm Kh\u00e1n, the father of Hasan Kh\u00e1n, died at N\u00e1rnaul. Hasan Kh\u00e1n, when he heard of his father&#8217;s death, left Sh\u00e1h\u00e1b\u00e1d, and coming before &#8216;Umar Kh\u00e1n, who was with Sult\u00e1n Bahlol&#8217;s army, requested leave of absence to condole with the members of his father&#8217;s family and retainers, saying he would return with them, for that he would not quit &#8216;Umar Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s service for any worldly advancement. &#8216;Umar Kh\u00e1n replied: \u201cYou are aware that I have already given you your share of the\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edrs<\/em>\u00a0which I possess, nor can I entertain more men. Your father&#8217;s retainers now all look to you. You will be able to obtain you father&#8217;s\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edr<\/em>, or even a larger one than your father&#8217;s was. I am not so unjust to my own tribe as to keep you on a small\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edr<\/em>.\u201d Such were the Afgh\u00e1n nobles, and such their favour towards their own race and kindred, that if they saw their Afgh\u00e1ns could elsewhere obtain more than they themselves were able to give, they at once sent them with recommendations in search of better employment.<\/p>\n<p>Hasan Kh\u00e1n was well pleased, and the next day Masnad-i &#8216;\u00e1l\u00ed sent for Jam\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n, and strongly recommending Hasan Kh\u00e1n to him, persuaded him to bestow on him his father&#8217;s\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edr<\/em>, with several villages in addition to it, and said, \u201cWhatever kindness you show to Hasan Kh\u00e1n, you will be doing a favour to me.\u201d Then giving Hasan Kh\u00e1n a horse and a dress of honour, he dis\u00admissed him. After this, Hasan Kh\u00e1n did such service for Jam\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n as satisfied and pleased him.<\/p>\n<p>After Sult\u00e1n Bahlol&#8217;s death, Sikandar his son succeeded, and conquered Jaunp\u00far from his brother Baibak, and conferred the\u00a0<em>s\u00fabah<\/em>\u00a0on Jam\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n, and ordered him to keep up 12,000 horse, and to assign them\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edrs<\/em>. Jam\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n, who was much pleased with Hasan Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s good service, took him with him, and gave him in\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edr<\/em>\u00a0the\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em> of Sahsar\u00e1m, H\u00e1j\u00edp\u00far, and T\u00e1nda,<sup>8<\/sup>\u00a0near Benares, to maintain 500 horsemen.<\/p>\n<p>Hasan Kh\u00e1n had eight sons. Far\u00edd Kh\u00e1n and Niz\u00e1m Kh\u00e1n were born of one Afgh\u00e1n mother; &#8216;Al\u00ed and Y\u00fasuf of another mother; Khurram<sup>9<\/sup>\u00a0and Sh\u00e1d\u00ed Kh\u00e1n of a third; Sulaim\u00e1n and Ahmad of a fourth.<\/p>\n<p>Hasan Kh\u00e1n did not care for or love the mother of Far\u00edd and Niz\u00e1m, but was very fond of his slave-girls, and was especially attached to the mother of Sulaim\u00e1n and Ahmad; and she gained such influence over Hasan Kh\u00e1n, that she entirely ruled him. Angry words often passed between Hasan and Far\u00edd. When he was assigned\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edrs<\/em>, M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan showed little partiality to Far\u00edd, and did not give him a\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edr<\/em>\u00a0which contented him. Far\u00edd Kh\u00e1n, annoyed with his father, went to Jam\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n at Jaunp\u00far. When M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan discovered that Far\u00edd had gone there, he wrote to Jam\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n thus: \u201cFar\u00edd Kh\u00e1n, being an\u00adnoyed with me, has gone to you without sufficient cause. I trust in your kindness to appease him, and send him back; but if refusing to listen to you, he will not return, I trust you will keep him with you, for I wish him to be instructed in religious and polite learning.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Jam\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n sent for Far\u00edd, and advised him in every possible way to return to his father; but he refused, and said, \u201cIf my father wants me back to instruct me in learning, there are in this city many learned men: I will study here.\u201d Jam\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n made no further objection. Far\u00edd employed himself in studying Arabic at Jaunp\u00far. He also studied thoroughly the\u00a0<em>K\u00e1f\u00ed\u00e1<\/em>,<sup>10<\/sup>\u00a0with the commentaries of K\u00e1z\u00ed Shah\u00e1bu-d d\u00edn, and the biogra\u00adphies of most of the kings of ancient times. He had got by heart the\u00a0<em>Sikandar-n\u00e1ma<\/em>, the\u00a0<em>Gulist\u00e1n<\/em>, and\u00a0<em>Bost\u00e1n<\/em>, etc., and was also reading the works of the philosophers. Subsequently, whenever, during his reign, learned men came to ask him for a maintenance (<em>madad-ma&#8217;\u00e1sh<\/em>), he used to ask them about the\u00a0<em>H\u00e1shia-i Hindia<\/em>, and he still retained his liking for books of history and the lives of ancient kings.<\/p>\n<p>It happened after some years, that Hasan Kh\u00e1n came to Jam\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n, when all his kinsmen who were in Jaunp\u00far reproached him for having sent Far\u00edd away from his presence for the sake of a slave-girl; and they remarked that Far\u00edd Kh\u00e1n, young as he was, gave promise of future greatness; that he bore the marks of excellence on his forehead, and that in all the tribe of S\u00far there was none who possessed learning, talent, wisdom, and prudence like him; and he had qualified himself so well, that if Hasan Kh\u00e1n would entrust him with the charge of a\u00a0<em>pargana<\/em>, he would discharge it excellently well, and perfectly perform all his duties. Hasan Kh\u00e1n assented to what his kindred said, and replied, \u201cPacify him and bring him to me; I will agree to whatever you say.\u201d His friends replied, \u201cAs you are generally in Jaunp\u00far in attendance on Jam\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n, it is advisable you should entrust the administration of your two\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>\u00a0to Far\u00edd.\u201d Hasan Kh\u00e1n agreed to his kinsmen&#8217;s request. In great glee they came to Far\u00edd, and said, \u201cM\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan has agreed to everything we have said in your behalf, and has dissented from nothing. It behoves you also to assent to what we say to you.\u201d Far\u00edd Kh\u00e1n replied, \u201cI will agree to anything you may say, nor will I ever draw back from it; but as soon as Hasan Kh\u00e1n sees the face of the slave-girl, he will do whatever she tells him.\u201d His kinsmen rejoined: \u201cDo you nevertheless agree; if he departs from his agreement with us, we will remonstrate with him.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>When Far\u00edd heard these words of his kinsmen, he said, \u201cTo please you I accept the management of the two districts. I will not fail to do my duty to the best of my power.\u201d Far\u00edd Kh\u00e1n, much pleased, accompanied his relatives to his father&#8217;s presence. His father also was much gratified, and kept him for some months with him. Afterwards, Hasan Kh\u00e1n wished to send Far\u00edd to the\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>; but Far\u00edd representing to Hasan Kh\u00e1n that he wished first to speak with him, he obtained leave to do so, and thus began: \u201cMany soldiers and subordinates, our kins\u00admen, have\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edrs<\/em>\u00a0in these\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>. I shall devote myself to increase the prosperity of the district, and that depends on a just administration; for it has been said by the learned:\u201d *** When Hasan Kh\u00e1n heard his son&#8217;s speech he was much gratified, and said:\u2014\u201cI will give you the power both to grant and to resume the soldier&#8217;s\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edrs<\/em>, and I will not reverse anything you may do.\u201d He accordingly sent Far\u00edd Kh\u00e1n to his two\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>, with every mark of favour.<\/p>\n<p>When he got to his\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edrs<\/em>, he said:\u2014\u201cLet all the head men, (<em>mukaddam\u00e1n<\/em>) and the cultivators (<em>muz\u00e1r\u00ed&#8217;\u00e1n<\/em>) on whose labour the prosperity of the district depends, and all the village ac\u00adcountants (<em>patw\u00e1r\u00eds<\/em>), attend my presence. When they came, he summoned also the soldiery, and thus addressed them:\u2014\u201cMy father (<em>ab\u00fa<\/em>) has committed to me the power of appointing and dismissing you. I have set my heart on improving the pro\u00adsperity of the district, in which object also your own interests are concerned; and by this means I hope to establish my reputation.\u201d *** When he had finished exhorting the soldiery, he turned to the peasantry, and said:\u2014\u201cThis day I give you your choice as to your mode of payment. Do whatever is most advantageous to your own interests in every possible way.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Some of the head-men asked for written agreements for a fixed money rent;<sup>11<\/sup>\u00a0others preferred payment in kind (<em>kismat-\u00ed ghalla<\/em>). Accordingly he gave leases and took agreements, and fixed the payments for measuring the fields (<em>jar\u00edb\u00e1na<\/em>), and the fees for the tax-collectors and measurers (<em>muhassil\u00e1na<\/em>); and he said to the\u00a0<em>Chaudharis<\/em>\u00a0and head-men:\u2014\u201cI know well that the cultivation depends on the humble peasants, for if they be ill off they will produce nothing, but if prosperous they will produce much. I know the oppressions and exactions of which you have been guilty towards the cultivators; and for this reason I have fixed the pay\u00adments for measurements, and the tax-gatherers&#8217; fees,\u2014that if you exact from the cultivators more on this account than is fixed, it may not be credited to you in making up your accounts. Be it known to you, that I will take the accounts of the fees in my own presence. Whatever dues are rightly taken I will sanction, and compel the cultivators to pay them; and I will also collect the Government dues for the autumn harvest in the autumn, and for the spring harvest in the spring; for balances of Government dues are the ruin of a\u00a0<em>pargana<\/em>, and the cause of quarrels between the cultivators and the Government officers. It is right for a ruler to show leniency to the cultivators at the period of measurement, and to have a regard to the actual produce; but when the time of payment comes he should show no leniency, but collect the revenue with all strictness. If he perceives the cultivators are evading payment, he should so chastise them as to be an example to others not to act in the same way.\u201d He then said to the peasantry:\u2014\u201cWhatever matter you have to represent, bring it always yourselves to me. I will suffer no one to oppress you.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Having thus addressed them, he dismissed them with hono\u00adrary dresses to carry on their cultivation. After dismissing the cultivators, he said to his father&#8217;s officers:\u2014\u201cThe cultivators are the source of prosperity. I have encouraged them and sent them away, and shall always watch over their condition, that no man may oppress and injure them; for if a ruler cannot protect humble peasantry from the lawless, it is tyranny to exact re\u00advenue from them. There are certain\u00a0<em>zam\u00ednd\u00e1rs<\/em>\u00a0who have been behaving contumaciously in these\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>, who have not pre\u00adsented themselves at the Governor&#8217;s court (<em>mahkama-i-h\u00e1kim<\/em>), do not pay their full revenue, and harass the villages in their neighbourhood\u2014how shall I overcome and destroy them?\u201d They replied:\u2014\u201cMost of the troops are with M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan; wait a few days and they will return.\u201d Far\u00edd said, \u201cI cannot have patience while they refuse to come to me, and continue to oppress and injure the people of God; do you consider what I can contrive against these rebels, and how I may chastise them.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>He ordered his father&#8217;s nobles to saddle 200 horses, and to see how many soldiers there were in the\u00a0<em>pargana<\/em>, and he sent for all the Afgh\u00e1ns and men of his tribe who were without\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edrs<\/em>, and said to them,\u2014\u201cI will give you subsistence and clothing till M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan returns. Whatever goods or money you may get from the plunder of these rebels is yours, nor will I ever require it of you; and whoever among you may distinguish himself, for him I will procure a good\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edr<\/em>\u00a0from M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan. I will my\u00adself give you horses to ride on.\u201d When they heard this they were much pleased, and said they would not fail in doing their duty under his auspices. He put the men who had engaged to serve him in good humour by all sorts of favours, and by gifts of clothes, etc., and presented them also with a little money.<\/p>\n<p>He then sent to the cultivators for horses, saying, \u201cBring your horses to me as a loan for a few days, as I particularly require them. When I return after finishing this business, I will give you back your horses.\u201d They willingly and cheerfully agreed to lend their horses, and from every village they brought one or two horses, and put on the saddles which they had ready in their houses, etc. Far\u00edd gave to every one of his soldiers who had not one of his own, a horse to ride, and hastened against the rebels, and plundered their villages, bringing away the women and children, cattle and property. To the soldiery he made over all the property and quadrupeds which came into their possession; but the women and children and the peasantry he kept himself in confinement, and sent to the head-men, say\u00ading:\u2014\u201cPay me my rights; if not, I will sell your wives and children, and will not suffer you to settle anywhere again. Wherever you may go, thither will I pursue you; and to what\u00adever village you may go, I will command the head men to seize and make you over to me, or else I will attack them also.\u201d When the head-men heard these words, they sent to say: \u201cPardon our past offences, and if hereafter we do anything you do not approve, punish us in any way you choose.\u201d Far\u00edd Kh\u00e1n sent to say in reply, \u201cGive security, in order that if you offend and abscond, your security may be held respon\u00adsible for your appearance.\u201d So the head-men, whose wives and families he had in confinement, paid what was due from them to Government, and gave security for their appearance, and so released their wives and families.<\/p>\n<p>There were some\u00a0<em>zam\u00ednd\u00e1rs<\/em>\u00a0who had committed all sorts of offences, such as theft and highway robbery, and refusing to pay revenue, never came to the Governor&#8217;s presence, but were insolent from confidence in their numbers. Although these were often warned, they took no heed. Far\u00edd Kh\u00e1n collected his forces, and commanded that every one of his villagers who had a horse should come riding upon it, and that he who had not a horse should come on foot. And he took with him half his own soldiers, and the other half he employed in collecting revenue and other local duties.<\/p>\n<p>When the soldiers and peasantry were assembled, he marched towards the villages of the recusants, and at a distance of a\u00a0<em>kos<\/em>\u00a0threw up an earthen entrenchment; and ordered them to cut down the neighbouring jungle. His horsemen he directed to patrol round the villages; to kill all the men they met, and to make prisoners of the women and children, to drive in the cattle, to permit no one to cultivate the fields, to destroy the crops already sown, and not to permit any one to bring anything in from the neighbouring parts, nor to allow any one of them to carry anything out of the village, and to watch them day and night; and he every day repeated the order to his force to invest the village, and not to permit a soul to go out. His footmen he also ordered to cut down the jungle. When the jungle was all cut down, he marched from his former position, and made another entrenchment nearer the village, and occupied it. The rebels were humbled, and sent a representative saying, that if Far\u00edd Kh\u00e1n would pardon their fault, they would submit. Far\u00edd Kh\u00e1n replied that he would not accept their submis\u00adsion, and that there could be nothing but hostility between him and them; to whichever God might please, he would give the victory.<\/p>\n<p>Although the rebels humbled themselves in every way, and offered to pay a large sum of money, yet Far\u00edd Kh\u00e1n would not accept the money, but said to his men:\u2014\u201cThis is the way of these rebels: first they fight and oppose their rulers; if they find him weak, they persist in their rebelliousness; but if they see that he is strong, they come to him deceitfully and humble themselves, and agree to pay a sum of money, and so they persuade their ruler to leave them alone; but as soon as they find an opportunity, they return to their evil ways. ***<\/p>\n<p>Early in the morning, Far\u00edd Kh\u00e1n mounted and attacked the criminal\u00a0<em>zam\u00ednd\u00e1rs<\/em>, and put all the rebels to death, and making all their women and children prisoners, ordered his men to sell them or keep them as slaves; and brought other people to the village and settled them there. When the other rebels heard of the death, imprisonment, and ruin of these, they listened to wisdom, repented of their contumacy, and abstained from theft and robbery.<\/p>\n<p>If any soldier or peasant had a complaint, Far\u00edd would examine it in person, and carefully investigate the cause, nor did he ever give way to carelessness or sloth.<\/p>\n<p>In a very short time, both\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>\u00a0became prosperous, and the soldiery and peasantry were alike contented. When M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan heard of this, he was much pleased; and in all companies used to make mention of the prosperity of his\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>, the gallantry of his son, and the subjection of the\u00a0<em>zam\u00ednd\u00e1rs<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>The fame of Far\u00edd&#8217;s wisdom was noised abroad over the king\u00addom of Bih\u00e1r, and all the nobles of that country who heard of it praised it. He gained a reputation among men, and satisfied and pleased all his friends and others, except a few enemies, such as the mother of Sulaim\u00e1n.<\/p>\n<p>When, after some time, M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan came to his home from attendance on Masnad-i &#8216;\u00e1l\u00ed M\u00ed\u00e1n Jam\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n, all the vassals and soldiery with one voice unanimously proclaimed their well\u00adbeing, and he witnessed himself the prosperity of the country and replenishment of the treasury, and was extremely delighted with Far\u00edd. The dislike which he formerly entertained was dispelled, and he distinguished both brothers with all kinds of favours. \u201cI am now old,\u201d he said, \u201cnor can I bear the labour and trouble and thought of governing the\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>\u00a0and the soldiery while I live; do you manage them.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>This speech displeased Sulaim\u00e1n and his mother, and they made all kinds of lying and false complaints to M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan, and the money which Far\u00edd had, for his sister&#8217;s wedding, given to Sulaim\u00e1n, they changed, and showed to M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan, declaring it was bad. Every day they complained and railed against Far\u00edd Kh\u00e1n, but M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan gave ear to none of them. Sulaim\u00e1n and his mother perceived that M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan was not incensed against Far\u00edd by their lying complaints, but said to them, \u201cIt is not right that you should always rail at Far\u00edd. Except you two, there is not a person among my friends, soldiers, or vassals, who complains of him; and I also am satisfied and grateful for his conduct and excellent behaviour, for both my\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>\u00a0are prosperous.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>When the mother of Sulaim\u00e1n heard M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan thus speak, she was overcome with grief, and discontinued complaining to M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan, but from that day seldom held any intercourse with M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan. She publicly displayed her grief, and the love and the intimacy which M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan had previously enjoyed with her were interrupted. M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan perceived her great affliction, and one day said to her, \u201cWhat is the cause of your grief? and what is the reason of your shunning me?\u201d She replied, \u201cI was once your humble slave, you distinguished me by your love and affection, and the rest of your family, from envy, are little affectionate towards me; nor yet, to the best of my ability, have I failed in my duty to them. He (Far\u00edd) is your eldest son, and looks to succeed to your posi\u00adtion, and if, during your life, you do not distinguish my sons as well as Far\u00edd, nor give them the management of a\u00a0<em>pargana<\/em>, I will in your presence kill myself and my sons; for in your lifetime they should acquire property. Far\u00edd and your kindred, who are my enemies, after your death will insult and turn us out of the\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>. Therefore, it is better for us to die in your presence, than to survive dishonoured among our enemies.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan, bound in the chain of her love, and helpless from the force of his affection (from which to the lover there is no escape), was persuaded by her, and withdrew his fickle affec\u00adtions from his eldest son, and sought to remove him from the country, and to place his other sons in his room. The mother of Sulaim\u00e1n said, \u201cI hope much from your love, but your relatives will not permit you to take away the management of the\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>\u00a0from Far\u00edd.\u201d M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan, who was entangled in the noose of her love, swore a solemn oath to her and appeased her.<\/p>\n<p>After this M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan sought to discover some fault in Far\u00edd, and to remove him, and employed himself in examining his actions. Excessive aversion was kindled and angry words passed between M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan and Far\u00edd. When Far\u00edd dis\u00adcovered that M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan had promised the mother of Sulaim\u00e1n that he would give the management of both\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>\u00a0to her sons, and had violated the promise which he had given to his kinsmen, Far\u00edd threw up the management of them, and sent to M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan, saying, \u201cSo long as I saw my father&#8217;s affections and kindness turned towards me, I carried on the business of the\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>\u2014now make anybody manager you like. Certain per\u00adsons from envy and enmity have conveyed to your hearing reports which have grieved you. My father, inquire into them, as I shall show you how.\u201d ***<\/p>\n<p>M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan sent to Far\u00edd in reply, saying, \u201cThere is no reason that I should make inquiries; for while I was even absent with the army, I understood the real state of the\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>, and that you doubled the prosperity of the country. And if you have appropriated anything, well and good. It is your own pro\u00adperty, and it is no reproach. *** Your degenerate brothers, Sulaim\u00e1n and the rest, give me daily annoyance. I do not think they are able to manage the country. However much I advise, it makes no impression on them: they have taken away my rest and peace, and their mother is interfering perpetually in my affairs on behalf of her sons. I am obliged to permit Sulaim\u00e1n and Ahmad to act for a short time as\u00a0<em>shikkd\u00e1rs<\/em>\u00a0of the\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>, that I may be freed from this daily and nightly vexation.\u201d When Far\u00edd heard these words from his father, he said, \u201cThe two\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>\u00a0are my father&#8217;s, let him give their management to whomsoever he will.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>When M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan&#8217;s relations heard that he had taken away the management of the two\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>\u00a0from Far\u00edd, and was in\u00adtending to confer it on Sulaim\u00e1n and Ahmad, and that Far\u00edd was preparing to go to \u00c1gra to gain his livelihood (for in those days \u00c1gra was the capital city), they came to M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan, and said:\u2014\u201cIt is not right for you to take away the management of the\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>\u00a0from this son, and give it to Sulaim\u00e1n and Ahmad; for Far\u00edd, by his care, has doubled their prosperity, and has so established his authority in them, as no one ever before did, nor has he committed any fault for which he ought to be removed. It is not right to quarrel with such an able son in your old age; especially in these times, when the authority of Sult\u00e1n Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm is shaken, and every Afgh\u00e1n of influence is aiming at power and independence.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan replied to his relatives, \u201cI know it is not right to grieve Far\u00edd; but what can I do? for Sulaim\u00e1n and his mother have driven me into a strait, nor do they give me a moment&#8217;s rest. *** I am an old man, the time of my death is near at hand. I cannot break my promise. I give the manage\u00adment of the\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>\u00a0to Sulaim\u00e1n and Ahmad during my life. If they govern well, so that the\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>\u00a0prosper, the people are happy and the soldiery content, well and good; for then during my lifetime they will acquire a good name. For thus Far\u00edd has gained a name among men, and has gladdened my heart. Wheresoever he may go, he will be able to gain his own livelihood. But if they prove unfit, they will (at any rate) be for some time during my life laying up worldly goods. Of this I am certain, that after my death the government of the\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>\u00a0will be conferred on Far\u00edd, who is deserving of it.\u201d ***<\/p>\n<p>When his kinsmen heard this reply of M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan, they said, \u201cYou send Far\u00edd away from you to please a slave-girl! It is wrong in these times to stir up strife for a slave-girl&#8217;s sake. For from the proceedings of the Loh\u00e1n\u00eds in Bih\u00e1r, it appears that they will shortly throw off the king&#8217;s yoke, and declare their independence. It has been said, \u2018it is wrong to place confidence in women,\u2019\u201d etc. *** But in spite of what his rela\u00adtives said, M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan, who was a captive in the bonds of his love for the slave-girl, did not assent to their representation.<\/p>\n<p>When Far\u00edd entertained no longer any hope from M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan, he took leave of his friends, and set off for \u00c1gra, by way of K\u00e1hnp\u00far (Cawnpore), which\u00a0<em>pargana<\/em>\u00a0then belonged to the\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edr<\/em>\u00a0of &#8216;Az\u00edm Hum\u00e1y\u00fan Sarw\u00e1n\u00ed, who there maintained a large number of followers. Most of the Sarw\u00e1n\u00eds were settled in that neighbourhood. When Far\u00edd reached K\u00e1hnp\u00far, the Sar-w\u00e1n\u00eds who were connected by marriage with M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan enter\u00adtained Far\u00edd. Among them, one Shaikh Isma&#8217;\u00edl was present. Far\u00edd asked who he was. The Sarw\u00e1n\u00eds at first said that he was a Sarw\u00e1n\u00ed; but afterwards that he was a S\u00far of Far\u00edd&#8217;s own tribe, but that his mother was a Sarw\u00e1n\u00ed. Far\u00edd said to him, \u201cWhy did you not tell me you were a S\u00far?\u201d Shaikh Isma&#8217;\u00edl said, \u201cI did not tell you that I was a Sarw\u00e1n\u00ed, but if they said so, what fault is it of mine?\u201d Far\u00edd said to Shaikh Isma&#8217;\u00edl, \u201cCome with me.\u201d Shaikh Isma&#8217;\u00edl and Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm both accompanied Far\u00edd, and in the battle in which Far\u00edd defeated Kutb Sh\u00e1h, King of Bengal, Isma&#8217;\u00edl greatly distin\u00adguished himself. Hab\u00edb Kh\u00e1n K\u00e1kar, who was his sister&#8217;s son and lived in his house, slew Kutb Sh\u00e1h with an arrow, and as Hab\u00edb Kh\u00e1n was a follower of Shaikh Isma&#8217;\u00edl, the latter got the credit of having killed Kutb Sh\u00e1h. On that occasion, Far\u00edd gained the surname of Sher Sh\u00e1h, and he bestowed that of Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n on Shaikh Isma&#8217;\u00edl. When Sher Sh\u00e1h S\u00far gained the kingdom of Hindust\u00e1n, he bestowed the government of Mand\u00fa on him, and gave to Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm Kh\u00e1n, who also at\u00adtained to great consideration, the title of Sarmast Kh\u00e1n.<\/p>\n<p>It so happened that when Far\u00edd arrived at \u00c1gra, Daulat Kh\u00e1n, the son of Budh\u00fa (who had been brought up in &#8216;Az\u00edm Hum\u00e1y\u00fan Sarw\u00e1n\u00ed&#8217;s house), held the command of 12,000 horse, and was in great favour with Sult\u00e1n Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm. Far\u00edd Kh\u00e1n chose Daulat Kh\u00e1n for his patron, and did him such good service that Daulat Kh\u00e1n often said: \u201cI am ashamed to look Far\u00edd Kh\u00e1n in the face; if he will only say what I can do for him, I will not fail to use my utmost endeavours to accomplish his desire, only let him say what he wants.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>When Far\u00edd understood that Daulat Kh\u00e1n took an interest in his affairs, he wrote saying, \u201cM\u00ed\u00e1n Kh\u00e1n is old, and his senses are failing him, and he is spell-bound and infatuated with a Hindu slave-girl. Whatever she tells him he does, and has permitted her to manage his districts, and she has trampled on all his relatives, and disgusted his soldiery and the people he rules. Both\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>\u00a0are falling to ruin from the folly of this slave-woman. If the king will confer on me the two\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>, I and my brother will, with 500 horse, serve him in any place or way he orders, in addition to the service M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan now renders. When Daulat Kh\u00e1n heard his request, he encouraged him in every possible way, and said, \u201cBe of good heart, for I will tell the king the truth about M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan, and will get the\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>\u00a0taken from your father and given to you.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Daulat Kh\u00e1n, on representing the state of M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan&#8217;s case to the king, said:\u2014\u201cFar\u00edd is the ablest of his sons, and has long managed the\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>. The soldiery and inhabitants are content with him. If the king will bestow on him the management of the two\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>, he and his brother will do whatever duty you may command with 500 horse.\u201d The king replied, \u201cHe is a bad man who complains against and accuses his own father.\u201d Daulat Kh\u00e1n informed Far\u00edd, and said:\u2014\u201cThis reply came from the king&#8217;s own mouth, but do not you be cast down. God willing, I will get for you the management of these two\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>, and will, moreover, watch over your interests.\u201d When Far\u00edd heard the matter, he was grieved, but to please Daulat Kh\u00e1n remained with him. He assisted Far\u00edd with money, and indeed gave him such a daily allowance as to enable him to accumulate somewhat.<\/p>\n<p>After some time M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan died. On the third day after his death Sulaim\u00e1n placed M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan&#8217;s turban on his own head, and was sitting among his friends when M\u00ed\u00e1n Niz\u00e1m came, accompanied by his partisans, and took the turban from off Sulaim\u00e1n&#8217;s head, saying, \u201cIt does not become you, in the absence of your elder brother, who is celebrated for every excellent quality, and is on service with the king, to place the turban of M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan on your own head. Have a fear of God! Have you no shame before the people of the Lord, that you thus act in contravention of law and custom, and create a cause of contention? During our father&#8217;s life you acted ungenerously to Far\u00edd through your mother&#8217;s influence; on my father&#8217;s account I could say nothing. Had it been otherwise, your strength and courage should have been tried; but now such conduct is no longer right. It behoves you to act to Far\u00edd in a very different manner from what you have in times past; and abandon strife, for it is not good to contend with your elder brother. M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan in his lifetime assigned separate\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edrs<\/em>\u00a0to his sons; be content with this, and resign your superiority; for it is your elder brother&#8217;s right. If you will not give up fighting, you will become dependent on others; nor will any one speak well of you. Contention will only get you a bad name and ruin the\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>.\u201d Sulaim\u00e1n said, \u201cIf my brother treats me with any kindness, I cannot choose but serve him.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>After this M\u00ed\u00e1n Niz\u00e1m wrote to Far\u00edd, telling him of the death of M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan, and of the whole affair. When Far\u00edd got the news, he performed the usual mourning, and told Daulat Kh\u00e1n the posture of affairs as regarded Sulaim\u00e1n. Daulat Kh\u00e1n said, \u201cDo not be anxious. Please God, the king will give you the government of the two\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>.\u201d Daulat Kh\u00e1n told the king the news of M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan&#8217;s death, and procuring\u00a0<em>farm\u00e1ns<\/em>\u00a0for the two\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>, gave them to Far\u00edd, and procured him also leave to go to his\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edr<\/em>, that he might establish his posses\u00adsion and authority over them, and console his family and followers; after which he was again to present himself before the king. When Far\u00edd arrived, all his relations and all the soldiery came out to meet him, and yielded obedience to the\u00a0<em>farm\u00e1n<\/em>. Sulaim\u00e1n, unable to oppose him, went away to Muhammad Kh\u00e1n S\u00far D\u00e1\u00fad-Sh\u00e1h-khail, governor of the\u00a0<em>pargana<\/em>\u00a0of Chaundh, etc., who commanded 1500 horse. As there had been some little ill-feeling between this Muhammad Kh\u00e1n and Hasan Kh\u00e1n, he desired nothing better than that the brothers should quarrel, and both become dependent on him. He said to Sulaim\u00e1n, \u201cHave patience for a short while, for Far\u00edd has got a royal\u00a0<em>farm\u00e1n<\/em>\u00a0for the government. But Sult\u00e1n Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm has maltreated the nobles of Sult\u00e1n Bahlol and Sult\u00e1n Sikandar, and they have all retired to their own districts, and remain there. And the Kh\u00e1n-kh\u00e1n\u00e1n Y\u00fasuf-khail, who was governor of the Panj\u00e1b, etc., has sent his son Dil\u00e1war Kh\u00e1n to K\u00e1bul, to fetch the Emperor B\u00e1bar, and he is now coming back with the Mughals. There will be war between the two monarchs. If Sult\u00e1n Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm prevails, you must go to him, and I will write to him on your behalf, and describe Far\u00edd as hostile to M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan, as well as yourself, and that M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan preferred you. Whatever as\u00adsistance your fortune gives you, you will get; and if the Mughals conquer, I will by force take the\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>\u00a0from Far\u00edd, and give them to you.\u201d Sulaim\u00e1n replied, \u201cI have taken refuge with you from fear of Far\u00edd. Because there is none like you in the tribe of S\u00far, I place myself in your hands.\u201d Shortly after Muhammad Kh\u00e1n sent his\u00a0<em>vak\u00edl<\/em>\u00a0to Far\u00edd with this message: \u201cListen to my advice, and have respect to my inter\u00adference. I come to mediate between you; whichever of you declines my mediation will bring shame on his kindred.\u201d Far\u00edd Kh\u00e1n wrote in reply, \u201cYou are, indeed, very great and powerful, and the D\u00e1\u00fad-Sh\u00e1h-khail is the most exalted among the tribes of S\u00far; the chieftaincy of the tribe is therefore yours of right. ** The truth is not hid from you, my lord; which is, that in my father&#8217;s lifetime he was always disputing with me. Even after his death, I offered to give my three brothers a larger\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edr<\/em>\u00a0than had been assigned to them during my father&#8217;s lifetime, and I said to Sulaim\u00e1n, \u2018Let us put aside the ill-feeling that existed between us during our father&#8217;s life, and let us pass the rest of our lives in amity and affection.\u2019 *** I send my brother Niz\u00e1m to bring him to me, and I will give him such a\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edr<\/em>\u00a0as will satisfy him; but let him put aside the desire of sharing as his portion in (the government of) my\u00a0<em>pargana<\/em>; for while I live he shall never obtain this.\u201d When Muhammad Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s\u00a0<em>vak\u00edl<\/em>\u00a0reported what Far\u00edd Kh\u00e1n had said and written, Muham\u00admad Kh\u00e1n said to Sulaim\u00e1n, \u201cFar\u00edd Kh\u00e1n will not give you a share quietly. I will make him do so by force.\u201d ***<\/p>\n<p>Sulaim\u00e1n was much delighted; but the matter was reported to Far\u00edd Kh\u00e1n, who consulted with his brother Niz\u00e1m and his other adherents, and said, \u201cI must ally myself with some one who will be able to oppose Muhammad Kh\u00e1n, and there is no one within reach except Bih\u00e1r Kh\u00e1n, son of Dary\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n Loh\u00e1n\u00ed. However, it is best to wait a little. If Sult\u00e1n Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm prevails, no one will be able to say a word against me; for do I not hold the Sult\u00e1n&#8217;s\u00a0<em>farm\u00e1n<\/em>? And if (which God avert) the Mughals should defeat Sult\u00e1n Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm, then indeed I must of necessity ally myself to Bih\u00e1r Kh\u00e1n, and remain in his service.\u201d After some time news came that the two monarchs had joined battle on the field of P\u00e1n\u00edpat, and that after a severe contest Sult\u00e1n Ibr\u00e1him had been slain, and that the kingdom of Dehl\u00ed had fallen into the hands of the Emperor B\u00e1bar, in the year 932. **<\/p>\n<p>Far\u00edd Kh\u00e1n, being thus compelled, went to Bih\u00e1r Kh\u00e1n, and entered into his service, and employed himself day and night in his business; nor did he rest one moment from it, and from this good service he gained Bih\u00e1r Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s favour; so that he had access to him in public and in private, and became one of his most intimate friends. In consequence of his excellent arrangements, he became celebrated throughout the country of Bih\u00e1r. One day he went out hunting with Bih\u00e1r Kh\u00e1n, and a tiger (<em>sher<\/em>) having been started, Far\u00edd Kh\u00e1n slew it. Bih\u00e1r Kh\u00e1n, who on the death of Sult\u00e1n Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm had assumed the title of \u201cSult\u00e1n Muhammad,\u201d and had caused coin to be struck, and the\u00a0<em>khutba<\/em>\u00a0to be read in his own name throughout the country of Bih\u00e1r, gave to Far\u00edd Kh\u00e1n, on account of this gallant encounter, the title of \u201cSher Kh\u00e1n,\u201d and made him the deputy to his son Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n.<\/p>\n<p>He performed the duties of deputy for a long time, but at length went on leave to visit his own\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>, where he delayed for some time. On account of his long absence, Sult\u00e1n Muhammad used to talk reproachfully of him, and said, \u201cSher Kh\u00e1n promised to return very shortly, but has remained a long time away.\u201d Those were days of confusion, no man put entire confidence in another.<\/p>\n<p>Muhammad Kh\u00e1n S\u00far came to Sult\u00e1n Muhammad and spoke detractingly of Sher Kh\u00e1n, saying, \u201cHe sees some probability of the advent of Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad, the son of Sult\u00e1n Sikandar, to whom many of the nobles and Afgh\u00e1ns have given in their adhesion. If Your Majesty commands me, I will contrive to bring Far\u00edd Kh\u00e1n here without any stir. His brother Sulaim\u00e1n is an able young man, to whom Hasan Kh\u00e1n during his life\u00adtime made over the management of both his\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>, when he banished Sher Kh\u00e1n from his districts, who even formerly preferred an accusation against his own father, and of whom the Sult\u00e1n said, \u2018This is a bad man who complains even against his own father.\u2019 When Hasan Kh\u00e1n died, Far\u00edd Kh\u00e1n, through his patron Daulat Kh\u00e1n, obtained a grant of both\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>\u00a0from Sult\u00e1n Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm. Sulaim\u00e1n was also desirous of going to Sult\u00e1n Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm, to show the recommendatory letter which M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasan when dying had written to the Sult\u00e1n. But disturbances arose, and he was unable to go, and has now come to you to complain of his brother. If Your Majesty will confer these\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>\u00a0on Sulaim\u00e1n, Far\u00edd Kh\u00e1n will very quickly come unto your presence again. It is now long since that Sulaim\u00e1n, flying from him, sought refuge with me; and if he attains his rights, he will ever be your obliged servant.\u201d Sult\u00e1n Muhammad replied, \u201cHe has done me much good service, how can I give away his\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edrs<\/em>\u00a0to another, and that for a trifling fault, and without inquiry? However, to please you they shall both bring their cause before you. Both are similarly related to you\u2014do you favour neither, that the right may be established, and the dust of the enmity which exists between them may be allayed.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Muhammad Kh\u00e1n, when he was dismissed, returned to his own\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edr<\/em>, and sent Sh\u00e1d\u00ed Kh\u00e1n, his confidential servant, to Far\u00edd Kh\u00e1n with a message to this effect:\u2014\u201cIt is not right for you to take possession of both\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>\u00a0and to disinherit your brothers, and lay the foundation of strife among your own kindred. I have sent Sh\u00e1d\u00ed Kh\u00e1n to you, and I hope you will take heed to what he will say to you. Your brothers have now been a long time with me, and the laws and customs of the Afgh\u00e1ns are no secret to you.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>When Sh\u00e1d\u00ed came to Sher Kh\u00e1n, and delivered at full length Muhammad Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s message, Sher Kh\u00e1n replied:\u2014\u201cDo you, Sh\u00e1d\u00ed Kh\u00e1n, tell the Kh\u00e1n from me, that this is not the Roh country that I should share equally with my brothers. The country of India is completely at the disposal of the king, nor has any one else any share in it, nor is there any regard to elder or younger, or to kindred. Sikandar Lod\u00ed thus decided: \u2018If any noble dies, whatever money or other effects he may leave should be divided among his heirs according to the laws of inheritance; but his office and his\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edrs<\/em>\u00a0and his military retinue let him confer on whichever of the sons he thinks most able; and in these no one else has a right to share, nor is any remedy open to them.\u2019 Whatever goods and money my father left, Sulaim\u00e1n with my brothers appropriated before he sought refuge with you. Hitherto, out of regard for my relationship to you, I have said nothing; but whenever he may quit you, I shall reclaim my share of my patrimonial inheritance from him. The\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edr<\/em>\u00a0and office were conferred on me by Sult\u00e1n Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm; in them no one has any share. But I said to my brothers, \u2018The\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edrs<\/em>\u00a0which you enjoyed in my father&#8217;s lifetime I will continue, nay increase to you; but no one can participate in my office.\u2019 It does not become you to say, \u2018Give up T\u00e1nda and Malh\u00fa to Sulaim\u00e1n.\u2019 I will not willingly yield them. If you take them by force, and give them to him, it is in your power to do so. I have not another word to say.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>When Sh\u00e1d\u00ed returned from Sher Kh\u00e1n, and reported the whole affair to Muhammad Kh\u00e1n, he was much enraged, and said to Sh\u00e1d\u00ed, \u201cTake all my forces with you, seize\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>\u00a0T\u00e1nda, and Malh\u00fa, and make them over to Sulaim\u00e1n and Ahmad. If he resists you, fight him with all your might; and if you defeat and put him to flight, make over both\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>\u00a0to Sulaim\u00e1n, and, leaving your army to assist him, return to me, lest when he sees Sulaim\u00e1n with few followers he will attack him.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>When this news reached Sher Kh\u00e1n, he wrote to Sukha, his slave (father of Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n), the\u00a0<em>shikkd\u00e1r<\/em>\u00a0of T\u00e1nda and Malh\u00fa, near Benares, and with whom the greater part of Sher Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s forces were, apprising him that Sulaim\u00e1n, accompanied by Sh\u00e1d\u00ed Kh\u00e1n, was advancing against him, and directing him not to yield up T\u00e1nda and Malh\u00fa without resistance. When the army of Muhammad Kh\u00e1n approached, Sukha came out of the city to meet it. In the engagement which followed, Sukha was slain, and his army were defeated and fled to Sher Kh\u00e1n, at Sahsar\u00e1m, nor did they even rally there.<\/p>\n<p>Some persons advised Sher Kh\u00e1n to go to Sult\u00e1n Muhammad, but he did not agree to this, saying, \u201cThese are uncertain times, the Sult\u00e1n will not quarrel with Muhammad Kh\u00e1n for my sake. He will endeavour to bring about some compromise; but it is not my interest to enter into a compromise.\u201d M\u00ed\u00e1n Niz\u00e1m Kh\u00e1n said, \u201cIf it be not your interest to make a compromise, I think it will be best to go to Patna; thence, through the inter\u00advention of some proper person, to procure an interview with Sult\u00e1n Junaid Birl\u00e1s, at \u00c1gra, and to offer to enter his service. Perhaps this might afford an opportunity not only of vengeance on Muhammad Kh\u00e1n, but even of driving him out of Chaundh.\u201d Sher Kh\u00e1n agreed to this, and went to Patna, and sent an agent to Sult\u00e1n Junaid, at \u00c1gra, saying, \u201cIf Sult\u00e1n Junaid will give me his parole, and promise not to molest me, I will come and wait upon him, and serve him loyally with all my heart and soul.\u201d Sult\u00e1n Junaid agreeing to this, Sher Kh\u00e1n came to him, bringing with him a very large present. Sult\u00e1n Junaid was much pleased, and gave him the aid of a large force to recover his\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>. Muhammad Kh\u00e1n and Sulaim\u00e1n, unable to resist, fled to the hill of Roht\u00e1s, and Sher Kh\u00e1n got possession not only of his own\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>, but also of Chaundh and of several\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>\u00a0which had formerly appertained to the crown. To many of the Afgh\u00e1ns and his kindred who had fled to the mountains, he wrote, pro\u00admising to double their former\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edrs<\/em>, and said, \u201cThe honour of our women is one (to us all); I have accomplished my revenge, and have regained my\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>.\u201d Consequent on the acquisi\u00adtion of these\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>, many Afgh\u00e1ns came to him. When he perceived that many of the Afgh\u00e1ns were collecting round him, he became at ease; gaining confidence, he dismissed the army which Sult\u00e1n Junaid had sent to his aid with very handsome presents. Sher Kh\u00e1n then wrote to Muhammad Kh\u00e1n S\u00far, the former ruler of Chaundh, who had fled to the hills, to this effect: \u201cDo not let any fear find its way to your heart, but make your mind quite easy, and come and take possession of your\u00a0<em>pargana<\/em>. I have acquired several\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>\u00a0which formerly paid revenue to Sult\u00e1n Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm, and do not covet the possessions of my kindred. This is a time of sedition and misfortunes. Every Afgh\u00e1n who has any forces is coveting my government and country, and it therefore behoves those who have the means in such a time to collect for their aid and assistance soldiery of their own tribe, so as to preserve their own dominion, and even gain fresh territory. This, therefore, is the wisest course; let us put away our former envy and hatred, and in place of it let us plant the young tree of love and kindness in our hearts, that it may bring forth the fruit of friendship; and this may be the means of our collecting our friends, and so of attaining high station and dignity.\u201d On receiving Sher Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s letter, Muham\u00admad Kh\u00e1n came down from the hills, and again took possession of his own\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>\u00a0of Chaundh, etc.; and he and Sher Kh\u00e1n forgave each other their previous enmity; and Muhammad Kh\u00e1n thus came under obligations to Sher Kh\u00e1n.<\/p>\n<p>Sher Kh\u00e1n, being relieved from all apprehension as regarded Muhammad Kh\u00e1n, went to Sult\u00e1n Junaid Birl\u00e1s, at \u00c1gra, and thence accompanied him to the presence of the Emperor B\u00e1bar; was admitted to his Court, was present during the affair of Ch\u00e1nder\u00ed, and remained for some time amongst the Mughals, and acquainted himself with their military arrangements, their modes of governing, and the character of their nobles. He often said among the Afgh\u00e1ns, \u201cIf luck aided me, and fortune stood my friend, I could easily oust the Mughals from Hindust\u00e1n.\u201d When people heard him speak thus, they ridiculed him, and used to say behind his back, \u201cWhat vain boasting is this of Sher Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s; he talks about a thing far beyond his power.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>I, &#8216;Abb\u00e1s, the writer of the adventures of Sher Kh\u00e1n, have heard from the mouth of Shaikh Muhammad my own uncle, whose age was nearly eighty years, the following story: \u201cI was at the battle of Ch\u00e1nder\u00ed, with the force of the victorious Emperor B\u00e1bar, the second Far\u00edd\u00fan, and in attendance on the Kh\u00e1n Kh\u00e1n\u00e1n Y\u00fasuf-khail, who brought the Emperor B\u00e1bar from K\u00e1bul, and Shaikh Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm Sarw\u00e1n\u00ed said to me, \u2018Come to Sher Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s quarters, and hear his impossible boastings, which all men are laughing at.\u2019 And accordingly we rode over to Sher Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s quarters. In the course of conversation, Shaikh Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm said: \u2018It is impossible that the empire should again fall into the hands of the Afgh\u00e1ns, and the Mughals be expelled from the country.\u2019 Sher Kh\u00e1n replied: \u2018Shaikh Muhammad, be you witness now between Shaikh Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm and myself, that if luck and fortune favour me, I will very shortly expel the Mughals from Hind, for the Mughals are not superior to the Afgh\u00e1ns in battle or single combat; but the Afgh\u00e1ns have let the empire of Hind slip from their hands, on account of their internal dissensions. Since I have been amongst the Mughals, and know their conduct in action, I see that they have no order or discipline, and that their kings, from pride of birth and station, do not personally superintend the government, but leave all the affairs and business of the State to their nobles and ministers, in whose sayings and doings they put perfect con\u00adfidence. These grandees act on corrupt motives in every case, whether it be that of a soldier&#8217;s, or a cultivator&#8217;s, or a rebellious\u00a0<em>z\u00e1m\u00ednd\u00e1r&#8217;s<\/em>. Whoever has money, whether loyal or disloyal, can get his business settled as he likes by paying for it; but if a man has no money, although he may have displayed his loyalty on a hundred occasions, or be a veteran soldier, he will never gain his end. From this lust of gold they make no distinction between friend and foe, and if fortune extends a hand to me, the Shaikh shall soon see and hear how I will bring the Afgh\u00e1ns under my control, and never permit them again to become divided.\u2019\u201d<\/p>\n<p>After some time, Sher Kh\u00e1n waited upon the Emperor one day at an entertainment, when it happened that they placed before him a solid dish, which he did not know the customary mode of eating. So he cut it into small pieces with his dagger, and putting them into his spoon easily disposed of them. The Emperor B\u00e1bar remarked this, and wondered at Sher Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s ingenuity, and said to Khal\u00edfa, his minister, who was at his elbow, \u201cKeep an eye on Sher Kh\u00e1n; he is a clever man, and the marks of royalty are visible on his forehead. I have seen many Afgh\u00e1n nobles, greater men than he, but they never made any impression on me; but as soon as I saw this man, it entered into my mind that he ought to be arrested, for I find in him the qualities of greatness and the marks of mightiness.\u201d When Sult\u00e1n Junaid took his leave, he had recommended Sher Kh\u00e1n strongly to the minister.<sup>12<\/sup>\u00a0Sher Kh\u00e1n had also made him a very handsome present. So he replied to the Emperor: \u201cSher Kh\u00e1n is without blame, and does not command a sufficient force to become a cause of uneasiness to Your Majesty. If you arrest him, the Afgh\u00e1ns who are present with you will all become suspicious, nor will any other Afgh\u00e1n trust your faith and promises, and hence will arise disunion.\u201d The Emperor was silenced; but Sher Kh\u00e1n sagaciously perceived that the Emperor had spoken something concerning him.<\/p>\n<p>When Sher Kh\u00e1n got to his own quarters, he said to his men: \u201cThe Emperor to-day looked much at me, and said something to the minister; and cast evil glances towards me. This is not a fit place for me to remain\u2014I shall go away.\u201d Mounting at once, he left the army. Shortly afterwards the king missed Sher Kh\u00e1n from among the courtiers, and sent for him. The man who was despatched in search of him came to his quarters, but Sher Kh\u00e1n was gone. The Emperor said to the\u00a0<em>waz\u00edr<\/em>, \u201cIf you had not hindered me, I would have arrested him at once; he is about to do something, God only knows what!\u201d<\/p>\n<p>When Sher Kh\u00e1n reached his\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edr<\/em>\u00a0after leaving the army, he sent a handsome present to Sult\u00e1n Junaid, and wrote to say, \u201cI was necessitated to quit the king without taking leave. If I had asked for leave, he would not have given it to me. I was compelled to come to my\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edr<\/em>, for my brother Niz\u00e1m wrote to say that Muhammad Kh\u00e1n and Sulaim\u00e1n had re\u00adpresented to Sult\u00e1n Muhammad that I had allied myself with the Mughals, by whose aid I had seized their\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>, and they offered, if ordered, to retake these districts. Sult\u00e1n Mu\u00adhammad, however, gave them no answer. When I heard this news, it was impossible for me to remain where I was. I am His Majesty&#8217;s grateful servant; I will do whatever he desires.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>After this, Sher Kh\u00e1n took counsel with his brother Niz\u00e1m and others, saying, \u201cI have no longer any confidence in the Mughals, or they in me; I must go to Sult\u00e1n Muhammad Kh\u00e1n.\u201d He decided on this plan, and when he came to Sult\u00e1n Muhammad, in Bih\u00e1r, the latter was much delighted, for he had had experience of his great talent. He entrusted his son Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n to him, and said: \u201cI make you my son&#8217;s lieutenant. Do you instruct him with all your care, for he is of tender age.\u201d Sher Kh\u00e1n was much pleased, and took great pains in the dis\u00adcharge of his office. When Sult\u00e1n Muhammad died, his son Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n succeeded him, whose mother&#8217;s name was D\u00fad\u00fa, a concubine; and being himself very young, his mother D\u00fad\u00fa ruled the kingdom, and she made Sher Kh\u00e1n her deputy in the Government of Bih\u00e1r and its dependencies. After the death of D\u00fad\u00fa, Sher Kh\u00e1n also discharged the duties of the State as deputy for Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n.<\/p>\n<p>An intimate friendship sprang up between Sher Kh\u00e1n and Makhd\u00fam &#8216;\u00c1lam, ruler of H\u00e1j\u00edp\u00far, a noble in the service of the King of Gaur and Bengal. The King of Bengal became displeased with Makhd\u00fam &#8216;\u00c1lam; for he (the king), having conceived a design of conquering Bih\u00e1r from the Afgh\u00e1ns, despatched Kutb Kh\u00e1n with a large force for that purpose. Sher Kh\u00e1n earnestly and repeatedly remonstrated. *** Nevertheless, Kutb Kh\u00e1n gave no heed to his remonstrances. Sher Kh\u00e1n therefore said to his Afgh\u00e1ns, \u201cWith the Mughals on one side and the army of Bengal on the other, we have no resource save in our own bravery.\u201d The Afgh\u00e1ns replied, \u201cBe of good cheer, for we will fight to the utmost; we will never yield the field until we either conquer or die, nor will we be ungrateful to those we have served so long.\u201d Sher Kh\u00e1n having prepared for a sturdy resistance, met the enemy. A severe action ensued, in which the Bengal army was defeated. In that engagement Shaikh Isma&#8217;\u00edl much distin\u00adguished himself, and Kutb Kh\u00e1n and Hab\u00edb Kh\u00e1n K\u00e1kar were with him. Kutb Kh\u00e1n, leader of the Bengal army, was struck by an arrow, and falling off his horse, expired. Shaikh Isma&#8217;\u00edl gained the victory, and Sher Kh\u00e1n bestowed on him the title of Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n.<sup>13<\/sup>\u00a0Of the treasure, horses, elephants, etc. which fell into his hands, Sher Kh\u00e1n did not give any part to the Loh\u00e1n\u00eds, and so he became a man of wealth.<\/p>\n<p>The Loh\u00e1n\u00eds were much angered at this, and hostile feelings sprang up between them and Sher Kh\u00e1n; but they did not openly manifest them. Now Makhd\u00fam &#8216;\u00c1lam had not assisted Kutb Kh\u00e1n, and as this misfortune had befallen the latter, the King of Bengal sent an army against Makhd\u00fam &#8216;\u00c1lam. I, who am the author of the\u00a0<em>Tuhfa Akbar Sh\u00e1h\u00ed<\/em>, reckon among my ances\u00adtors &#8216;Abb\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n. Very many sons of &#8216;Abb\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n were in Sher Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s service; (of these) he gave to M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasn\u00fa the title of Dary\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n. Among the Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s nobles, none were equal to him, and he had married Sher Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s own sister. This Dary\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n died in the beginning of Sher Sh\u00e1h&#8217;s reign. My object in this detail is as follows: Since a connexion exists between Sher Sh\u00e1h and myself, I am thus better acquainted with his history, which I have learnt from my ancestors. To be brief, Sher Kh\u00e1n was prevented by the hostility of the Loh\u00e1n\u00eds from assisting in person Makhd\u00fam &#8216;\u00c1lam, but he sent M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasn\u00fa Kh\u00e1n to his assistance. Makhd\u00fam &#8216;\u00c1lam made over all his property and worldly possessions to Sher Kh\u00e1n, saying, \u201cIf I am victorious, I will reclaim my property; if not, better you should have it than any other.\u201d Makhd\u00fam &#8216;\u00c1lam was killed in battle, but M\u00ed\u00e1n Hasn\u00fa Kh\u00e1n returned alive, and Makhd\u00fam &#8216;\u00c1lam&#8217;s property fell to Sher Kk\u00e1n.<\/p>\n<p>The enmity between Sher Kh\u00e1n and the Loh\u00e1n\u00eds increased daily, until the latter at last plotted to kill Sher Kh\u00e1n, and they thus took counsel among themselves, saying, \u201cSher Kh\u00e1n waits every day upon Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n with a very small retinue; let us pretend that Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n is ill. Sher Kh\u00e1n will go inside the palace to inquire after him. When he is returning, and has passed through one gate, and before he reaches the other, let us kill him, while thus inclosed between the two gates of Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s palace.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Some of the Loh\u00e1n\u00eds, who were friends and connexions of Sher Kh\u00e1n, having heard of these machinations, told Sher Kh\u00e1n, who, before receiving the news, had, by his own penetra\u00adtion, discovered from the actions and motions of the Loh\u00e1n\u00eds that they meditated some injury to himself. As he was a wise man he said nothing of the matter, but privately took precaution for his own safety; and all the land and pro\u00adperty he had recently acquired he expended in enlisting fresh retainers, to whom he gave\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edrs<\/em>\u00a0and maintenance to their heart&#8217;s content; but to the Loh\u00e1n\u00eds he gave nothing. When he perceived that he had got so large a number of new soldiers collected together that the Loh\u00e1n\u00eds could not injure him or prevail against him in battle, he proclaimed the enmity of the Loh\u00e1n\u00eds, and said to Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n, \u201cYou well know that the King of Bengal has the design to send an army and seize to-morrow, if not to-day, the kingdom of Bih\u00e1r. The Loh\u00e1n\u00eds for three or four descents have enjoyed\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edrs<\/em>, and live at their ease; nay, they even now covet all the newly acquired land. But I, who am your well-wisher, think it fit to entertain fresh men with the money and districts newly acquired; so that your power may be strengthened, and that when the enemy (<em>i.e.<\/em>, the King of Bengal) sees our large force, he may abandon his designs on the kingdom. On this account the Loh\u00e1n\u00eds are dissatisfied with me, and complain of me, and are plotting to do me injury, and out of envy and hatred make all kinds of false complaints and accusations to you against me. If you believe me loyal, uphold that which I have in all loyalty done, and dissuade the Loh\u00e1n\u00eds from their hostility to me, nor listen to what they say. You know that the Loh\u00e1n\u00eds are a much stronger and more powerful tribe than the S\u00fars; and the custom of the Afgh\u00e1ns is, that if any man has four kinsmen more than another, he thinks little of killing or dishonouring his neighbour. These are troublous times; are you not anxious, and on your guard? For myself, I know the Loh\u00e1n\u00eds are plotting my death. From to-day I shall come to you with every precaution. Excuse me from coming inside of the palace, or, if it be indispensable that I should go within, permit me to enter it with a strong guard.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n and the Loh\u00e1n\u00eds perceived that Sher Kh\u00e1n had found them out in their designs, and that their plots had failed; so Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n said to Sher Kh\u00e1n, \u201cWhat power have the Loh\u00e1n\u00eds that they should regard you with an evil eye? All the Afgh\u00e1n race know that the Loh\u00e1n\u00eds are a foul-mouthed people, and are without caution or prudence, and that their tongues are not under their control. They speak whatever comes to their lips, but they do not act upon it. Come to me, accompanied by your followers, in any manner that may reassure you, and permit no fear or anxiety to find a place in your mind. I will agree to whatever you do.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Thus assuring Sher Kh\u00e1n in every way, Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n dismissed him. But after that, the Loh\u00e1n\u00eds and Sher Kh\u00e1n distrusted each other, and there sprang up two parties; those of the Loh\u00e1n\u00eds who had given intelligence to Sher Kh\u00e1n sided with him, and thus the Loh\u00e1n\u00eds themselves became disunited. As enmity had arisen among them, a considerable number of the Loh\u00e1n\u00eds bound themselves by vows and oaths to Sher Kh\u00e1n, who said to them, \u201cI cannot choose but serve Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n loyally; his father and his mother both showed me kindness; when he was very young, I was appointed to educate him, and I did not fail to use my best endeavours in his education, as he well knows.\u201d *** The Loh\u00e1n\u00eds who had joined themselves to Sher Sh\u00e1h re\u00adplied: \u201cThe counsel which your heart has approved is very good; for between them and ourselves there has arisen deadly enmity: it is not fitting we should be in the same place.\u201d *** Sher Kh\u00e1n said to the friendly Loh\u00e1n\u00eds, \u201cThe scheme which I have devised for my own protection and the good of Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n is as follows: I shall say to Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n thus: \u2018You have two matters in hand, one to oppose your enemy, the King of Bengal; the other, the preservation of the internal peace of the country, and the collection of revenue from the cultivators.\u2019\u201d *** The Loh\u00e1n\u00eds answered: \u201cYou have now a large force with you; there is no necessity for retaining men who are seditious and ill-disposed. Say simply to Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n that he ought to send them away, and should give their\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edrs<\/em>\u00a0to other soldiers.\u201d Sher Kh\u00e1n replied: \u201cMy object is my own safety; out of regard for one&#8217;s own life, it is not good to confirm the hostility of one&#8217;s enemies.\u201d *** All present assented, and afterwards Sher Kh\u00e1n wrote to Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n in the following terms: \u201cWhen Sult\u00e1n Muhammad exalted me to Your Majesty&#8217;s deputyship, this was displeasing to the envious Loh\u00e1n\u00eds. After Sult\u00e1n Muhammad&#8217;s death, your mother employed me in the administration of the kingdom. The envy of the Loh\u00e1n\u00eds increased, and they constantly complained of me, both openly and secretly; but as my skirts were free from the contamination of dishonesty, how much soever they searched my conduct, they could find in my acts no opening through which they might effect my removal from the office of deputy. ** The Mughals who conquered the country from Sult\u00e1n Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm did not do so by the sword, but through the quarrels which the Afgh\u00e1ns had among themselves. It has become known to me from a great many sources that the Loh\u00e1n\u00eds wish to assassinate me, and day and night employ themselves in contriving how to get me out of the way, and presume on the greater number of their tribe. And you also have two objects: one to oppose your enemy, the ruler of Bengal; the other, to preserve the kingdom against internal enemies, and to collect the revenues. Since your army is split into two parties, opposed to each other, it is impossible to keep them both in one place; therefore, which\u00adever of the two it pleases you keep with yourself, send the other to their\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edrs<\/em>. I have spoken because it was incumbent on me. A man&#8217;s life is dear to him, he will not part with it for nothing.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>When Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n was informed of this representation, he said to Sher Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s\u00a0<em>vak\u00edl:<\/em>\u00a0\u201cTell Sher Kh\u00e1n that he has right on his side. *** Let him wait a little, for I have powerful enemies: this sedition must be repressed by degrees. I will distinguish the truth from what is false.\u201d When Sher Kh\u00e1n was informed of the reply to his letters, he again sent his\u00a0<em>vak\u00edl<\/em>\u00a0to Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s presence to say, \u201cWhat Your Majesty has said is true. *** Whatever you do, I will obey you; nor will I transgress your orders.<\/p>\n<p>After this, Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n sent for the Loh\u00e1n\u00eds who sought to kill Sher Kh\u00e1n, and showed them Sher Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s letters, and said: \u201cCertain of the Loh\u00e1n\u00eds who were aware of your designs went to Sher Kh\u00e1n and informed him, and have joined themselves to him, and they have sworn and vowed, whatever good or ill be\u00adtide, never to separate from each other. What is to be done?\u201d The Loh\u00e1n\u00eds who sided with Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n<sup>14<\/sup> replied: \u201cWe did not in the least care that Sher Kh\u00e1n has become acquainted with our designs; but it has fallen out ill that so large a number of our brethren should have sided with him, and that disunion should have fallen on the tribe of Loh\u00e1n\u00eds. *** Do you send Sher Kh\u00e1n to his <em>j\u00e1g\u00edrs<\/em>, and station him there; and do you, with a cheerful and confident mind, go to the King of Bengal, and getting a\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edr<\/em> for yourself in Bengal, make over the kingdom of Bih\u00e1r to him as a present, before any one else has attempted to seize it.\u201d The advice of the Loh\u00e1n\u00eds pleased Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n, who, instantly sending for Sher Kh\u00e1n, said: \u201cThe Loh\u00e1n\u00eds, who, on account of your loyalty to me, bear enmity against you, will, please God, receive their deserts and punishment. Do you remain to oppose the Mughals, and also administer the affairs of the kingdom. I will go to attack the King of Bengal.\u201d Sher Kh\u00e1n assented, and Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n, bestowing a horse and dress of honour upon him, sent him off at once.<sup>15<\/sup> When Sher Kh\u00e1n had reached his\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edr<\/em> at Sahsar\u00e1m, Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n went over to the King of Bengal, who attached to his person a division of the army under Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm Kh\u00e1n, son of Kutb Sh\u00e1h. As soon as Sher Kh\u00e1n heard that Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n had gone over to the King of Bengal, he was much pleased, and said: \u201cNow the kingdom of Bih\u00e1r has fallen into my hands. I felt certain that the army of the King of Bengal would assuredly come to attempt the conquest of Bih\u00e1r, and as enmity existed in the army of Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n between the Loh\u00e1n\u00eds and myself, I feared lest the enemy should be vic\u00adtorious, for the surest means of defeat are divisions in your own army. Now that the Loh\u00e1n\u00eds are gone to Bengal, there are no quarrels in my army, and if there be no divisions among the Afgh\u00e1ns, how can the Bengal army compare with them in the day of battle? Even the Mughals cannot equal them. Please God, when I have dispersed the Bengal army, you will soon see, if I survive, how I will expel the Mughals from Hindust\u00e1n.\u201d<sup>16<\/sup> After this, Sher Kh\u00e1n began to strengthen him\u00adself, and enlist more men. Wherever there were any Afgh\u00e1ns he sent to them, and gave them any money they asked. Having collected a very large force, and made every preparation, and having gained the good will of his whole army, he placed the country of Bih\u00e1r in his rear, and proceeded against the army of the King of Bengal, fortifying his position with an earthen circumvallation.<\/p>\n<p>The King of Bengal had appointed Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm Kh\u00e1n the leader of his army, and despatched him to conquer the kingdom of Bih\u00e1r.<sup>17<\/sup> Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm Kh\u00e1n had under him a large Bengal army, and many elephants, and a park of artillery (<em>\u00e1tish-b\u00e1z\u00ed<\/em>). In the excess of his pride he altogether despised the army of Sher Kh\u00e1n. Sher Kh\u00e1n, keeping under the shelter of his entrench\u00adments, skirmished every day; and in spite of all their endeavours, the army of Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm could not inflict any injury on his forces, on account of the earthen embankments. The Afgh\u00e1ns behaved with great gallantry, and repelled the endeavours of Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s army to penetrate their entrenchments. Every time the latter attacked, they were compelled to return unsuccessful; but neither army gained any solid advantage over the other. Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm Kh\u00e1n, who was very confident in the prowess of the Beng\u00e1lis, thought that in the day of battle the Afgh\u00e1ns would be no match for them; whereas it was only from his superior numbers, his elephants, and his artillery, that he had up to that time maintained his ground against them: so he wrote to his sovereign to request reinforcements, saying that Sher Kh\u00e1n had taken up a fortified position, and that he was unable to dislodge him with his present force.<\/p>\n<p>When Sher Kh\u00e1n heard that Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm Kh\u00e1n had sent for reinforcements, he called his Afgh\u00e1ns together and said: \u201cI have for some time abstained from meeting the Beng\u00e1lis in the open field, and have kept myself sheltered under entrenchments, and I have brought out only a few men to fight with them, and for this reason, lest they should be discouraged by the large numbers of the enemy. Now I am convinced that the Beng\u00e1lis are much inferior to the Afgh\u00e1ns in war. I have remained within en\u00adtrenchments for some time without any general engagement, in order that the comparative prowess of the two nations might be manifested, and the presumption of the Beng\u00e1lis be abated, while the Afgh\u00e1ns might be no longer discouraged by the disparity of forces. I will now engage in open battle, for without a general engagement we cannot destroy and disperse our enemies. Praise be to God! whenever such an engagement occurs between Afgh\u00e1ns and Beng\u00e1lis, the Afgh\u00e1ns must prevail. It is im\u00adpossible that the Beng\u00e1lis can stand against them. At present this is my purpose. To-morrow morning, if you concur with me, hoping in the mercy of the Protector, and trusting on this text, \u2018By God&#8217;s command the lesser number overcomes the greater,\u2019 I will engage the enemy in open battle, for it behoves us not to delay or be backward in this matter, as reinforcements will soon reach them.\u201d The Afgh\u00e1ns replied: \u201cThat which your noble mind has determined is extremely right.\u201d ***<\/p>\n<p>When Sher Kh\u00e1n saw the Afgh\u00e1ns were in good heart to engage the Beng\u00e1lis, and that Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm Kh\u00e1n was daily ponder\u00ading how much longer Sher Kh\u00e1n would yet remain in his entrenchments, and was anxious for an engagement, as he so presumed on the number of his forces that he had encamped them all round Sher Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s entrenchment, and had not thrown up any works to protect them, he determined to give him battle; and to send his\u00a0<em>vak\u00edl<\/em>\u00a0to tell Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm Kh\u00e1n that it behoved him to be prepared the following morning, as he intended to come out of his entrenchments for that purpose. When Sher Kh\u00e1n told the message to his friends, it pleased them, and he sent his\u00a0<em>vak\u00edl<\/em>\u00a0to Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm Khan, saying, \u201cYou have often said to me, \u2018Come out of your entrenchments, and let us meet in battle on the open field that we may test each other&#8217;s prowess.\u2019 I have purposely remained patiently in my entrenchments for a time, hoping that peace might be concluded with you; but if you will agree to no peace, to-morrow morning put your army in array and come out, so that we may meet in open battle.\u201d Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm Kh\u00e1n replied to the\u00a0<em>vak\u00edl<\/em>, \u201cSay to Sher Kh\u00e1n, \u2018Have all your forces present on the field of battle early to-morrow morning.\u2019\u201d When Sher Kh\u00e1n heard this reply, he was much delighted, and told the intelligence to his men. Ibr\u00e1him Kh\u00e1n also told Fath Kh\u00e1n to give orders that his men should be ready and present on the morrow.<\/p>\n<p>When one watch of the night was yet remaining, Sher Kh\u00e1n arrayed his forces, and brought them out of their entrenchments; and after the morning prayers, he himself came out, and said to his chiefs, \u201cIn the enemy&#8217;s army there are many elephants and guns, and a great force of infantry; we must fight them in such a manner that they shall not be able to preserve their original order.\u201d The Beng\u00e1li cavalry should be drawn away from their guns and infantry, and the horses intermingled with the elephants, so that their array may be disordered. I have thought of a stra\u00adtagem by which to defeat the Beng\u00e1lis. I will draw up the greater part of my forces behind the cover of that height which we see, but will retain for the attack a small number of experienced and veteran horse. Now, they will fight exactly in the same manner as they did on the former occasion, without any expectation of defeat. I will bring up my selected division, who, after dis\u00adcharging one flight of arrows into the Beng\u00e1li army, shall retreat. Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm Kh\u00e1n still bears in mind the old feud regarding the death of his father, and is presumptuous on account of his superior force. He will think the Afgh\u00e1ns are beginning to fly; and, becoming eager, he will leave his artillery and foot in the rear, and press on with all expedition himself, and disorder and confusion will find their way into his order of battle. I will then bring out my force which had been concealed behind the eminence, who will attack the enemy. The Beng\u00e1li cavalry, deprived of the support of their artillery and infantry, are by themselves unable to cope with the Afgh\u00e1n horse. I hope, by the favour of God, that their force will be routed and put to flight.\u201d All the Afgh\u00e1ns expressed their approbation of Sher Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s plan of battle, and were much delighted, and observed there could be no better possible scheme devised.<\/p>\n<p>After this was agreed upon, Sher Kh\u00e1n drew out, as described above, a picked force, and explained to them that they were to act as had been determined; and the rest of his force he drew up behind the shelter of the rising ground. When the army of Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm Kh\u00e1n was descried, the horsemen, according to their instructions, coming up to the Beng\u00e1li army, discharged one volley of arrows, and then turned about. The Beng\u00e1li cavalry, supposing the Afgh\u00e1ns were flying, broke their ranks, just as Sher Kh\u00e1n had anticipated, and pursued the Afgh\u00e1ns. Accord\u00adingly, as soon as Sher Kh\u00e1n perceived that the Beng\u00e1li cavalry had advanced, and left their infantry and artillery in the rear, he appeared at the head of his force which had been lying in ambuscade, and advanced. The Beng\u00e1lis were panic-struck, and the Afgh\u00e1ns who had fled returned, and, joining the rest, they all stirrup to stirrup, after the manner of the Afgh\u00e1ns, fell upon the hostile army. The Beng\u00e1lis, however, rallied, and stood their ground, and the two armies became closely engaged. After warriors of note had fallen in the contest, the sun of victory rose in favour of Sher Kh\u00e1n from the horizon of the East, and the Beng\u00e1li army was defeated. Ibr\u00e1him Kh\u00e1n exerted himself much, and said to the Beng\u00e1lis, \u201cTurn and exert yourselves, for the army of the Afgh\u00e1ns is small. What face can we show to the king?\u201d But it was no use. *** Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm Kh\u00e1n again said to his men: \u201cWhat face can I show to the king? *** I will either be victorious or die.\u201d He exerted himself much; but as his (term of) life had arrived, he was killed.<\/p>\n<p>Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n fled to the King of Bengal. The whole of the treasure, elephants, and train of artillery (<em>top-kh\u00e1na<\/em>) fell into the hands of Sher Kh\u00e1n, who was thus supplied with munitions of war, and became master of the kingdom of Bih\u00e1r, and of much other territory beside. Since God, the most holy and omnipotent, had pre-ordained from all eternity to give the kingdom of Hind to Sher Kh\u00e1n, and that the people of the Lord should live in ease and comfort under the shadow of his justice, and that he should be a zealous and just ruler, his wealth daily increased, and the whole country gradually came into his possession. He employed himself in the improvement of his provinces, so that, in a short time, they much surpassed their previous condition, and reached to perfection;\u2014for this reason, that he personally superintended every business; nor did he show favour to any oppressor, even though of his own relations or dependents; and if any one entered his service, he said to him from the first: \u201cThe stipend and maintenance which I may agree to give you, I will pay you in full, and not diminish them a single\u00a0<em>fal\u00fas;<\/em>\u00a0but you shall not oppress or quarrel with any one. If you do, I will visit you with such a punish\u00adment as shall be an example to others.\u201d In a short season he acquired a good reputation among the people of God, and it was everywhere known that Sher Kh\u00e1n paid his troops regularly, and neither oppressed any one himself, nor suffered others to do so.<\/p>\n<p>I, the author of this history of Sher Kh\u00e1n, &#8216;Abb\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n bin Shaikh &#8216;Al\u00ed Sarw\u00e1n\u00ed, have heard from my kindred and connexions, who were great nobles and companions of Sher Kh\u00e1n, that he got possession of the fort of Chun\u00e1r in the following manner. Sult\u00e1n Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm Lod\u00ed had entrusted the fort of Chun\u00e1r to T\u00e1j Kh\u00e1n S\u00e1rang-kh\u00e1n\u00ed, and the royal treasures were deposited in the fort. Now this T\u00e1j Kh\u00e1n was altogether a slave to his love for his wife L\u00e1d Malika, who was a woman of great sagacity and wisdom; and T\u00e1j Kh\u00e1n had made three Turkom\u00e1n brothers his lieutenants, by name M\u00edr Ahmad, Is&#8217;hak, and M\u00edr D\u00e1d; they were own brothers, experienced, talented, and wise men. As they perceived that T\u00e1j Kh\u00e1n was com\u00adpletely under the control of his wife, they of course ingratiated themselves with her, and promised and swore to L\u00e1d Malika that they would not oppose her, and would be faithful to her.<\/p>\n<p>L\u00e1d Malika had no sons, but T\u00e1j Kh\u00e1n had several sons by other wives. On account of his affection for L\u00e1d Malika, he did not give a fitting maintenance to his sons, and their mothers did not even receive a sufficiency of daily food. Although the sons often remonstrated, it was of no avail. Hence they con\u00adtinually laid up the seeds of enmity and hate against L\u00e1d Malika. One night T\u00e1j Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s eldest son wounded L\u00e1d Malika with a sabre, but not severely. Her servants complained to T\u00e1j Kh\u00e1n, who drew his sword, and ran out to kill his son. He perceiving that his father was about to kill him for the sake of his wife, struck his father with his sabre, and escaped out of the house. T\u00e1j Kh\u00e1n died of the wound.<\/p>\n<p>The sons of T\u00e1j Kh\u00e1n, although but young, were on bad terms with the greater part of his troops; but L\u00e1d Malika, being a clever woman, by the liberality and benevolence of her conduct, had ingratiated herself with them during T\u00e1j Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s lifetime, and after his death also they adhered to her. A few ill-disposed persons adhered to T\u00e1j Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s sons; but they daily quarrelled, and disputed among themselves over the treasure, and showed themselves so incapable, that their followers became disgusted with them. Sher Kh\u00e1n therefore sent secretly to M\u00edr Ahmad, saying, \u201cSend M\u00edr D\u00e1d to me, for I have a message for you which I will send through him.\u201d M\u00edr Ahmad sent M\u00edr D\u00e1d to Sher Kh\u00e1n, who said to him, \u201cTell M\u00edr Ahmad that I am ready to confer great benefits on him.\u201d M\u00edr Ahmad, when he heard this, said to his brothers, \u201cL\u00e1d Malika possesses talent for government, yet she is but a woman; and there are many who covet the fort and the treasure in it. L\u00e1d Malika will not be able to hold the fort, therefore it is best that I should surren\u00adder the fort to Sher Kh\u00e1n, and so lay him under an obligation to myself; it will be to our advantage.\u201d The brothers approved of M\u00edr Ahmad&#8217;s counsel, and went to L\u00e1d Malika, and showing to her Sher Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s letters, said, \u201cWe obey you, whatever you order us that we will do.\u201d She replied, \u201cYou are to me as father and brothers; do what you like, I will agree to whatever you say.\u201d They said, \u201cIf you will not be angry we will say what we consider to be most to your advantage.\u201d She replied, \u201cFear not; speak without hesitation the purpose you entertain.\u201d M\u00edr Ahmad said, \u201cEven if there should be no disturbance in the fort, still you would be unable to hold it, for you are a woman and have no sons, and there are many persons who seek to gain possession of it. It is a royal possession, and until some one assumes the sovereignty, it will be best to give the fort over to Sher Kh\u00e1n. You shall marry him, and thus find an asylum, and so no one shall deprive you of the fort and royal treasures.\u201d L\u00e1d Malika said, \u201cSend your brother M\u00edr D\u00e1d to Sher Kh\u00e1n in order to arrange with him that I shall give up the fort; but on one condition, that he shall deprive of his ears and nose that miserable son who murdered his father, that he may be a warning to others.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>When M\u00edr D\u00e1d came to Sher Kh\u00e1n, he made him agree that he would not hurt or injure L\u00e1d Malika or the mother of the three brothers. Sher Kh\u00e1n received him with all honour and hospitality, and using every endeavour to assure him, and making the utmost protestations of friendship and good feeling, said, \u201cIf L\u00e1d Malika gives me up the fort and will marry me, I shall be for ever indebted to your kindness.\u201d And Sher Kh\u00e1n thus having employed himself in captivating the bud of his heart by kindness, M\u00edr D\u00e1d said, \u201cIt is not fit to surrender the fort except to the king; but since I have come to you, you have shown me such kindness and goodwill, and have displayed such hospitality, that I have considered nothing but how, in return for this, to get the fort into your power. I will not fail to use my best exertions to this end. My hope in God is, that L\u00e1d Malika will not dissent from what I say; but when the business is performed to your heart&#8217;s content, do not so act as to disgrace me.\u201d Sher Kh\u00e1n swearing everything he wished, assured him and said, \u201cWhile I live I will never cause you grief. *** M\u00edr D\u00e1d recommended that they should start at once, and Sher Kh\u00e1n mounting with all haste set off. M\u00edr D\u00e1d went on before and gave intelligence that Sher Kh\u00e1n was coming, and urged them not to delay giving up the fort, and got L\u00e1d Malika and his brothers to consent. So M\u00edr D\u00e1d was sent back to bring in Sher Kh\u00e1n quickly, and to take possession of the fort before the sons of T\u00e1j Kh\u00e1n should be aware of their designs.<\/p>\n<p>As soon as M\u00edr D\u00e1d had come to Sher Kh\u00e1n, and had told him that it was agreed to give him up the fort and treasure, and that he should marry L\u00e1d Malika, and when he had admitted him at once into the fort, they immediately proceeded to celebrate the marriage between L\u00e1d Malika and Sher Kh\u00e1n. She gave him a present consisting of 150 of the most exceedingly valuable jewels, and seven\u00a0<em>mans<\/em>\u00a0of pearls, and 150\u00a0<em>mans<\/em> of gold, and many other articles and ornaments.<sup>18<\/sup>\u00a0Sher Kh\u00e1n subsequently got into his power and possession the\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>\u00a0near the fort of Chun\u00e1r; and after this, he strengthened his resources still further by inheriting sixty\u00a0<em>mans<\/em> of gold from Guhar Kus\u00e1\u00edn, widow of Nas\u00edr Kh\u00e1n.<sup>19<\/sup> His power was now firmly established, as he was master of a fort and of much of the treasure of the kingdom, and had collected a large force, both horse and foot. After this Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad, the son of Sult\u00e1n Sikandar, whom Hasan Kh\u00e1n Mew\u00e1tt\u00ed and the R\u00e1n\u00e1 S\u00e1ng\u00e1<sup>20<\/sup> and certain Afgh\u00e1ns had set up as king, engaged the second Jamsh\u00edd the Emperor B\u00e1bar in an action near S\u00edkr\u00ed, in which Hasan Kh\u00e1n, son of &#8216;\u00c1dil Kh\u00e1n Mew\u00e1tt\u00ed, and the R\u00e1j\u00e1 of D\u00fangarp\u00far, R\u00e1wal by name, were slain, and Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad and the R\u00e1n\u00e1 S\u00e1ng\u00e1 being defeated fled to Chitor. Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad remained for a season in that neighbourhood, and afterwards came towards Patna. Masnad &#8216;\u00c1l\u00ed &#8216;Azam Kh\u00e1n Hum\u00e1y\u00fan S\u00e1n\u00ed (whose son-in-law Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad was), Masnad &#8216;\u00c1l\u00ed \u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n, son of Haibat Kh\u00e1n, the son of Masnad &#8216;\u00c1l\u00ed &#8216;Umar Kh\u00e1n Kalkap\u00faria,<sup>21<\/sup> who had formerly been governor of L\u00e1hore, and Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm Kh\u00e1n, son of Ahmad Kh\u00e1n, son of Mub\u00e1riz Kh\u00e1n Y\u00fasuf-khail, and M\u00ed\u00e1n Babin, son of M\u00ed\u00e1n Atta S\u00e1hu-khail, governor of Sirhind, and M\u00ed\u00e1n B\u00e1yaz\u00edd Farmul\u00ed, had at that time assembled themselves together and threw obstacles in the way of the Mughals. M\u00ed\u00e1n Babin and M\u00ed\u00e1n B\u00e1yaz\u00edd were the leaders of a large force, and had very often fought against the Mughals, and had obtained a great name for their valour. These nobles invited Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad to Patna, and made him king. When Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad came with these nobles unto Bih\u00e1r, Sher Kh\u00e1n found it impossible to offer any resistance, as they possessed so considerable a force, and he himself was not held in sufficient repute among the Afgh\u00e1ns to admit of such an attempt. He was therefore necessitated to present himself before Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad. The Afgh\u00e1ns portioned out among themselves the kingdom of Bih\u00e1r,<sup>22<\/sup> but the king said to him, \u201cWhen I get possession of Jaunp\u00far, I will give to you the kingdom of Bih\u00e1r which you conquered after defeating the army of the King of Bengal. Be not at all uneasy, as Sult\u00e1n Sikandar bestowed the kingdom of Bih\u00e1r upon Dary\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n, so will I bestow it on you.\u201d Sher Kh\u00e1n requested a\u00a0<em>farm\u00e1n<\/em>\u00a0to this effect, and Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad assented, and ordered one to be executed, and so Sher Kh\u00e1n received a\u00a0<em>farm\u00e1n<\/em>\u00a0for the king\u00addom of Bih\u00e1r from the king; and having taken several months&#8217; leave, returned to his\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edr<\/em>\u00a0to prepare his forces.<\/p>\n<p>When Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad had equipped his army, he marched towards Jaunp\u00far, and issued a mandate directing Sher Kh\u00e1n to join him immediately. On the receipt of this order, Sher Kh\u00e1n wrote back in reply, that he would come as soon as he could complete the arrangements about his force. When the nobles about the king knew the purport of Sher Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s reply, they represented that Sher Kh\u00e1n was in confederacy with the Mughals, and was merely finessing and making pretences, and that the king ought not to trust what he wrote or said, but to compel him to accompany the army. &#8216;Azam Hum\u00e1y\u00fan Sarw\u00e1n\u00ed said: \u201cIt will be easy to bring Sher Kh\u00e1n along with us. Put your mind at ease. Let us march in the direction of his\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edr<\/em>, and go wherever Sher Kh\u00e1n may be. As punishment for his delay, let us exact from him a large and handsome reception, and then let us compel him to join us.\u201d Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad and his nobles were greatly pleased at &#8216;Azam Hum\u00e1y\u00fan&#8217;s advice, and praised his sagacity. They proceeded by regular marches to Sahsar\u00e1m, where Sher Kh\u00e1n then was. Sher Kh\u00e1n hearing that Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad was come with all his followers, and would compel him to join them, whether he would or no, was much vexed, and said to his friends, \u201cThe plan I had devised has not succeeded. Of the nobles who are with the king, two\u2014the one named &#8216;Azam Hum\u00e1y\u00fan, and the other &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n Sarw\u00e1n\u00ed\u2014are clever and wise men, and have much experience in public affairs. They have joined this army for the honour of the Afgh\u00e1ns and from regard to their kindred; albeit, they are aware that the army will do no good, for the nobles who are in it are not at unity among themselves, and without unity they can accomplish nothing. *** I can no longer excuse myself, I must go along with the army. Do you tell your troops to prepare for marching with all haste, while I go out to meet the king and his army my\u00adself, and put them in good humour, make my own excuses, and bring them with me; for my guests are my own kin, and do you make all preparations for entertaining them.\u201d Sher Kh\u00e1n then went out to welcome the king, and having prepared rich enter\u00adtainments of divers kinds, sent them to the quarters of the various nobles and chiefs, who were his friends, according to their rank; and also gave large presents and a magnificent entertainment to Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad, so that all parties were pleased and delighted with him.<\/p>\n<p>Sher Kh\u00e1n requested Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad to halt a few days, while he equipped his forces. Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad acceded to this request, and after a halt of some days, Sher Kh\u00e1n having made his preparations, marched in company with Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad. When they approached Jaunp\u00far, the Mughals who were there abandoned the place and fled. Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad delayed some days at Jaunp\u00far, but sent on his army in advance and occupied Lucknow and other districts.<\/p>\n<p>On hearing this intelligence, the Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan set off from \u00c1gra<sup>23<\/sup> for Lucknow, whither Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad arrived also from Jaunp\u00far. The two armies met near Lucknow, and daily skirmishes ensued. Warriors on either side came out and en\u00adgaged one another. Sher Kh\u00e1n perceiving that there was no unanimity among the Afgh\u00e1ns, but that every one acted as he thought best, wrote to Hind\u00fa Beg, and said, \u201cThe Mughals raised me from the dust. These people have brought me with them by force; but in the day of battle I will not fight, and will go off the field without engaging. Tell the Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan the true state of my case, and that I will serve him in the day of battle, and will cause the defeat of this army.\u201d When Hind\u00fa Beg showed Sher Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s letter to the Emperor, the latter ordered him to write to Sher Kh\u00e1n, \u201cBe at your ease as to your accompanying these people; act as you have written; if you do, it will be for your advancement.\u201d After some days had elapsed, the two armies joined in a general engagement, and Sher Kh\u00e1n drew off his forces at the critical moment of the battle, and retreated without engaging. This caused Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad&#8217;s defeat. Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm Kh\u00e1n Y\u00fasuf-khail made desperate exertions, and showed great gallantry in that engagement, nor did he quit his post while life remained; he repulsed every Mughal force which was opposed to him; but was at last slain. As Mi\u00e1n B\u00e1yaz\u00edd had drunk more wine than than he could bear, and had got drunk and careless, he also was slain in that battle. Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad and the other chiefs being defeated, fled to the king\u00addom of Bih\u00e1r. The Sult\u00e1n had neither money nor territory to entertain a force of his own, and his nobles who had placed him on the throne were most of them killed in the battle at Lucknow, while the few who remained were from their quarrels dispersed. Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad was greatly given to dancing women, and passed most of his time in amusing himself; and as he had no power to oppose the Mughals, he abdicated his royalty, and went and settled himself in the province of Patna, and never again attempted the throne. He died in A.H. 949.<sup>24<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>When Hum\u00e1y\u00fan had overcome Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad, and had put the greater number of his opponents to death, he sent Hind\u00fa Beg to take Chun\u00e1r from Sher Kh\u00e1n, but Sher Kh\u00e1n declined to give it up to him. When he heard this, Hum\u00e1y\u00fan com\u00admanded his victorious standards to be set in motion towards Chun\u00e1r. Sher Kh\u00e1n leaving Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n (who after the death of Sher Kh\u00e1n succeeded him under the title of Isl\u00e1m Sh\u00e1h), and another Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n, son of Jal\u00fa, in Chun\u00e1r, withdrew with his family and followers to the hills of Nahrkunda.<sup>25<\/sup>\u00a0The army of Hum\u00e1y\u00fan besieged Chun\u00e1r, and daily fighting ensued, in which both Jal\u00e1l Khans displayed valour great beyond description, and from their gallantry gained great renown. Sher Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s custom was to despatch spies to all the neighbouring countries, in order to inquire into their actual condition.<\/p>\n<p>Sher Kh\u00e1n knew that the Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan would be unable to delay long in those parts; for his spies brought him word that Bah\u00e1dur Sh\u00e1h, the King of Gujar\u00e1t had conquered the kingdom of Mand\u00fa, and was meditating the seizure of Dehl\u00ed, and would shortly declare war. Hum\u00e1y\u00fan also having received this intelli\u00adgence, Sher Kh\u00e1n sent his\u00a0<em>vak\u00edl<\/em>\u00a0to him and wrote, saying: \u201cI am your slave, and the client of Junaid Birl\u00e1s. Moreover, the good service which I did at the battle of Lucknow is known to you, and as you must entrust the fort of Chun\u00e1r to some one, make it over to me, and I will send my son Kutb Kh\u00e1n to accompany you in this expedition. Do you lay aside all anxiety as regards these parts; for if either I or any other Afgh\u00e1n do any act unbefitting or disloyal, you have my son with you; inflict on him such reprisals as may be a warning to others.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>When Sher Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s emissary represented this to the Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan, he replied: \u201cI will give Chun\u00e1r to Sher Kh\u00e1n, but on this condition, that he sends Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n with me.\u201d Sher Kh\u00e1n sent word in reply, \u201cIn the love and estimation of their father and mother, all sons are alike. Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n is not superior to Kutb Kh\u00e1n, but I have many opponents and I have vowed that I will not permit one to get a footing in the country, lest afterwards the Emperor should be compelled to war with him.\u201d Just at this time news arrived that Mirz\u00e1 Muhammad Zam\u00e1n,<sup>26<\/sup>\u00a0who had been sentenced to imprisonment in the fort of Bay\u00e1na, had regained his liberty by producing a forged\u00a0<em>farm\u00e1n<\/em> for his release, and had created a disturbance in the country; and also that Bah\u00e1dur Sh\u00e1h of Gujar\u00e1t was intending to march on Dehl\u00ed. So Hum\u00e1y\u00fan said to Sher Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s agent, that as Sher Kh\u00e1n was a loyal man, he would agree to this proposal, and that if he would send Kutb Kh\u00e1n, he would leave the fort of Chun\u00e1r with Sher Kh\u00e1n. Sher Kh\u00e1n was delighted, and sent Kutb Kh\u00e1n his son, and &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n his chamberlain, to the Emperor, who set off for \u00c1gra, and employed himself in suppressing the rebellion of Sult\u00e1n Bah\u00e1dur.<sup>27<\/sup>\u00a0Sher Kh\u00e1n took advantage of this oppor\u00adtunity, and did not leave one enemy of his remaining throughout the kingdom of Bih\u00e1r. He also began to patronize all Afgh\u00e1ns. Many of them, who had assumed the garb of religious mendi\u00adcants on account of their misfortunes, he relieved, and enlisted as soldiers; and some who refused to enlist, and preferred a life of mendicancy, he put to death, and declared he would kill every Afgh\u00e1n who refused to be a soldier. He was also very careful of his Afgh\u00e1ns in action, that their lives might not be uselessly sacrificed. When the Afgh\u00e1ns heard that Sher Kh\u00e1n was eagerly desirous of patronizing their race, they entered into his service from all directions.<\/p>\n<p>Sult\u00e1n Bah\u00e1dur being defeated, went towards S\u00farat, and the whole of the Afgh\u00e1ns who were in his service, whether chiefs or common soldiers, came to Sher Kh\u00e1n. Several powerful chiefs, who had at first scorned to enter Sher Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s service, when they saw his power day by day increasing, put aside their pride, and volunteered to serve under him. Accordingly &#8216;Azam Hum\u00e1y\u00fan Sarw\u00e1n\u00ed, and Masnad &#8216;\u00c1l\u00ed &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n son of Masnad &#8216;\u00c1l\u00ed Haibat Kh\u00e1n S\u00e1h\u00fa-khail, and M\u00ed\u00e1n Babin S\u00e1h\u00fa-khail, Kutb Kh\u00e1n Moch\u00ed-khail, Ma&#8217;r\u00faf Farmul\u00ed, and &#8216;Azam Hum\u00e1y\u00fan, eldest son of Sult\u00e1n &#8216;\u00c1lam Kh\u00e1n S\u00e1h\u00fa-khail, and in short every Afgh\u00e1n of high rank joined him, and he assumed the title of Hazrat &#8216;\u00c1l\u00ed.<\/p>\n<p>B\u00edb\u00ed Fath Malika was exceedingly wealthy; she was the daughter of M\u00ed\u00e1n K\u00e1la Pah\u00e1r<a href=\"https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20200208025115\/http:\/\/www.fas.nus.edu.sg\/hist\/eia\/documents_archive\/sarwani.php#\">*[Or &#8221; Bih\u00e1r.&#8221;]<\/a>\u00a0Farmul\u00ed, sister&#8217;s son to Sult\u00e1n Bahlol. This Mi\u00e1n Muhammad was a very prudent man; he entertained but few soldiers, and gave his chief attention to the accumulation of wealth. Sult\u00e1n Bahlol gave him in\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edr<\/em>\u00a0the whole\u00a0<em>sark\u00e1r<\/em>\u00a0of Oudh, and several\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>\u00a0besides. He in\u00adherited also wealth from his father. During the reigns of Sult\u00e1ns Bahlol, Sikandar, and Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm, his\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edrs<\/em>\u00a0were never disturbed, and during all this time he gave his attention to nothing else except the accumulation of wealth. I have heard from persons of veracity that he had amassed three hundred\u00a0<em>mans<\/em> of red hard<sup>28<\/sup>\u00a0gold, and he did not purchase any other but golden jewelry. He had no child save Fath Malika, and he married her to a lad named Shaikh Mustafa.<\/p>\n<p>When M\u00ed\u00e1n Muhammad died, towards the end of the reign of Sult\u00e1n Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm, he left one boy of uncertain parentage, who was called M\u00ed\u00e1n Nia&#8217;m\u00fa. His parentage was for this cause uncertain, as M\u00ed\u00e1n K\u00e1l\u00e1 Pah\u00e1r had bestowed one of his concubines on a servant. When the girl had been some time in the servant&#8217;s house, she bore a male child, whom she declared to be the offspring of M\u00ed\u00e1n Muhammad K\u00e1l\u00e1 Pah\u00e1r. When M\u00ed\u00e1n Mu\u00adhammad heard this, he took the girl away from his servant, and brought her into his own house, and acknowledged the child as his own son. The child grew up an able man. Sult\u00e1n Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm made Shaikh Mustafa, the husband of Fath Malika, and who was also her father&#8217;s brother&#8217;s son, the successor to M\u00ed\u00e1n Mu\u00adhammad K\u00e1l\u00e1 Pah\u00e1r; but gave a small portion of K\u00e1l\u00e1 Pah\u00e1r&#8217;s treasury to M\u00ed\u00e1n Nia&#8217;m\u00fa, and also bestowed one or two\u00a0<em>par-ganas\u00a0<\/em>of the\u00a0<em>sark\u00e1r<\/em>\u00a0of Oudh in\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edr<\/em>\u00a0on him; but the greater portion of K\u00e1l\u00e1 Pah\u00e1r&#8217;s treasure came into the possession of Fath Malika.<\/p>\n<p>This Mustafa, during the time of Sult\u00e1n Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm and after\u00adwards, distinguished himself in action.<sup>29<\/sup>\u00a0I have heard from various relators of history, that during the lifetime of Sult\u00e1n Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm, M\u00ed\u00e1n Mustafa and M\u00ed\u00e1n Ma&#8217;r\u00faf Farmul\u00ed quarrelled regarding some territory, and fought about it. It was M\u00ed\u00e1n Mustafa&#8217;s custom, when about to engage, to prepare sundry\u00a0<em>mans<\/em>\u00a0of sweetmeats in commemoration of his father M\u00ed\u00e1n Muhammad, and distribute them to\u00a0<em>fak\u00edrs<\/em>. This done, he used to set off to fight. M\u00ed\u00e1n Ma&#8217;r\u00faf employed himself in reading prayers and supplications.<\/p>\n<p>When M\u00ed\u00e1n Mustafa died, he left a young daughter, by name Mihr Sult\u00e1n. Fath Malika, being a very able woman, had educated M\u00ed\u00e1n B\u00e1yaz\u00edd, a younger brother of Mustafa. She said to him, \u201cDo you look to the soldiery, I will provide money.\u201d M\u00ed\u00e1n B\u00e1yaz\u00edd with this money collected a very large force, and greatly distinguished himself, gaining several victories over the troops of the Emperor B\u00e1bar; so that the names of M\u00ed\u00e1n B\u00e1bin and M\u00ed\u00e1n B\u00e1yaz\u00edd became famous; but since the death of B\u00e1yaz\u00edd has been already described, there is no need for repeating the story here. When he was slain, Fath Malika was in Bih\u00e1r, and collecting a number of men to protect the treasure, she proceeded to the hills adjoining Bih\u00e1r, intending to go to Patna; for the R\u00e1j\u00e1 of Patna had shown great favour to the more wealthy Afgh\u00e1ns. When B\u00e1yaz\u00edd was killed, and Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad had given up striving for the Empire, the R\u00e1j\u00e1 of Patna considered that the fortune of the Afgh\u00e1n connexion was on the decline, and stretched out the hand of oppression against the possessions of the Afgh\u00e1ns to whom he had given shelter. Fath Malika, on hearing this news, abandoned her intention of going to Patna. When Sher Kh\u00e1n heard that the B\u00edb\u00ed, from this apprehension, had abandoned her design of going to Patna, he was much delighted, and conceived the intention of getting Fath Malika, by means of some pretence or stratagem, into his own clutches, lest she should go into the territories of some other potentate, and the treasure should thus slip out of his grasp, which would have grieved him to all eternity. So he sent his\u00a0<em>vak\u00edl<\/em>\u00a0to the B\u00edb\u00ed, and wrote to this effect: \u201cThe nobles and grandees of Sult\u00e1ns Bahlol and Sikandar have come into these parts, and have honoured me by taking shelter with me, and are collected together for the honour of the Afgh\u00e1ns. Your servant also has girt up his loins in this cause and design, and you have strong claims on the consideration of the Afgh\u00e1n race, first because you are of the family of Shaikh Muhammad; secondly, there is your connexion with a descendant of Sult\u00e1n Bahlol. What fault has your servant committed, that you delay in visiting his country? There is no trusting the promises of the unbelievers of these parts; and (which God forbid!) if any injury should occur to your people among these hills in which you now are, it would be an eternal disgrace to me. Men would say, \u2018Because she could not trust Sher Kh\u00e1n, she would not enter his country.\u2019\u201d When the\u00a0<em>vak\u00edl<\/em>\u00a0came to Fath Malika, and she heard what Sher Kh\u00e1n wrote, she wrote in reply, that if he would make a covenant with her, and confirm it by oaths, she would come to him. To this Sher Kh\u00e1n agreed, and she sent a trustworthy man to Sher Kh\u00e1n, in whose presence he swore, and pledged himself by the most solemn oaths. B\u00edb\u00ed Fath Malika being fully assured, came to Sher Kh\u00e1n, and remained some time with him.<\/p>\n<p>When Nas\u00edb Sh\u00e1h, the ruler of Bengal, died, the nobles of Bengal made Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad his successor; but he was not able to manage the kingdom, and it fell into disorder. Sher Kh\u00e1n conceived the desire of seizing the kingdom of Bengal, and took from the B\u00edb\u00ed 300\u00a0<em>mans<\/em>\u00a0of gold to equip his army; and gave her two\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>\u00a0for her support (<em>madad-ma&#8217;\u00e1sh<\/em>), besides leaving her some ready money for her immediate expenses.<sup>30<\/sup>\u00a0But Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n having, against the B\u00edb\u00ed&#8217;s consent, wished to espouse her daughter Mihr Sult\u00e1n, Sher Kh\u00e1n, on hearing of it, forbade Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n; and she married her daughter to one Sult\u00e1n Sikandar, a relation of her own. This Sikandar proved very unworthy. During Mihr Sult\u00e1n&#8217;s life he lived in comfort; and in the reign of the Emperor Akbar, in the year 975 A.H., Mihr Sult\u00e1n, on her way to the\u00a0<em>pargana<\/em>\u00a0of Kayat, in the direction of Sind, died in the house of Muzaffar Kh\u00e1n. Sher Kh\u00e1n having equipped his army with this money, attacked the king\u00addom of Bengal, and got possession of all of it on this side Ghar\u00ed (S\u00edkr\u00ed-gal\u00ed).<\/p>\n<p>When the Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan came back from Gujar\u00e1t, the Kh\u00e1n-kh\u00e1n\u00e1n Y\u00fasuf-khail (who brought the Emperor B\u00e1bar from K\u00e1bul to Hindust\u00e1n) said to him: \u201cIt is not wise to neglect Sher Kh\u00e1n, for he is rebelliously inclined, and well understands all matters pertaining to government; moreover, all the Afgh\u00e1ns are collected round him.\u201d The Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan, relying on the vastness of his forces, and on the pride of Empire, took no heed of Sher Kh\u00e1n, and remaining the rainy season at \u00c1gra, sent Hind\u00fa Beg to Jaunp\u00far, with directions to write a full and true report regarding Sher Kh\u00e1n.<\/p>\n<p>When Sher Kh\u00e1n heard that the Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan intended himself marching towards Bih\u00e1r, he sent magnificent presents to Hind\u00fa Beg, governor of Jaunp\u00far, and gained his goodwill. At the same time Sher Kh\u00e1n wrote thus: \u201cFrom what I promised I have not departed. I have not invaded the Emperor&#8217;s country. Kindly write to the Emperor; and assuring him of my loyalty, dissuade him from marching in this direction; for I am his servant and well-wisher.\u201d When Hind\u00fa beheld Sher Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s presents, he approved of them, and was well pleased, and he said to the\u00a0<em>vak\u00edl<\/em>, \u201cSo long as I live, let your mind be easy. No one shall injure you.\u201d And in the presence of Sher Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s\u00a0<em>vak\u00edl<\/em>, Hind\u00fa Beg wrote a letter to the Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan, saying: \u201cSher Kh\u00e1n is a loyal servant of Your Majesty, and strikes coin and reads the\u00a0<em>khutba<\/em>\u00a0in your name, and has not trans\u00adgressed the boundaries of Your Majesty&#8217;s territory, or done anything since your departure which could be any cause of annoyance to you.\u201d The Emperor, on receipt of Hind\u00fa Beg&#8217;s letter deferred his journey that year. Sher Kh\u00e1n, meanwhile, detached Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n, Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n senior, and other chiefs, to conquer Bengal and the city of Gaur. On their entering Bengal, Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad, unable to oppose them, retired to the fort of Gaur. The Afgh\u00e1ns, having made themselves masters of the surrounding country, invested and besieged that fortress, before which daily skirmishes took place.<\/p>\n<p>The following year the Emperor marched towards Bih\u00e1r and Bengal. When he arrived near Chun\u00e1r, he consulted his nobles whether he should first take Chun\u00e1r, or march towards Gaur, which the son of Sher Kh\u00e1n was besieging, but had not yet taken. All his Mughal nobles advised that he should first take Chun\u00e1r, and then march on Gaur, and it was so determined; but when Hum\u00e1y\u00fan asked the Kh\u00e1n-kh\u00e1n\u00e1n Y\u00fasuf-khail for his opinion, he (having previously heard that the Mughal nobles had agreed it was advisable first to take Chun\u00e1r) said, \u201cIt is a counsel of the young to take Chun\u00e1r first; the counsel of the aged is, that as there is much treasure in Gaur, it is advisable to take Gaur first; after that the capture of Chun\u00e1r is an easy matter.\u201d The Emperor replied: \u201cI am young, and prefer the counsel of the young. I will not leave the fort of Chun\u00e1r in my rear.\u201d The author has heard from the Kh\u00e1n-kh\u00e1n\u00e1n&#8217;s com\u00adpanions, that when he returned to his quarters, he observed: \u201cThe luck of Sher Kh\u00e1n is great, that the Mughals do not go to Gaur. Before they take this fort, the Afgh\u00e1ns will have conquered Gaur, and all its treasures will fall into their hands.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Sher Kh\u00e1n left Gh\u00e1z\u00ed S\u00far and Bul\u00e1ki,<sup>31<\/sup>\u00a0who was the com\u00admandant of Chun\u00e1r, in that fortress, and removed his family and those of his Afgh\u00e1n followers to the fortress of Bahrkunda; but as he had many families with him, that fort could not hold them all. There existed a friendly connexion between Sher Kh\u00e1n and the R\u00e1j\u00e1 of the fort of Roht\u00e1s, and Ch\u00far\u00e1man, the R\u00e1j\u00e1&#8217;s\u00a0<em>n\u00e1\u00edb<\/em>, was on particular terms of intimate friendship and alliance with Sher Kh\u00e1n. This Ch\u00far\u00e1man was a Br\u00e1hman, and was a person of the highest rank, and had formerly shown kindness to the family of M\u00ed\u00e1n Niz\u00e1m, own brother to Sher Kh\u00e1n, and procured them shelter in the fort of Roht\u00e1s; and when all danger had gone by, the family again quitted the fort, and made it over to the R\u00e1j\u00e1. On the present occasion, Sher Kh\u00e1n wrote that he was in great straits, and that if the R\u00e1j\u00e1 would give him the loan of the fort for a short time, he would be obliged to him all his days, and that when all danger was past, he would again restore the fort. Ch\u00far\u00e1man replied, \u201cBe of good cheer, I will manage it, so that the R\u00e1j\u00e1 shall lend you the fort.\u201d When Ch\u00far\u00e1man went to the R\u00e1j\u00e1, he said, \u201cSher Kh\u00e1n has asked for the loan of Roht\u00e1s for his family. He is your neighbour. This is my advice, it is an opportunity to show kindness; you should admit his family.\u201d The R\u00e1j\u00e1 agreed.<\/p>\n<p>When Sher Kh\u00e1n sent his family from Bahrkunda, the R\u00e1j\u00e1 retracted his promise, and said, \u201cWhen I admitted M\u00ed\u00e1n Niz\u00e1m into the fort, they had but a small force. I was the stronger. Now they have the larger force, and I a small one. If I admit them into the fort, and they will not restore it, I cannot take it from them by force.\u201d Ch\u00far\u00e1man wrote to Sher Kh\u00e1n, saying: \u201cCertain persons, my enemies, have given very evil counsel to the R\u00e1j\u00e1, and persuaded him to violate his promise, and to decline giving you the fort.\u201d Sher Kh\u00e1n, on receiving this news, was much grieved and anxious, and he wrote to the R\u00e1j\u00e1, and said: \u201cOn the faith of your promise, I have brought my family from Bahrkunda. If the Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan hears this news, he will send his army, and all the families of the Afgh\u00e1ns will be taken and enslaved. This misfortune will rest on your head.\u201d Sher Kh\u00e1n also gave to Ch\u00far\u00e1man a bribe of six\u00a0<em>mans<\/em> of gold, and said: \u201cPersuade in any way you can the R\u00e1j\u00e1 to give me the loan of this fort for a few days, for my family; but if he will not give it, then I will go and make my peace with the Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan, and will revenge myself on everything belonging to the R\u00e1j\u00e1.\u201d Ch\u00far\u00e1man said, \u201cBe of good heart, I will procure admittance for your women and children.\u201d So Ch\u00far\u00e1man then went to the R\u00e1j\u00e1, and said: \u201cIt is not becoming your dignity to break your promise. Sher Kh\u00e1n, on the strength of it, has brought his family from the fort of Bahrkunda. If the Emperor hears that his family is not in safety, he will attack and destroy them, and the blame will rest on my shoulders. Moreover, if Sher Kh\u00e1n be in extremities, he will make peace with the Emperor, and will attack you, and you are not strong enough to oppose him. Why do you thus heedlessly provoke his hostility, and throw your kingdom into confusion? I am a Br\u00e1hman, and since Sher Kh\u00e1n came here relying on my word, if his family be slain, the blame will rest on me. If you do not admit him into the fort, I will take poison and die at your door.\u201d When the R\u00e1j\u00e1 saw Ch\u00far\u00e1man thus determined, he agreed to admit the family of Sher Kh\u00e1n into the fort. Sher Kh\u00e1n had not heard of the permission, when he received intelli\u00adgence that Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n senior had been drowned in the ditch of the fort of Gaur, and that the fort of Chun\u00e1r had surrendered to the Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan.<sup>32<\/sup>\u00a0He became very depressed and anxious, and bestowing on the younger brother of Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n, whose name was Mus\u00e1hib Kh\u00e1n, the sur\u00adname of Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n, detached him with urgent instructions, that since Chun\u00e1r had fallen, and that the Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan would in a few days march towards Bengal, he was to press the siege of Gaur with all possible despatch.<\/p>\n<p>Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n arrived at Gaur, and said to Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n, \u201cMy orders from the king<sup>33<\/sup>\u00a0are to take the fort of Gaur without delay, as the Emperor is coming up in our rear.\u201d Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n said: \u201cWait yet to-day.\u201d But Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n replied, \u201cI cannot disobey my orders; we must at once make the attack.\u201d Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n said: \u201cBe it so! go to your post.\u201d Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n, taking his leave of Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n, came to his brother&#8217;s post, and encouraged his brother&#8217;s force, saying, \u201cMy orders are these: The instant I arrive to use every endeavour to take the fort and not in any way to delay.\u201d He directed the heralds to command the army to prepare themselves with all haste, as there was no time to lose; and arming himself, he sent to Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n to say, \u201cI am ready with my whole force in obedience to the orders of Sher Kh\u00e1n, and only wait for you. Do you array yourselves also; it is not good to delay. By God&#8217;s grace we will be victorious.\u201d Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n, Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n, and the rest were displeased, but, nevertheless, got ready. Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n personally displayed such energy and gallantry, that he succeeded in mastering the fortress even before Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n arrived. From that day his valour became celebrated, and after that he conquered wherever he went, so that in all Sher Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s army there was none like him for intrepidity as well as liberality.<\/p>\n<p>Gaur having fallen, Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n sent an account of the victory to his father, and attributed it to Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n. On hearing the news, Sher Kh\u00e1n was exceedingly delighted; and Ch\u00far\u00e1man also came to him, and said that the R\u00e1j\u00e1 had consented to give him the fort of Roht\u00e1s, into which he might bring his women and children. Sher Kh\u00e1n brought his women and children near to the fort, and expressed his devoted friendship for and obliga\u00adtion to the R\u00e1j\u00e1, and gave him much money and goods of various kinds, saying: \u201cIf ever I am again prosperous, I will not consider myself absolved from my obligations to you.\u201d The R\u00e1j\u00e1 was much delighted, and said, \u201cThe fort of Roht\u00e1s is yours, order in your family.\u201d Sher Kh\u00e1n had given orders to his men that none should go out who once went in; after this, Sher Kh\u00e1n himself went in and examined the fort. He thanked God, and said: \u201cThe fort of Chun\u00e1r is no fort in comparison with this; as that has gone out of my possession, this has come into it. I was not so pleased at the conquest of Gaur as (I am) at getting possession of Roht\u00e1s.\u201d And he said to the guards of the fort, \u201cYou had best go to the R\u00e1j\u00e1, and say, \u2018You cannot remain in the same place with the Afgh\u00e1ns, or it will be the worse for you.\u2019\u201d And he ordered his own men, if the guards did not obey the order to leave the fort, to eject them by force. Sher Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s men were all prepared, as, when they told the guards what Sher Kh\u00e1n had said, and these refused, they turned them out by force of arms. So Sher Kh\u00e1n placed his own guards and sentries in every part of the fort, and took the greatest precau\u00adtion for its safe custody, and drove the R\u00e1j\u00e1 away from the fort. In the manner thus described he got possession of the fort of Roht\u00e1s.<\/p>\n<p>The commonly received report that Sher Kh\u00e1n put Afgh\u00e1ns into\u00a0<em>dol\u00eds<\/em>, and sent them into the fort as women, is altogether erroneous and false.<sup>34<\/sup>\u00a0For I, the writer of this history,\u00a0<em>Tuhfa-i Akbar Sh\u00e1h\u00ed<\/em>, the son of Shaikh &#8216;\u00c1l\u00ed, have inquired of several chiefs and nobles who were with Sher Kh\u00e1n in the affair. For example, I inquired of the chief of great nobles Muzaffar Kh\u00e1n, and nephew of Masnad &#8216;\u00c1l\u00ed &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n, and of Shaikh Muhammad, son of M\u00ed\u00e1n B\u00e1yaz\u00edd Sarw\u00e1n\u00ed, and several others who were present on the occasion; and they said, \u201cIt is needful you should hear from us the history of your ancestors, for you are connected with Sult\u00e1n Bahlol, Sult\u00e1n Sikandar, Sher Sh\u00e1h, and Sal\u00edm Sh\u00e1h. Take heed to our words, for after a lapse of many days, frequent errors and mistakes arise. We will tell you what we heard and saw.\u201d I said to Kh\u00e1n-&#8216;azam Muzaffar Kh\u00e1n, son of Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n, the son of Haibat Kh\u00e1n, \u201cIt is commonly said that Sher Kh\u00e1n took Roht\u00e1s by introducing the Afgh\u00e1ns in covered litters, and you contradict this story. I do not know whom to believe.\u201d He replied: \u201cYou know I was with the followers of Masnad &#8216;\u00c1l\u00ed &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n, and my family was in Roht\u00e1s, while I accompanied Sher Kh\u00e1n to the hills.\u201d When Sher Kh\u00e1n got possession of Roht\u00e1s, he left there his women and children, with his eldest son &#8216;\u00c1dil Kh\u00e1n, and Kutb Kh\u00e1n; and he himself went to the hills of Bahrkunda, and wandered about from place to place.<sup>35<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>After the Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan had got possession of Chun\u00e1r, he halted in Benares, and sent an envoy to Sher Kh\u00e1n, having it in view to get possession of the country of Bih\u00e1r. Sher Kh\u00e1n knew he had this design, and said to the envoy, \u201cI have captured the fort of Gaur, and have collected about me a very large force of Afgh\u00e1ns. If the Emperor will abandon all design upon Bengal, I will surrender Bih\u00e1r to him, and make it over to whomsoever he will depute, and will agree to the same boundaries of Bengal as existed in Sult\u00e1n Sikandar&#8217;s time; and I will send all the ensigns of royalty\u2014as the umbrella throne, etc.\u2014to the Emperor, and will yearly send him ten\u00a0<em>lacs<\/em>\u00a0of rupees from Bengal. But let the Emperor return towards \u00c1gra.\u201d The envoy came back to Hum\u00e1y\u00fan, and reported what Sher Kh\u00e1n had said. The Emperor, on hearing about Bih\u00e1r, became exceedingly glad, and agreed to what Sher Kh\u00e1n proposed, and gave a horse, and a peculiarly splendid\u00a0<em>khil&#8217;at<\/em>\u00a0to the envoy for delivery to Sher Sh\u00e1h; and directed him to say to Sher Sh\u00e1h that his proposals were accepted, and that he should not delay to put them in execution. The\u00a0<em>vak\u00edl<\/em>\u00a0came to Sher Sh\u00e1h, and gave him the horse and dress, and told him what the Emperor had said. Sher Kh\u00e1n was much delighted, and said, \u201cI will fulfil the terms agreed upon, and will pray day and night to Almighty God that while life lasts no hostility may befall between the Emperor and myself, for I am his dependent and servant.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Three days after this despatch the envoy of Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad, the ruler of Bengal, came into the presence of the Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan, and made the following communication: \u201cThe Afgh\u00e1ns have seized the fort of Gaur, but most of the country is yet in my possession; let not Your Majesty trust to Sher Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s promises, but march towards these parts, and before they have established and strengthened themselves, expel them from the country, and altogether suppress this revolt. I also will join you, and they are not powerful enough to oppose you.\u201d As soon as he heard this request of Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad, the Emperor ordered his victorious standards to be set in motion towards Bengal; and afterwards he ordered the Kh\u00e1n-kh\u00e1n\u00e1n Y\u00fasuf-khail, the Birl\u00e1s chiefs, and some other nobles, to go on in advance, and with their force in battle array to move towards the hills of Bahrkunda, where Sher Kh\u00e1n was. Mirz\u00e1 Hind\u00e1l also was ordered to cross the Ganges with his division, and to move on H\u00e1j\u00edp\u00far. The Emperor himself went towards Bengal.<\/p>\n<p>When Sher Kh\u00e1n heard this intelligence, he entirely gave up all trust in the promises and faith of Hum\u00e1y\u00fan, and said to the envoy: \u201cI have observed all loyalty to the Emperor, and have committed no offence against him, and have not encroached upon his boundaries. When I got Bih\u00e1r from the Loh\u00e1n\u00eds, and the King of Bengal formed a design to seize that country, I besought him most submissively to leave me as I was, and not to attempt to deprive me of Bih\u00e1r. By reason of his large army and forces he would not attend to me, and since he thus oppressed me, the Almighty gave me the victory; and as he coveted the kingdom of Bih\u00e1r, God wrested away from him also the king\u00addom of Bengal. The Emperor has only considered the word of the ruler of Bengal, and has overlooked the service I have rendered, and all the force of Afgh\u00e1ns which I have assembled for his service, and has marched against Bengal. When the Emperor besieged Chun\u00e1r, the Afgh\u00e1ns urged me to oppose him, but I restrained them from declaring war, and said, \u2018The Emperor is powerful; you should not fight with him for the sake of a fort, for he is my lord and patron, and when he perceives that, in spite of my powerful forces, I pay respect to him, he will understand that I am his loyal servant, and will give me a kingdom to maintain this large army. The Emperor desired the kingdom of Bih\u00e1r, and I was willing to surrender it. But it is not the right way to govern a kingdom to separate so large a force from his service, and in order to please their enemies, to ruin and slay the Afgh\u00e1ns.\u2019 But since the Emperor takes no heed of all this good service, and has violated his promise, I have now no hope or means of restraining the Afgh\u00e1ns from opposing him. You will hear what deeds the Afgh\u00e1ns will do, and the march to Bengal will end in repentance and regret, for now the Afgh\u00e1ns are united, and have laid aside their mutual quarrels and envyings. The country which the Mughals have taken from the Afgh\u00e1ns, they got through the internal dissensions among the latter.\u201d So saying, he gave him a parting present, and dismissed him. The force he had with him Sher Kh\u00e1n sent to Roht\u00e1s, and he him\u00adself with a few horsemen, in order that he might not be traced, set off from that place towards Gaur secretly. From thence he proceeded, unknown to any one, to the hills, and lay hid there, and sent spies into the camp of the Emperor in order to discover his intentions. Hum\u00e1y\u00fan was told, after he had made two marches, that Sher Kh\u00e1n had gone to the hills. He, therefore, returned; and the Kh\u00e1n-kh\u00e1n\u00e1n Y\u00fasuf-khail and Barr\u00ed B\u00edrlas, who had been sent against Sher Kh\u00e1n, were halted in the\u00a0<em>pargana<\/em>\u00a0of Mun\u00edr Shaikh Yahy\u00e1, where they heard that Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad Barr\u00ed, the King of Gaur, was come. B\u00edrlas went out to meet him. They had not yet escorted him to his encamping ground, when the Emperor himself arrived at Mun\u00edr. They brought Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad to the Emperor, who did not receive him kindly or pay him the respect he anticipated; so that Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad repented that he had come, and shortly after\u00adwards died from extreme grief. The Emperor issued orders for the arrangement of his army at the town of Mun\u00edr.<\/p>\n<p>Muyid Beg, son of Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad, and Jah\u00e1ng\u00edr K\u00fal\u00ed, son of Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm B\u00e1yaz\u00edd, M\u00edr N\u00fark\u00e1, Tard\u00ed Beg, Barr\u00ed B\u00edrlas, Mub\u00e1rak Farmul\u00ed, and other chiefs, with a force of 30,000 horse, were ordered to march seven\u00a0<em>kos<\/em>\u00a0in advance of the Imperial army. Sher Kh\u00e1n, on hearing that Hum\u00e1y\u00fan had set off towards Bengal, departed himself secretly with only a few horsemen. When the Emperor reached Patna, the division which was seven\u00a0<em>kos<\/em>\u00a0in advance had not reached their ground, when their vedettes came to a village where what should they see but some cavalry in a garden. They asked of one of the villagers whose those horse\u00admen were? He said, \u201cIt is Sher Kh\u00e1n himself.\u201d The vedettes, when they heard the name of Sher Kh\u00e1n, were so alarmed, that they never examined what amount of force Sher Kh\u00e1n had with him, but returned and told to Muyid Beg that \u201cSher Kh\u00e1n was encamped at such and such a village.\u201d Muyid Beg was of opinion that Sher Kh\u00e1n was there to oppose them, and sent to the Emperor to ask for orders; and encamped where he was, sending out a reconnoitring party to bring intelligence. When the persons sent to reconnoitre came near the place, they could not discover a single horseman there; on which the Mughals entered the village, and inquired of the head-man (<em>mukaddam<\/em>), who said, that Sher Kh\u00e1n had halted there with a few horsemen; but on seeing the advance of their cavalry had gone off with all speed on the road to Mung\u00edr. When the party returned from reconnoitring, it was nearly evening, and on this account they delayed the pursuit of Sher Kh\u00e1n.<\/p>\n<p>When Sher Kh\u00e1n had crossed the defile of Ghar\u00ed, he saw Saif Kh\u00e1n Acha-khail Sarw\u00e1n\u00ed, who was taking his family towards Roht\u00e1s. Sher Kh\u00e1n said, \u201cTurn, for the Mughal army is near at hand.\u201d When Saif Kh\u00e1n was apprised of the actual truth regarding the Emperor&#8217;s army, he said to Sher Khan, \u201cThere are but few men with you, and the distance between the armies is small. The Emperor will pursue you with the utmost expedi\u00adtion, in the hope you may fall into his hands. Do you take my family with you, and go your way. Early to-morrow morning I will occupy the entrance of the pass, and while life remains in my body I will hold the Emperor&#8217;s army in check, so that an ample distance may be placed between you and the Mughals.\u201d Sher Kh\u00e1n said, \u201cIt is not right that to preserve myself I should cast you into the whirlpool of destruction.\u201d Saif Kh\u00e1n replied: \u201cAll men are not equal; a man ought to sacrifice himself for his own household. *** My life and those of my brethren shall be expended in the service of my lord.\u201d Although Sher Kh\u00e1n urged him repeatedly to go along with him, Saif Kh\u00e1n would not consent; so Sher Kh\u00e1n took his family with him, and relieved from all anxiety regarding the pursuit of the Mughals, proceeded on his course with all speed.<\/p>\n<p>The next morning, when the sun was well risen, Saif Kh\u00e1n told his brethren to bathe, and be prepared for death. ** Saif Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s brethren said: \u201cSince you have decided to do this, we are ready to sacrifice a thousand lives for you; it is the time now to act, not to talk; we will not fail to do our best.\u201d On this they put themselves at their several posts, and occupied the entrance of Gug\u00e1rghar. When the army of the Emperor drew near, Saif Kh\u00e1n commenced the action. Notwithstanding great exertions on the part of the Mughals, they could not force the entrance of Gug\u00e1rghar. The gallantry displayed by Saif Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s brethren was beyond all description; they held the Mughals in check till a little after mid-day, when most of Saif Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s brethren were slain, and he himself was severely wounded in three places; and becoming insensible, was taken alive by the Mughals. They took him before Muyid, who sent him to the Emperor; and he, when he heard his story, praised him very highly, saying, \u201cSuch it behoves a soldier to be, who should lay down his life to advance his master&#8217;s interests.\u201d He then said to Saif Kh\u00e1n, \u201cI set you free, go whither you please.\u201d Saif Kh\u00e1n said, \u201cMy family is with Sher Kh\u00e1n, I wish to go to him.\u201d The Emperor replied: \u201cI have given you your life, do as you will.\u201d So Saif Kh\u00e1n returned to Sher Kh\u00e1n.<\/p>\n<p>When Sher Kh\u00e1n arrived at Mung\u00edr, where Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n N\u00ed\u00e1z\u00ed<sup>36<\/sup> was, he ordered him, as Hum\u00e1y\u00fan&#8217;s army was approach\u00ading, to take Saif Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s family to the fort of Ghar\u00ed, and em\u00adbarking in a swift sailing boat, went down the river towards Gaur. When he arrived there, he sent his son Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n with some of his nobles to occupy the pass of Ghar\u00ed,<sup>37<\/sup> and to hold the Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan in check there, while he himself made all necessary preparations and arrangements, and conveyed to Roht\u00e1s the treasure which had fallen into his possession at Gaur. When Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n came to Ghar\u00ed, the van of the Emperor&#8217;s army was already near at hand. Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n proposed to attack it, but his chiefs dissuaded him, saying that he had not been sent by Sher Kh\u00e1n to risk an engagement, and that he ought merely to hold the pass against Hum\u00e1y\u00fan&#8217;s advance. Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n, however, did not assent to their counsel, but leaving 1000 horse to hold Ghar\u00ed, and advancing himself with 6000, attacked the Imperialists, and after a sharp action defeated them.<sup>38<\/sup> Mub\u00e1rak Farmul\u00ed, Ab\u00fa-l Fath Lang\u00e1h, as well as many men on the side of the Mughals, fell in the engagement.<sup>39<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n, returning to Ghar\u00ed, fortified the pass. The night after the action it rained so hard, that the road was rendered impassable, for it was the commencment of the rainy season. The Emperor was delayed in this spot one month, and Sher Kh\u00e1n availing himself of the interval, and taking with him all the treasure which had come into his hands by the fall of Gaur, went by way of Jh\u00e1rkand to Roht\u00e1s; and on arriving there, sent to Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n, directing him to abandon Ghar\u00ed and to come to Roht\u00e1s. When the Emperor heard that Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n had abandoned and gone away from Ghar\u00ed, he sent (on account of the excessive rain) a part of his force under Mirz\u00e1 Hind\u00e1l to \u00c1gra, and proceeded himself to Gaur, the capital of Bengal, where he lay for three months, and admitted no one to an audience with him, A.H. 945 (A.D. 1538-9).<\/p>\n<p>Meanwhile, Sher Kh\u00e1n came to Benares, and besieged the governor, and detached thence Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n to Mung\u00edr, where the Emperor had left the Kh\u00e1n-kh\u00e1n\u00e1n Y\u00fasuf-khail, when he himself went to Gaur. Sher Kh\u00e1n sent Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n with instructions to take Kh\u00e1n-kh\u00e1n\u00e1n prisoner, and bring him to his presence, because this same Kh\u00e1n-kh\u00e1n\u00e1n had brought the Emperor B\u00e1bar from K\u00e1bul to India. Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n came suddenly by night upon the city, and seizing the Kh\u00e1n-kh\u00e1n\u00e1n, brought him to Benares. Shortly after this, Benares was taken, and the greater part of the Mughal gar\u00adrison was killed. Subsequently, Haibat Kh\u00e1n N\u00ed\u00e1z\u00ed, Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n Jal\u00fa, Sarmast Kh\u00e1n Sarw\u00e1n\u00ed, and other chiefs were sent against Bahr\u00e1\u00edch, and they drove out the Mughals from those parts until they arrived at and captured the city of Sambhal, and made slaves of the inhabitants, and spoiled the city. Another force was sent towards Jaunp\u00far, the governor of which place was killed in battle, and the same force was then sent in the direction of \u00c1gra. Every governor on the part of the Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan, throughout the whole country, who offered any opposition, was killed, or was defeated and driven out of the country; so that all the districts as far as Kanauj and Sambhal fell into the possession of the Afgh\u00e1ns. Sher Kh\u00e1n also sent Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n against the city of Mah\u00e1rta,\u00a0<em>zam\u00ednd\u00e1r<\/em>, with orders to cut down his jungle fastness, and to capture him. The officers of Sher Kh\u00e1n also collected the revenue of both the autumn and spring harvests of these parts.<\/p>\n<p>When the Emperor heard that Mirz\u00e1 Hind\u00e1l had slain Shaikh Bahlol, and excited a sedition in the neighbourhood of \u00c1gra, he became distracted,<sup>40<\/sup> and started from Bengal (as the heat of the season had somewhat abated) towards \u00c1gra. Sher Kh\u00e1n, summoning all his forces from Bih\u00e1r, Jaunp\u00far, and other places, excepting only the division with Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n acting against Mah\u00e1rta.<sup>41<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>When the Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan advanced in the direction of Sher Kh\u00e1n, thus encamped about Roht\u00e1s, Sher Kh\u00e1n assembled his chiefs, and addressed them thus: \u201cThe army of the Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan is in great disorder from his delay in Bengal; more\u00adover, sedition has arisen in \u00c1gra. It is on this account that he neglects me, and is taking his departure. If you agree with me, I will try my fortune, for my force at this moment is in perfect order. Before the Emperor marched against Bengal I made every submission, and agreed to pay a yearly tribute, if the Emperor would confer Bengal on me, that I might not be brought into hostilities with my patron. He agreed to give me Bengal, but when the envoy of the King of Bengal, Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad, came to him, the king retracted his promise, and I was compelled to oppose him; and now that I have overthrown his armies which were in Bih\u00e1r and Jaunp\u00far, and taken those countries, the way to peace is closed.\u201d &#8216;Azam Hum\u00e1y\u00fan Sarw\u00e1n\u00ed (who had been one of Sikandar&#8217;s nobles, and had now joined himself to Sher Kh\u00e1n) replied: \u201cYou ought not to take counsel with the nobles of Sult\u00e1ns Bahlol and Sikandar as to fighting the Mughals, for this reason, that every plan we have devised has by our ill-fortune failed, and as often as we have fought, we have from our internal dissensions been defeated. Fortune has befriended you, in that the whole of the Afgh\u00e1ns have become united heart and soul under you, and have been always ready to engage the Mughals. Men of experience and sagacity have declared to me that the Afgh\u00e1ns are not inferior to the Mughals in warlike prowess, but fly away only because of their internal disunion. The Afgh\u00e1ns will drive the Mughals from India, whenever they obey one leader and are united under him. You are that fortunate man. Ask your other chiefs and act on their advice; as for us, victory has become your friend, and I have nothing to recommend.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>When Sher Kh\u00e1n heard these words of &#8216;Azam Hum\u00e1y\u00fan, he asked his other nobles, for example, Kutb Kh\u00e1n, Haibat Kh\u00e1n N\u00ed\u00e1z\u00ed, Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n bin Jalo\u00ed, Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n, Sarmast Kh\u00e1n Sar-w\u00e1n\u00ed, and others; and they unanimously declared that it was advis\u00adable to fight, for they would never have such an opportunity again.<\/p>\n<p>When Sher Kh\u00e1n perceived that the Afgh\u00e1ns were united in his favour and in good heart to fight the Mughals, he quitted the hills of Roht\u00e1s, and marched to meet the Emperor&#8217;s army. At every stage he entrenched himself with an earthwork, and going on entirely at his leisure, made very short marches. When the Emperor heard that Sher Kh\u00e1n was coming, he retraced his steps, and turned in the direction of Sher Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s army. Sher Kh\u00e1n on hearing this, wrote to the Emperor, saying, that if the Emperor would give him the kingdom of Bengal, and be satisfied that the\u00a0<em>khutba<\/em> be read and money struck in the Emperor&#8217;s name, he would be the Emperor&#8217;s vassal. Sher Kh\u00e1n then marching on, and selecting an advantageous place,\u2014a large village with a stream of water intervening between himself and the Emperor,\u2014entrenched himself there.<sup>42<\/sup>\u00a0The breadth of the stream was twenty-five yards.<\/p>\n<p>Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n also, who had been sent against Mah\u00e1rta, was summoned to come with all speed. The Emperor, on receiving Sher Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s missive, agreed to give him the kingdom of Bengal, but on condition that whereas he had transgressed his boundaries, and had encamped himself in face of the Emperor on the other side the stream, he should show his respect to the Emperor by retreating, and leaving the passage of the river free to the Emperor; and that when the Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan had crossed, he would march two or three marches in the track of Sher Kh\u00e1n, and then turn back.<sup>43<\/sup>\u00a0Sher Kh\u00e1n agreed to these con\u00additions, and leaving the passage of the river free, retraced his march. The Emperor bridging the river, crossed it with his whole camp and army and family, and pitched on the further side.<\/p>\n<p>He then sent Shaikh Khal\u00edl, a descendant<sup>44<\/sup> of Shaikh Far\u00edd Shakar-ganj (the pole of the world), on an embassy to Sher Kh\u00e1n, to urge him to march by regular stages back to Roht\u00e1s, and to delay nowhere, and to promise that the Emperor, after making some marches in his rear, would turn aside, and after that would give, as he had agreed, to Sher Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s agent, a\u00a0<em>farm\u00e1n<\/em>\u00a0for the kingdom of Bengal. When Shaikh Khal\u00edl came to Sher Kh\u00e1n, he told him what the Emperor had said. Sher Kh\u00e1n ostensibly agreed to this arrangement, and received him with all honour and hospitality; nor did he omit the slightest point of customary etiquette. Shaikh Khal\u00edl, in the presence of the Emperor&#8217;s men who had accompanied him, debated earnestly and long with Sher Sh\u00e1h, and strongly advised the proposed peace; and during the consultation the following words fell from Shaikh Khal\u00edl: \u201cIf you do not agree to peace, away with you; declare war, and fight.\u201d Sher Kh\u00e1n said, \u201cWhat you say is a good omen for me; please God, I will fight.\u201d After the consultation, Sher Kh\u00e1n gave to Shaikh Khal\u00edl money and rich clothes and manufactures of M\u00e1lda and of Bengal in enormous quantities, and captivated his heart by these presents and favours. Sher Kh\u00e1n then sent for Shaikh Khal\u00edl in private, and speaking of the reverence the Afgh\u00e1ns entertained for the holy Shaikh Far\u00edd Shakar-ganj, and of their mutual fatherland, and making him promises to his heart&#8217;s content, said, \u201cI wish you to give me advice regarding peace or war with the Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan, for the learned have said, \u2018It behoves one to take counsel with the wise, with the intelligent, and with far-seeing holy men.\u2019 Now, in you all these qualifications are united. Tell me, there\u00adfore, without diminution or reserve, what your mind, clear as the sun, thinks concerning my well-being. Is peace or war with the Emperor most to my advantage?\u201d After much hesitation, Shaikh Khal\u00edl said, \u201cBy asking my advice, you have in two ways placed me in a great difficulty: first, since I have come to you as an envoy from the Emperor, it is not right that I should say anything except to his advantage; and, secondly, you have asked advice from me, and those of old have said, \u2018If even your enemy asks your advice, speak the truth.\u2019 If I give advice con\u00adtrary to my own opinion, I shall act dishonestly. The Afgh\u00e1ns for generations past have held my ancestors in reverence; and it appears from the miraculous precepts of the holy prophet Muhammad (may God&#8217;s mercy rest on him!), that it behoves him who gives advice to do so in good faith. I am compelled, therefore, to speak the truth. War with the Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan is more for your advantage than peace; for this reason, that in his army the most complete disorder exists, he has no horses or cattle, and his own brothers are in rebellion against him. He only makes peace with you now from necessity, and will not eventually abide by the treaty. Look on this opportunity as so much gained, and do not let it out of your grasp, for you will never again have such another.\u201d Sher Kh\u00e1n was wavering in his decision as to peace or war; but as Shaikh Khal\u00edl ad\u00advised against the peace, he abandoned all idea of it, and deter\u00admined on war. He had before sent for Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n, and when he arrived he ordered the whole of his troops to arms, as if Mah\u00e1rta was approaching to attack them. When he had gone four\u00a0<em>kos<\/em>\u00a0out of his encampment he returned, saying the spies had reported that Mah\u00e1rta was yet distant.<\/p>\n<p>The next day he again arrayed his army and moved out, and when he had gone several\u00a0<em>kos<\/em>, returned, and said that Mah\u00e1rta was not coming that day. A little before midnight he assembled all his chiefs, and said, \u201cI have promised peace to the Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan; but I have considered that all the good service I have rendered has produced no good fruit; and after all my loyalty to him in producing the defeat of Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad, he demanded from me the fort of Chun\u00e1r. When I refused to yield it, he sent a force to take it; and when that failed, he came himself to seize the fort by force, but abandoned his intentions when he heard that Mirz\u00e1 Muhammad Zam\u00e1n had escaped from prison, and had raised a sedition in the country. Moreover, Sult\u00e1n Bah\u00e1dur, King of Gujar\u00e1t, was coming to invade the country of Dehl\u00ed, and so he was compelled to return. I sent my son Kutb Kh\u00e1n with him throughout the Gujar\u00e1t campaign.<sup>45<\/sup>\u00a0Though I could have taken possession of the country of Jaunp\u00far, etc., yet I did not commit any act of hostility, for the Emperor is mighty; and though I had the power, I would not do any disloyal and evil act, that the Emperor might perceive I was his faithful servant, and desist from seeking to injure me. When he returned from Gujar\u00e1t, he got his army in readiness, and without regarding my loyalty, did his best to expel me; but as my fortune was great, he did not achieve his desire. I made every submission, but it was all profitless. When, in violation of his promises, he attacked Bengal, I lost all hope in his goodness, and apprehending evil from him, was compelled to declare hostilities against him, and I expelled his governors and spoiled his country as far as Sambhal, and have not left a single Mughal in those parts. Now, with what hope can I conclude this peace with him? He makes peace and manifests a friendly disposition towards me, because his army is in want of horses and cattle and of every equipment, and because his brothers have rebelled against him. He is but playing with me, and eventually will not abide by this peace; but having appeased the rebellion of his brothers on his arrival at \u00c1gra, and refurnished his army, he will not fail to uproot and destroy me. I have often experienced that the Afgh\u00e1ns are braver in battle than the Mughals, who only got the country from the dissensions of the Afgh\u00e1ns. If my brothers advise so, I will break off the peace, and will try my fortune.\u201d They all replied: \u201cBy your blessing, dissension has been banished from among the Afgh\u00e1n nation, and we all have been cherished by you; we will not fail in devotion and gallantry to our utmost capability. Your purpose of breaking off the treaty is most wise.\u201d Sher Kh\u00e1n said, \u201cI break off the treaty. I have put my trust in the Protector, and will fight the Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan, as M\u00ed\u00e1n Niz\u00e1m\u00ed has observed.\u201d *** When he dis\u00admissed the chiefs, he ordered them to array their men with all speed, as if they were still in alarm as to Mah\u00e1rta; and when one watch of the night yet remained, the whole army, according to Sher Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s command, marched two and a half\u00a0<em>kos<\/em>\u00a0in the direction of Mah\u00e1rta&#8217;s country. Sher Kh\u00e1n then halted, and addressed his army, saying, \u201cFor two days I have drawn out my army, and have returned to my encampment, that I might put the Emperor off his guard, and that he might not suspect that my army was coming towards him. Now, turn; set your faces towards the army of the Emperor, and let not the honour of the Afgh\u00e1ns out of your grasp nor fail to display your utmost devotion, for now is the time to regain the Empire of Hindust\u00e1n.\u201d The Afgh\u00e1ns replied: \u201cLet not our lord allow any hesitation to find its way to his noble heart.\u201d ***<\/p>\n<p>Having read the\u00a0<em>f\u00e1tiha<\/em>, and drawn up his forces in order of battle, Sher Sh\u00e1h with all haste marched towards the Emperor&#8217;s camp. When the Afgh\u00e1ns were close at hand, news was brought to the Emperor that Sher Kh\u00e1n was coming with all speed to battle with him. The Emperor ordered out his army to resist the attack, saying that after a short delay, and having per\u00adformed his ablutions, he also would follow. The Emperor was a lion (in valour), and in the excess of his gallantry and daring. ** So from the pride of youth, and confidence in the multitude of his forces and followers, who had no equals for intrepidity and gallantry, he despised the forces of Sher Sh\u00e1h, who were all Afgh\u00e1ns, and did not even inspect his forces nor pay regard to what is necessary in an engagement; nor did he take into con\u00adsideration the disorganization which the climate of Bengal had produced in his army. Sher Kh\u00e1n knew all the devices and stratagems of war, and knew how to commence and conclude an engagement, and had experienced both prosperity and misfortune. The army of the Mughals had not extricated themselves from their camp, before the Afgh\u00e1n army were already upon them, and coming boldly on, attacked the army of the Emperor with\u00adout hesitation. In the twinkling of an eye they routed the Mughal forces. Hum\u00e1y\u00fan had not completed his ablutions when the intelligence reached him that the Mughals were utterly scattered, so that to rally them was impossible. The confusion in the army was so great that he had no time to remove his family, but fled in the direction of \u00c1gra, with the intention of collecting all his forces at that place, and returning again from thence to destroy his enemy.<\/p>\n<p>Masnad &#8216;\u00c1l\u00ed Haibat Kh\u00e1n told me &#8216;Abb\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n, the author of this book, that he was at Sher Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s side when the Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan&#8217;s queen, with other noble ladies and a crowd of women, came out from behind the\u00a0<em>parda<\/em>. As soon as Sher Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s eye fell upon them, he alighted off his horse, and showed them every respect and consoled them.<sup>46<\/sup> He then performed a special ablution, and returned twofold thanks to the Lord of Eternity, and raising up his hands in prayer with all humility and with tears, said *** After this he sent the heralds to proclaim throughout the army, that no person should make captives of or keep a Mughal woman, child, or female slave in his tent one night, but should bring them all to the queen&#8217;s encampment, and the strictness of his command carried such authority among the Afgh\u00e1ns that no person had any power to resist it; and the heralds before night brought all the wives and families of the Mughals to the queen&#8217;s encampment and assigned rations to each person. Sher Kh\u00e1n some days afterwards sent the queen to Roht\u00e1s under charge of Husain Kh\u00e1n N\u00edrak, and providing the families of the other Mughals with carriages and their neces\u00adsary expenses, sent them on towards \u00c1gra.<sup>47<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>Sher Kh\u00e1n, who had assumed the title of \u201cHazrat &#8216;\u00c1l\u00ed,\u201d since the star of victory had risen in the horizon of his good fortune, ordered his\u00a0<em>munsh\u00eds<\/em>\u00a0to write letters descriptive of his victory to all parts of the country which were in his possession. Masnad &#8216;\u00c1l\u00ed &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n, son of &#8216;Umar Kh\u00e1n, whose title was \u201cKh\u00e1n-i &#8216;azam,\u201d and who during the time Sult\u00e1n Bahlol, after the death of T\u00e1t\u00e1r Kh\u00e1n Y\u00fasuf-khail, held Lahore in\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edr<\/em>, said to Sher Kh\u00e1n, \u201cYou should write the letters describing your victory in the style of\u00a0<em>farm\u00e1ns<\/em>.\u201d Sher Kh\u00e1n observed: \u201cYou, who formerly were nobles of Sult\u00e1ns Bahlol and Sikandar, have, for the cause of the Afgh\u00e1ns, done me the honour of joining yourselves to me. It does not become me to send\u00a0<em>farm\u00e1ns<\/em> to you, and to seat myself on the throne while you stand around me. The King of Hindust\u00e1n has escaped alive, and still holds most of the country in his possession.\u201d &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n explained that he had a great desire to seat Sher Kh\u00e1n upon the throne, and said, \u201cSult\u00e1n Sikandar and his descendants, who, out of regard to their clansmen, would not ascend the throne, acted in violation of the custom of kings. It behoves him whom God Almighty brings to empire, and elevates and exalts above the rest of mankind, to observe the rules of etiquette of former princes.\u201d *** After this, &#8216;Azam Hum\u00e1y\u00fan Sarw\u00e1n\u00ed, said, \u201cThe Mughals have been kings for two descents; they despise the Afgh\u00e1ns, and consider them as not their own equals in the day of battle; yet by the excellence of your wisdom and your conquering fortune, the Afgh\u00e1ns have over\u00adthrown them.\u201d *** M\u00ed\u00e1n B\u00e1bin Lod\u00ed and the other Afgh\u00e1ns with one consent cried: \u201cThere are none like Masnad &#8216;\u00c1l\u00ed Kalkap\u00far<sup>48<\/sup>\u00a0Sarw\u00e1n\u00ed and &#8216;Azam Hum\u00e1y\u00fan Sarw\u00e1n\u00ed in the army of the Afgh\u00e1ns; what they have said is most right; it is not good to delay.\u201d Sher Kh\u00e1n was much delighted, and said, \u201cThe kingly name is a very exalted thing, and is not devoid of trouble; but since the noble minds of my friends have decided to make me king, I agree.\u201d He ordered the astrologers to fix an auspicious moment for his ascent to the throne. When they had consulted the calendar, they came with great delight and said, \u201cAn auspicious moment, by the good fortune of your birth hour, has now come. If you at this moment seat yourself upon the throne, defeat and rout will never show their face in your victorious army.\u201d He seated himself on the throne, unfolded the umbrella over his head, and assumed the name of Sher Sh\u00e1h, and struck coin and caused the\u00a0<em>khutba<\/em> to be read in his own name; and he took also the additional title of \u201cSh\u00e1h &#8216;\u00c1lam.\u201d<sup>49<\/sup>\u00a0He said to &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n, \u201cYou are the son of Shaikh Malahi, and have induced me to strike coin and have the\u00a0<em>khutba<\/em>\u00a0read in my own name; write one letter descriptive of the victory with your own hand, the\u00a0<em>munsh\u00eds<\/em>\u00a0will write the rest.\u201d So &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n wrote one copy with his own hand, and the\u00a0<em>munsh\u00eds<\/em>\u00a0wrote the rest. For seven days drums were beaten in token of rejoicing; and the young men of the Afgh\u00e1n army came in crowds from every tribe and danced, as is the custom of the Afgh\u00e1ns. ***<\/p>\n<p>Sher Kh\u00e1n himself pursued the Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan, and got possession of the whole country as far as K\u00e1lp\u00ed and Kanauj. He again sent Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n against Mah\u00e1rta Cher\u00fah,<sup>50<\/sup> to utterly destroy him. Jah\u00e1ng\u00edr K\u00fal\u00ed Beg, with 6000 cavalry, was in Bengal; him he ordered to be put to death<sup>51<\/sup>\u00a0and the chiefs of Hind who were with the Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan he let go free; but Shaikh Khal\u00edl he kept, and made him one of his own friends and counsellors. He sent &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n towards Gujar\u00e1t and M\u00e1nd\u00fa, and to the chiefs of those parts he wrote, saying, \u201cI am about to send a son of mine into your neighbourhood. When the Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan moves towards Kanauj, do you accom\u00adpany my son, and seize and lay waste the country about \u00c1gra and Dehl\u00ed. At that time a certain man, by name Mall\u00fa Kh\u00e1n, had made himself king in M\u00e1nd\u00fa, S\u00e1rangp\u00far, and Ujjain, and had assumed the name of K\u00e1dir Sh\u00e1h; and in R\u00e1\u00eds\u00edn and Chander\u00ed, Bhai\u00e1 P\u00faran Mall ruled as deputy of the infant R\u00e1j\u00e1 Part\u00e1b, son of Bh\u00fapat Sh\u00e1h, the son of Sal\u00e1hu-d d\u00edn. In Sew\u00e1s, Sikandar Kh\u00e1n Mi\u00e1na held sway; and Mahesar was R\u00e1j\u00e1 of Bhop\u00e1l. These rulers of M\u00e1lw\u00e1 wrote in reply, that when Sher Sh\u00e1h&#8217;s son came to those parts, they would not fail to assist and serve him. Mall\u00fa Kh\u00e1n put his seal at the head of the letter which he sent, and when the letter arrived, Sher Sh\u00e1h tore up the letter and put the seal in his turban (by way of showing respect ironically).<\/p>\n<p>When &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n went to Gujar\u00e1t, Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad was a minor; but his minister Dary\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n wrote that the king was a minor, the chiefs at enmity among themselves, and that the Kh\u00e1n-kh\u00e1n\u00e1n Y\u00fasuf-khail had taken away with him all the army of M\u00e1nd\u00fa and Gujar\u00e1t. &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n observed to Sher Sh\u00e1h that \u201cwherever misfortunes have befallen the Afgh\u00e1ns from the Mughals, it has been through this man. The Kh\u00e1n-kh\u00e1n\u00e1n Y\u00fasuf-khail brought the Emperor B\u00e1bar into India from K\u00e1bul; and if the Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan had acted according to what the Kh\u00e1n-kh\u00e1n\u00e1n advised, he would not have repented it, and would have utterly destroyed you; but your good fortune prevailed, so that the Emperor did not act upon his advice. He must be put to death, for it is not right to allow him to live, even though he be a prisoner (at Mung\u00edr).\u201d Sher Sh\u00e1h said, \u201cEvery Afgh\u00e1n whom I have consulted has said, \u2018He is an Afgh\u00e1n of consideration, and it is not advisable to kill him.\u2019 But my opinion has been that which &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n has expressed.\u201d So he gave orders that the Kh\u00e1n-kh\u00e1n\u00e1n, who had been kept in confinement since his capture at Mung\u00edr, and who had received a daily allowance of half a\u00a0<em>s\u00edr<\/em> of unground barley, should be put to death; so he was slain. News arrived that the Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan purposed marching towards Kanauj. Sher Kh\u00e1n despatched his son, by name Kutb Kh\u00e1n, to M\u00e1nd\u00fa, in order that he might, in concert with the chiefs of those parts, alarm and ravage the country about \u00c1gra and Dehl\u00ed. When the Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan heard that Sher Sh\u00e1h had sent his son towards Chander\u00ed, that he might raise disturbances in those parts, he sent both his brothers, Mirz\u00e1 Hind\u00e1l and Mirz\u00e1 &#8216;Askar\u00ed, with other nobles, in that direc\u00adtion. When the M\u00e1lw\u00e1 chiefs heard that two brothers of the Emperor were coming to oppose Kutb Kh\u00e1n, they gave him no assistance. Kutb Kh\u00e1n went from Chander\u00ed to the city of Chondha, and engaging the Mughals at Chondha,<sup>52<\/sup>\u00a0was slain. Mirz\u00e1 Hind\u00e1l and Mirz\u00e1 &#8216;Askar\u00ed having gained this victory, returned to the Emperor.<\/p>\n<p>When Sher Sh\u00e1h heard that the chiefs of the country of M\u00e1nd\u00fa had not assisted Kutb Kh\u00e1n, and that Kutb Kh\u00e1n was slain, he was extremely grieved and enraged; neverthe\u00adless, he did not openly manifest this by his conduct, but kept his grudge against the chiefs of M\u00e1nd\u00fa concealed in his own bosom. The Mughals gained excessive confidence from this victory, and large forces having come also from their own country, the Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan arrayed his army and came to Kanauj (Z\u00ed-l ka&#8217;da, 946 A.H., April, 1540 A.D.). Sher Sh\u00e1h also fortified himself on the opposite side of the river Ganges. At this conjuncture he received intelligence that Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n had slain Mah\u00e1rta. There was great rejoicing in the Afgh\u00e1n army<sup>53<\/sup> and Sher Sh\u00e1h wrote to Khaw\u00e1s, saying: \u201cCome with all speed to me; for I and your other friends are awaiting your coming before we engage the enemy; we are look\u00ading anxiously in your direction.\u201d And when he heard of the near approach of Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n, he sent a herald to the Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan, saying, \u201cI have for some time entrenched myself here. The Emperor has the power to choose. If he will cross the river he may fight with me on this side; or, if he prefer it, I will cross the river, and fight with the Emperor on that side.\u201d When the herald came to the Emperor, and reported what Sher Sh\u00e1h had said, the Emperor, in utter contempt of Sher Sh\u00e1h, replied: \u201cSay to Sher Kh\u00e1n that if he will retreat some\u00a0<em>kos<\/em>\u00a0from the waterside, I will cross the river Ganges and give him battle.\u201d The herald returned and told Sher Sh\u00e1h what the Emperor had said. Sher Sh\u00e1h retreated several\u00a0<em>kos<\/em>\u00a0from the river bank. The Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan, having prepared a bridge, crossed the river Ganges. Ham\u00edd Kh\u00e1n K\u00e1kar, one of Sher Sh\u00e1h&#8217;s nobles, said, \u201cYou ought to attack the Mughal army before they have all crossed the river.\u201d Sher Sh\u00e1h replied: \u201cI have never before had any advantages, and have been compelled to use stratagems in warfare. Now by the favour of the all-powerful, my force is not inferior to the Emperor&#8217;s. I will not now, notwithstanding my advantages, break my promise in the face of day. With my army arrayed in the open field, I will give battle without fraud or stratagem. God&#8217;s will, whatever it may be, will be manifested.\u201d When Sher Sh\u00e1h understood that the whole force of the Emperor was across the river, he returned towards it, and carefully throwing up, according to his custom, an earthwork embankment opposite the Emperor&#8217;s army, en\u00adcamped close by it.<\/p>\n<p>After some days Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n also came; on the very day he arrived, Sher Sh\u00e1h marched in fighting order, and captured all the supplies which were coming to the Emperor&#8217;s army, and took 300 camels, and a large convoy of bullocks. On the 10th Muhar\u00adram, 947 H., both armies drew out their forces. Sher Sh\u00e1h thus arranged his army. In the centre was Sher Sh\u00e1h himself, with Haibat Kh\u00e1n N\u00ed\u00e1z\u00ed, who bore the title of &#8216;Azam Hum\u00e1y\u00fan, Masnad &#8216;\u00c1l\u00ed &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n Sarw\u00e1n\u00ed, Kutb Kh\u00e1n Lod\u00ed, H\u00e1j\u00ed Kh\u00e1n Jalo\u00ed, Buland Kh\u00e1n, Sarmast Kh\u00e1n, Saif Kh\u00e1n Sarw\u00e1n\u00ed, Bijl\u00ed Kh\u00e1n, and others. On the right were Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n, son of Sher Sh\u00e1h, who after Sher Sh\u00e1h&#8217;s death succeeded him on the throne, and was entitled Isl\u00e1m Sh\u00e1h, T\u00e1j Kh\u00e1n, Sulaim\u00e1n Kh\u00e1n Kir\u00e1ni, Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n Jalo\u00ed, and others. On the left, &#8216;\u00c1dil Kh\u00e1n, son of Sher Sh\u00e1h, Kutb Kh\u00e1n, R\u00e1\u00ed Husain Jalw\u00e1n\u00ed, and others. When Sher Sh\u00e1h had drawn up his army in this order, he said to the Afgh\u00e1ns: \u201cI have used my best exertions to collect you together, I have done my best in training you, and have kept you in anticipation of such a day as this. This is the day of trial; whoever of you shows himself to excel in valour on the field of battle, him will I promote above his fellows.\u201d *** The Afgh\u00e1ns replied: \u201cThe mighty king has much protected and favoured us. This is the time for us to serve him and show our devotion.\u201d Sher Sh\u00e1h ordered each chief to return to his own followers and to remain with them; and he himself went through the army and set it in proper array.<\/p>\n<p>The Emperor&#8217;s forces were broken by Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s division, but Sher Sh\u00e1h&#8217;s right, under his son Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n, was defeated four of the chiefs, however, kept their ground, such as Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n himself, M\u00ed\u00e1n Aiy\u00fab Kalkap\u00far Sarw\u00e1n\u00ed, and Gh\u00e1z\u00ed Mujl\u00ed. When Sher Sh\u00e1h saw that his right was broken, he wished to go to its assistance; but Kutb Kh\u00e1n Lod\u00ed said: \u201cMy lord, do not quit your own post, lest men should think the centre also is broken. Go on into the midst of the enemy.\u201d As Sher Sh\u00e1h&#8217;s division proceeded straight on, they encountered the Mughal force which had routed Sher Sh\u00e1h&#8217;s right; they defeated and drove it on the Emperor&#8217;s centre division. Sher Sh\u00e1h having driven away the Mughal force in front of his son Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n; and his left, in which was his other son &#8216;\u00c1dil Kh\u00e1n and Kutb Kh\u00e1n Banet, having repulsed the troops opposed to them, fell on the Mughal centre. Sher Sh\u00e1h&#8217;s right, which had been defeated, rallied at the same time, and thus the Afgh\u00e1n army completely surrounded the Mughal force. Sher Sh\u00e1h&#8217;s sons and other Afgh\u00e1n chiefs performed many gallant acts, especially Haibat Kh\u00e1n N\u00ed\u00e1z\u00ed and Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n, who drove back the Mughals with the stroke of the watered sabre and the point of the life-melting spear. The Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan himself remained firm like a mountain in his position on the battle\u00adfield, and displayed such valour and gallantry as is beyond all description. ***<\/p>\n<p>When the Emperor saw supernatural beings fighting against him, he acknowledged the work of God, abandoned the battle to these unearthly warriors, and turned the bridle of his purpose towards his capital of \u00c1gra. He received no wound himself, and escaped safe and sound out of that bloodthirsty whirlpool. The greater part of his army was driven into the river Ganges.<sup>54<\/sup>\u00a0*** Sher Sh\u00e1h being at his ease regarding the Mughals, wrote to Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n, whom he had left as\u00a0<em>faujd\u00e1r<\/em>, in the country of Bih\u00e1r and Roht\u00e1s, to besiege the fort of Gw\u00e1lior, and he told the bearer of the\u00a0<em>farm\u00e1n<\/em>: \u201cThe son of Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n, by name Mahm\u00fad Kh\u00e1n, has been slain; do not tell him before he has quitted Roht\u00e1s, lest on hearing of the death of his son he delays and puts off his coming.\u201d As soon as he received the\u00a0<em>farm\u00e1n<\/em>, Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n went and besieged Gw\u00e1lior.<sup>55<\/sup>\u00a0From Kanauj Sher Sh\u00e1h despatched Barmaz\u00edd G\u00far with a large force in ad\u00advance, but directed him not to hazard an engagement with the Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan, and he also sent another force under Nas\u00edr Kh\u00e1n towards Sambhal. Having speedily settled the country about Kanauj, he betook himself in the direction of \u00c1gra.<\/p>\n<p>The Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan, on reaching \u00c1gra, told Am\u00edr Saiyid Am\u00edru-d d\u00edn, that the Afgh\u00e1ns had not defeated his army, but that he had seen supernatural beings fighting his soldiers, and turning back their horses. When he arrived at Sirhind, he told the same story to Muhibu-d d\u00edn Sirhind\u00ed. When Sher Sh\u00e1h approached \u00c1gra,<sup>56<\/sup> the Emperor, unable to remain there, fled towards Lahore. Sher Sh\u00e1h was greatly displeased at this, and reproached Barmaz\u00edd very much, and on his arrival at \u00c1gra remained there for some days himself, but sent Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n and Barmaz\u00edd G\u00far in the direction of Lahore, with a large Afgh\u00e1n force, to pursue the Emperor.<sup>57<\/sup>\u00a0On arriving at Dehl\u00ed, the principal men and inhabitants of the city of Sambhal came and complained that Nas\u00edr Kh\u00e1n had oppressed and tyrannized over them in various ways. Sher Sh\u00e1h said to Kutb Kh\u00e1n, \u201cWe must select some person endowed both with valour and justice whom to send to Sambhal, for in that\u00a0<em>sark\u00e1r<\/em>\u00a0are many lawless and rebellious persons, and the person selected should be able to keep them under.\u201d Kutb Kh\u00e1n replied, \u201cThat for these qualities there was no Afgh\u00e1n like to &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n Kalkap\u00far.\u201d Sher Kh\u00e1n replied, \u201cRight, it shall be so. You yourself go to Masnad &#8216;\u00c1l\u00ed &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n, and tell him, if he consents, I will appoint him.\u201d Kutb Kh\u00e1n went to &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n, who readily assented. ***<\/p>\n<p>In addition to\u00a0<em>sark\u00e1r<\/em>\u00a0Sambhal, Sher Sh\u00e1h gave him the\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>\u00a0of K\u00e1nt and Gola for his family, and ordered him to maintain five thousand horse, and placed also Nas\u00edr Kh\u00e1n under him. When Sher Sh\u00e1h dismissed &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n to go to\u00a0<em>sark\u00e1r<\/em>\u00a0Sambhal, he said, \u201cI am now at my ease regarding the whole country from Dehl\u00ed to Lucknow.\u201d Masnad &#8216;\u00c1l\u00ed, on his arrival at Sambhal, found Nas\u00edr Kh\u00e1n had seized Bairam Beg, the keeper of the seals to the Emperor, who afterwards in the time of the Emperor Akbar received the title of Kh\u00e1n-kh\u00e1n\u00e1n. The reason of Bairam Beg being in Sambhal was as follows. When the army of the Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan was dispersed, Bairam Beg went to Sambhal, having formed an intimate friendship with M\u00ed\u00e1n &#8216;Abdu-l Wah\u00e1b, son of M\u00ed\u00e1n &#8216;Az\u00edzu-lla D\u00e1nishmand, one of the chief men of the city of Sambhal. &#8216;Abdu-l Wah\u00e1b, from fear of Nas\u00edr Kh\u00e1n, dared not keep him in the city, but made him over to the R\u00e1j\u00e1 of Lukhnor,<sup>58<\/sup>\u00a0by name Mitr Sen. The R\u00e1j\u00e1 kept him for some time in the northern part of his country, where there is much jungle. Nas\u00edr Kh\u00e1n was informed that Bairam Beg was with Mitr Sen, so he wrote to the R\u00e1j\u00e1 that he must bring Bairam Beg to him. The R\u00e1j\u00e1, from fear and dread of Sher Sh\u00e1h, surrendered him to Nas\u00edr Kh\u00e1n, who was desirous of putting him to death. An old friendship had subsisted between &#8216;Abdu-l Wah\u00e1b and &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n from the time of Sult\u00e1n Sikandar, so he went to &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n, and told him he ought to save Bairam Beg from the hands of the cruel Nas\u00edr Kh\u00e1n, who was desirous of putting him to death. &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n accordingly having rescued Bairam Beg from Nas\u00edr Kh\u00e1n, brought him into his own house, and kept him there for some time, and gave him an allowance for his support; and he took R\u00e1j\u00e1 Mitr Sen&#8217;s security that when\u00adever he (&#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n) should go to Sher Sh\u00e1h, thither Bairam Beg should accompany him.<\/p>\n<p>When &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n joined Sher Sh\u00e1h, during the campaign of M\u00e1nd\u00fa and Ujjain, he brought Bairam with him, and intro\u00adduced him to Sher Sh\u00e1h in the town of Ujjain. Sher Sh\u00e1h angrily asked where he had been up to that time. Masnad &#8216;\u00c1l\u00ed said he had been in the house of Shaikh Malh\u00ed Kah\u00e1l. Sher Sh\u00e1h replied, \u201cSince it is an established custom among the Afgh\u00e1ns that whatever criminal takes refuge among the relatives of Shaikh Malh\u00ed Kah\u00e1l should be pardoned, I also pardon Bairam Beg. When Sher Sh\u00e1h was about to leave the\u00a0<em>darb\u00e1r<\/em>, &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n said: \u201cYou have for Shaikh Malh\u00ed&#8217;s sake given Bairam Beg his life; give him also for my sake, who have brought him to you, a dress of honour and a horse, and order that he shall pitch his tent with Muham\u00admad K\u00e1sim, who surrendered the fort of Gw\u00e1lior. Sher Sh\u00e1h assigned him a place near Muhammad K\u00e1sim, when Sher Kh\u00e1n marched from Ujjain; but both Bairam Beg and Muhammad K\u00e1sim fled towards Gujar\u00e1t. Muhammad K\u00e1sim was killed by the way, but Bairam Beg reached Gujar\u00e1t. One Shaikh Gad\u00e1\u00ed was in Gujar\u00e1t, to whom he did good service, and from Gujar\u00e1t, Bairam Beg reached the Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan.<\/p>\n<p>After the death of that Emperor, Bairam Beg, who had been dignified with the title of Kh\u00e1n-kh\u00e1n\u00e1n, returned the kindness of Shaikh Gad\u00e1\u00ed, Shaikh &#8216;Abdu-l Wah\u00e1b, and R\u00e1j\u00e1 Mitr Sen with every imaginable favour. &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n was still alive: his age then was ninety years. Many persons said to him that he ought to wait on the Kh\u00e1n-kh\u00e1n\u00e1n. Masnad &#8216;\u00c1l\u00ed said: \u201cI will not for any worldly gain wait on the Mughal, nor is it the custom of the sons of Masnad &#8216;\u00c1l\u00ed &#8216;Umar Kh\u00e1n to ask for a return of their favours.\u201d I have heard from Maul\u00e1na Muhammad Binor and &#8216;Abdu-l Momin, his son-in-law, who were among the intimates of the Kh\u00e1n-kh\u00e1n\u00e1n, that they asked the Kh\u00e1n-kh\u00e1n\u00e1n thus: \u201cDid Masnad &#8216;\u00c1l\u00ed &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n ever do you a kindness?\u201d He replied: \u201cHe saved my life; if he will come to me, I shall feel myself honoured. If I cannot give him more than Sher Sh\u00e1h, I at least will give him his own Sambhal.\u201d I, &#8216;Abb\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n, the author of the\u00a0<em>Tuhfa-i Akbar Sh\u00e1h\u00ed<\/em>, and Masnad &#8216;\u00c1l\u00ed &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n Kalkap\u00far came of the same tribe and family, and I am married to the daughter of his brother&#8217;s son, whose name is Muzaffar Kh\u00e1n. Much of the history of the Afgh\u00e1ns which I describe I learnt from Kh\u00e1n-&#8216;azam Muzaffar Kh\u00e1n, whose ancestors were formerly nobles of Hindust\u00e1n. When Sult\u00e1n Sikandar banished Haibat Kh\u00e1n, the father of &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n, the latter went to Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad, the King of M\u00e1nd\u00fa, and became his chosen counsellor and associate; and when he left Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad and went to Muzaffar King of Gujar\u00e1t, he also became his counsellor and friend.<\/p>\n<p>When the Sult\u00e1n took the fort of M\u00e1nd\u00fa from the un\u00adbelievers, he said to Masnad &#8216;\u00c1l\u00ed: \u201cGo to Sult\u00e1n Muzaffar, and tell him he should visit the fort of M\u00e1nd\u00fa, for it is a fine place.\u201d Sult\u00e1n Muzaffar said, \u201cMay the fort of M\u00e1nd\u00fa bring Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad good fortune, for he is the master of it. I, for the sake of the Lord, came to his assistance. On Friday I will go up to the fortress, and having read the\u00a0<em>khutba<\/em> in his name, will return.\u201d &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n brought this good news to Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad. Afterwards, when he left Gujar\u00e1t, and went to Sult\u00e1n Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm, he became also his associate and adviser. Sult\u00e1n Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm entrusted the city of Dehl\u00ed to him, when Sult\u00e1n &#8216;Al\u00e1u-d d\u00edn, son of Sult\u00e1n Bahlol, was repulsed from it; for in spite of all his efforts, &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n would not surrender it. He afterwards went to Sher Sh\u00e1h, became one of his attendant nobles, and after he had conquered Dehl\u00ed, Sher Sh\u00e1h gave Sambhal to him, as has before been stated. Sher Sh\u00e1h, entrusting Mew\u00e1t to H\u00e1j\u00ed Kh\u00e1n, went himself towards Lahore. On arriving near Sirhind, he bestowed it on Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n. Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n entrusted it to Malik Bhagwant, who was his slave. When the Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan reached Lahore, certain Mughals, who had newly arrived from their own country, and had never yet encountered the Afgh\u00e1ns, said to the Emperor, \u201cYou should send us to fight the Afgh\u00e1ns,\u201d and vaunted much, saying, \u201cWho and what manner of men are these Afgh\u00e1ns, that they should be able to contend with us in the day of battle?\u201d So the Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan sent these Mughals to make the attempt, and Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n and Barmaz\u00edd G\u00far, who had marched in advance of Sher Sh\u00e1h from Dehl\u00ed, met them at Sult\u00e1np\u00far, where they engaged. The Mughals were defeated, and retired to Lahore. Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n halted at Sult\u00e1np\u00far; but the Emperor and Mirz\u00e1 K\u00e1mr\u00e1n quitted Lahore, which was shortly afterwards occupied by Sher Sh\u00e1h, who, however, made no halt there. On the third march beyond Lahore, he heard that Mirz\u00e1 K\u00e1mr\u00e1n had gone by way of the J\u00fadh hills to K\u00e1bul, and that the Emperor Hum\u00e1y\u00fan was marching along the banks of the Indus to Mult\u00e1n and Bhakkar. The King went to Khush\u00e1b, and thence despatched Kutb Kh\u00e1n Banet, Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n, H\u00e1j\u00ed Hh\u00e1n, Hab\u00edb Kh\u00e1n, Sarmast Kh\u00e1n, Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n Jalo\u00ed, &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n N\u00ed\u00e1z\u00ed, Barmaz\u00edd G\u00far, and the greater part of his army, in pursuit of the Emperor, towards Mult\u00e1n. He instructed them not to engage the Emperor, but to drive him beyond the borders of the kingdom, and then to return. When they had gone two marches, they heard that the Mughal army had divided into two portions. The Afgh\u00e1n army was in great anxiety, lest, as the force with the King was so small, the Mughals should make forced marches, and attack him. The Afgh\u00e1n army, therefore, also dividing itself into two divisions, the one under Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n, &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n, and others, crossed the river, and marched along the bank of the Jelam towards Mult\u00e1n; and Kutb Kh\u00e1n and the rest remained and marched along the nearer bank of the same stream. The Mughal division which had quitted the Emperor, and was marching towards K\u00e1bul, encountered Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n, and not being strong enough to fight, fled, leaving their drums and standards behind, which fell into Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s hands,<sup>59<\/sup> and the Afgh\u00e1n army return\u00ading from that place, rejoined Sher Sh\u00e1h. Sher Sh\u00e1h delayed some time at Khush\u00e1b. While there, Isma&#8217;\u00edl Kh\u00e1n, Fath Kh\u00e1n, and Gh\u00e1z\u00ed Kh\u00e1n Bil\u00fach\u00ed, came and waited on him. Sher Sh\u00e1h ordered the Bil\u00fach\u00eds to brand their horses. Isma&#8217;\u00edl Kh\u00e1n said: \u201cOther persons brand their horses\u2014I will brand my own body.\u201d Sher Sh\u00e1h was pleased, and excused him from the branding, and confirmed to him the country of Sind. The chiefs of every tribe and family of Roh came to wait on Sher Sh\u00e1h. The writer&#8217;s grandfather, Shaikh B\u00e1yaz\u00edd Kalkap\u00far Sarw\u00e1n\u00ed, who was the successor to the very holy Shaikh Ahmad Sarw\u00e1n\u00ed, who was the grandfather of Shaikh Malh\u00ed Kay\u00e1l, whose holiness and glory is famous all over the country of Roh, and whose disciples and followers most of the Afgh\u00e1ns are, and whose descendants are celebrated for their austerity and for the strict\u00adness of their devotional observances, and who are also known for their gallantry and wealth; nor does any person excel them in honour and consideration\u2014the whole race of Afgh\u00e1ns acknow\u00adledge their greatness, and their own, and their ancestors&#8217; virtues: \u2014this said Shaikh B\u00e1yaz\u00edd came to Sher Sh\u00e1h at Khush\u00e1b, and had an interview with him.<\/p>\n<p>Since the previous kings of whom I have treated in this history paid extreme respect to Shaikh B\u00e1yaz\u00edd, he was very anxious as to whether Sher Sh\u00e1h would or would not show him the same civilities. The moment Shaikh B\u00e1yaz\u00edd came unto Sher Sh\u00e1h&#8217;s\u00a0<em>darb\u00e1r<\/em>, the latter came forward several steps to receive him; and abasing himself gave Shaikh B\u00e1yaz\u00edd prece\u00addence. My grandfather expected that Sher Sh\u00e1h would give him his hand, but he said: \u201cEmbrace me.\u201d When he took leave also, he showed every sign of respect and friendship. When he returned towards Bengal, Sher Sh\u00e1h sent him back to Roh, and gave him one\u00a0<em>lac<\/em>\u00a0of\u00a0<em>tankas<\/em>\u00a0in cash, as well as Bengal silks and clothes of Hindust\u00e1n. The Shaikh said:\u2014\u201cSince the time of the Lang\u00e1hs the Bil\u00fach\u00eds have possessed themselves of the rent-free tenures of my predecessors.\u201d Sher Sh\u00e1h ordered that Isma&#8217;\u00edl Kh\u00e1n Bil\u00fach should receive instead the\u00a0<em>pargana<\/em>\u00a0of Ninduna, in the Ghakkar country, and that the Bil\u00fach\u00eds should be made to restore to Shaikh B\u00e1yaz\u00edd, the rightful owner, the land of the Sarw\u00e1n\u00eds, which they had usurped. Isma&#8217;\u00edl Kh\u00e1n dared not disobey the orders of Sher Sh\u00e1h, so he took\u00a0<em>pargana<\/em>\u00a0Ninduna and the Ghakkar villages, and restored the Sarw\u00e1n\u00eds&#8217; land to Shaikh B\u00e1yaz\u00edd. Shaikh B\u00e1yaz\u00edd came a second time to see Sher Sh\u00e1h during the Ujjain and S\u00e1rangp\u00far campaign. *** Sher Sh\u00e1h conferred on the Shaikh 2000\u00a0<em>bigh\u00e1s<\/em>\u00a0of land in the\u00a0<em>pargana<\/em>\u00a0of Batn\u00far, which had been the settlement of his ancestors, and also fixed the amount of present he was to receive on visiting the king at a\u00a0<em>lac<\/em>\u00a0of\u00a0<em>tankas<\/em>, and promised that after the fall of K\u00e1linjar he would give him the provinces of Sind and Mult\u00e1n, the country of the Bil\u00fach\u00eds.<\/p>\n<p>When Shaikh B\u00e1yaz\u00edd surrendered his life to the Almighty, my father, Shaikh &#8216;\u00c1l\u00ed, took his place in the country of Roh, and in those days he had an interview with Isl\u00e1m Kh\u00e1n, who also paid the customary respect and honour to Shaikh &#8216;\u00c1l\u00ed without difference or diminution, and confirmed his assignments. In the reign of the Emperor Akbar I also enjoyed these as usual, until the twenty-fourth Il\u00e1h\u00ed year (corresponding to 987 A.H.), when the Emperor ordered that I should be advanced to the command of 500 horse, and brought to his presence. But the K\u00e1z\u00ed-&#8216;\u00e1l\u00ed did not give a true account of myself or of my ancestors, but spoke ill of us, and said, \u201cShaikh &#8216;Abdu-l Nab\u00ed has given 2000\u00a0<em>bigh\u00e1s<\/em>\u00a0of land to two Afgh\u00e1ns!\u201d In short, my bad fortune so ordered it that my share of the assignment (<em>madad-ma&#8217;\u00e1sh<\/em>) was resumed. When the Kh\u00e1n-kh\u00e1n\u00e1n, who was a follower of Saiyid H\u00e1mid, son of Saiyid Mir\u00e1n, son of Saiyid Mub\u00e1rak of Bukh\u00e1ra and Gujar\u00e1t, became acquainted with my history and that of my ancestors, he said it was a pity I should remain unemployed; but I refused employ, and said that I would go to the country of my fathers. He then brought M\u00edr H\u00e1mid to my house without invitation, and since M\u00edr H\u00e1mid was so kind as thus to honour me, I could not act in contravention to his wishes. So I entered the service of the chief of the great Shaikhs, M\u00edr Saiyid H\u00e1mid. He assigned to me a clear 200 rupees a month, and moreover showed me all manner of kindness. At last, by ill luck of the unpropitious heavens, he sent me to Bajw\u00e1ra on some urgent business, and a short time afterwards was himself slain, at which I remained immersed in grief and distress.<\/p>\n<p>Sher Sh\u00e1h gave to many of his kindred who came from Roh money and property far exceeding their expectations. *** S\u00e1rang Ghakkar did not come to wait on Sher Sh\u00e1h. That monarch, therefore, marched with all his forces and retinue through all the hills of Padm\u00e1n and Garjh\u00e1k, in order that he might choose a fitting site and build a fort there to keep down the Ghakkars, in which he might leave a garrison on the K\u00e1bul road,<sup>60<\/sup> when he himself returned. Having selected Roht\u00e1s, he built there the fort which now exists, and laid waste the country of the Ghakkars,<sup>61<\/sup>\u00a0and carried them into captivity, and having seized the daughter of S\u00e1rang Ghakkar, bestowed her on Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n.<\/p>\n<p>In the midst of this, news came from Bengal that Khizr Kh\u00e1n Bairak, the governor of Bengal, had married the daughter of Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad, late King of Bengal, and, after the manner of the kings of that country, sat on the \u201cTok\u00ed,\u201d which means \u201can upper place.\u201d Sher Sh\u00e1h was much annoyed at this, and wishing to avert the evil ere it could take place, left Haibat Kh\u00e1n N\u00ed\u00e1z\u00ed, Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n, &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n N\u00ed\u00e1z\u00ed, Hab\u00edb Kh\u00e1n, R\u00e1\u00ed Husain Jalw\u00e1ni, in the fort of Roht\u00e1s, and set out himself for Bengal. On his arrival in Bengal, Khizr Kh\u00e1n Bairak came to give him a regal reception. Sher Sh\u00e1h said to him: \u201cWhy did you without my order take in marriage the daughter of Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad, and seat yourself on the \u201cTok\u00ed,\u201d after the manner of the kings of Bengal? It becomes not a noble of the State to do a single act without the King&#8217;s permission. Sher Kh\u00e1n ordered him to receive a severe punishment and to be put in chains, and said, that if any of his nobles should do any\u00adthing without his leave, he should receive a similar punishment. And he divided the kingdom of Bengal into different provinces, and made K\u00e1z\u00ed Faz\u00edlat, better known as K\u00e1z\u00ed Faz\u00edhat, manager (<em>am\u00edr<\/em>) of Bengal, and himself returned to \u00c1gra.<\/p>\n<p>When he arrived at \u00c1gra, a letter arrived from Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n, saying that Muhammad K\u00e1sim had consented to the following terms:\u2014that the Afgh\u00e1ns should be allowed to enter the fort; that the Mughals should have free access to the camp of Sher Sh\u00e1h; and that as soon as Sher Sh\u00e1h should come to Gw\u00e1lior, Muhammad K\u00e1sim was to be introduced to the king&#8217;s presence, when he would give up the fort to the king&#8217;s commis\u00adsioners. Sher Sh\u00e1h replied that his standards would shortly move towards the country of M\u00e1nd\u00fa, by way of Gw\u00e1lior, in order to wreak on the rulers of M\u00e1nd\u00fa his revenge for their backwardness in assisting Kutb Kh\u00e1n. At this time there were persons in the kingdom of M\u00e1nd\u00fa who ruled independently. Mall\u00fa Kh\u00e1n, who had assumed the title of king, and the name of K\u00e1dir Sh\u00e1h, held possession and rule of the city of Sh\u00e1dm\u00e1b\u00e1d, that is to say the fort of M\u00e1nd\u00fa, and of Ujjain, S\u00e1rangp\u00far, and the fort of Rantam-bhor; secondly, Sikandar Kh\u00e1n M\u00ed\u00e1na, who was ruler of the country of Sew\u00e1s and Hindia; thirdly, R\u00e1ja Part\u00e1b Sh\u00e1h, the son of Bh\u00fapat Sh\u00e1h, son of Sal\u00e1hu-d d\u00edn, who was a minor, and whose deputy Bhai\u00e1 P\u00faran Mal held the districts of Chander\u00ed and R\u00e1\u00eds\u00edn; and, fourthly, Bhop\u00e1l, who possessed the country of B\u00edj\u00e1-garh and Tamh\u00e1.<sup>62<\/sup> When the king came to Gw\u00e1lior,<sup>63<\/sup>\u00a0Muhammad K\u00e1sim, who was one of Hum\u00e1y\u00fan&#8217;s nobles, and governor of the fort, came and paid his respects to the king, and surrendered the fort to the royal commissioners. When he came to G\u00e1gr\u00fan, Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n sent R\u00e1m S\u00e1h, R\u00e1j\u00e1 of Gw\u00e1lior, to bring P\u00faran Mal of R\u00e1\u00eds\u00edn to the king. P\u00faran Mal wrote, saying he would come if Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n himself went to fetch him. So Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n went to the fort of R\u00e1\u00eds\u00edn, and brought P\u00faran Mal with him to the king&#8217;s presence. Upon his setting out, the wife of R\u00e1j\u00e1 P\u00faran Mal, by name Ratn\u00e1val\u00ed, who was exceedingly beloved by him, sent to Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n, saying, \u201cI will then break my fast when I shall see P\u00faran Mal again, and the whole time he is away I will sit on a bastion of the fort, and watch for his return.\u201d Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n sent to her to be of good cheer, for that Bhai\u00e1 P\u00faran Mal would return to her next day. Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at brought P\u00faran Mal to the king&#8217;s presence, with 6000 horsemen, none of whom were forty years of age. Sher Sh\u00e1h instantly bestowed 100 horses and 100 splendid dresses of honour on P\u00faran Mal, and allowed him to return. Bhai\u00e1 P\u00faran Mal left to serve the king his younger brother, whose name was Chatur Bhoj.<\/p>\n<p>When the king arrived at S\u00e1rangp\u00far, the agent of Mall\u00fa Kh\u00e1n came and made his obeisance, and said that Mall\u00fa Kh\u00e1n was coming to meet the king. Sher Sh\u00e1h ordered Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n to go and receive him, and he went accordingly. Sher Sh\u00e1h came, seated himself outside his tents, and held an open\u00a0<em>darb\u00e1r<\/em>. Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n brought Mall\u00fa Kh\u00e1n to him, and he asked where Mall\u00fa Kh\u00e1n had pitched his camp. He replied: \u201cI have come alone into your presence, my place is in your\u00a0<em>darb\u00e1r<\/em>. My hope is, I may be permitted to perform the office of a sweeper therein.\u201d Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n represented that Mall\u00fa Kh\u00e1n had brought 200 horsemen with him. Sher Sh\u00e1h ordered that a scarlet tent, a bed, a canopy, and other conveniences, as well as a handsome entertainment, should be provided for him. When they marched from S\u00e1rangp\u00far, Sher Sh\u00e1h showed the whole array of his army to Mall\u00fa Kh\u00e1n, who was astounded, for he had never anywhere seen such an army before.<sup>64<\/sup> At every stage they threw up an earthen entrenchment, and when he saw the labour and exertions of the soldiers, and the rigour of Sher Sh\u00e1h&#8217;s discipline, Mall\u00fa Kh\u00e1n said to the Afgh\u00e1ns, \u201cYou submit yourselves to wonderful labours and exertions, night and day you have no rest; ease and comfort are things forbidden to you.\u201d The Afgh\u00e1ns replied\u2014\u201cSuch is our master&#8217;s custom. *** It behoves a soldier, whatever service his chief may order, or whatever labour or exertion he may require, not to consider it a hardship. Ease is for women, it is shameful to honourable men.\u201d<sup>65<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>When Sher Sh\u00e1h went to Ujjain, he encamped at Kal\u00eddah. Sikandar Kh\u00e1n Mi\u00e1na came and made obeisance. Sher Sh\u00e1h assigned the country of M\u00e1nd\u00fa to Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n; and when he reflected that Mall\u00fa Kh\u00e1n had submitted to him, *** he pardoned him, and bestowed on him the\u00a0<em>sark\u00e1r<\/em>\u00a0of K\u00e1lp\u00ed.<sup>66<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>Mall\u00fa Kh\u00e1n, having brought his family out of Ujjain, con\u00adsidered that he was not equal to the labour and exertion which Sher Kh\u00e1n required, and that therefore it was better to escape by some contrivance from his camp.<sup>67<\/sup> Accordingly, like a Hind\u00fa slave, he made up his mind to run away. Sher Sh\u00e1h perceived his intention, and ordered Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Khan to arrest h\u00edm. Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n looked towards Mall\u00fa Kh\u00e1n, who, being an intelligent man, understood what was going on, and said to Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n: \u201cTell the king that I have no carriage to take my family to K\u00e1lp\u00ed.\u201d When Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n represented this, it was ordered that 100 camels and 100 mules, with camelmen and mulemen, and several carts with drivers, should be given to Mall\u00fa Kh\u00e1n for the conveyance of his family. When he received the camels, mules and carriages, he took them, together with their drivers, to his own encampment, and gave them some very powerful wine, so that they got drunk and became insensible. Mall\u00fa Kh\u00e1n, taking his treasures and his family, absconded. When it was day, it became known that Mall\u00fa Kh\u00e1n had fled. Sher Sh\u00e1h said: \u201cMall\u00fa Kh\u00e1n, the slave! Have you seen what a trick he has played me?\u201d *** Sher Sh\u00e1h was angry with Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n, and sent him in pursuit of Mall\u00fa Kh\u00e1n, saying: \u201cWhere-ever Mall\u00fa Kh\u00e1n may go, you go also and bring him to me. Did not I tell you to arrest him? But you did not, and acted negligently.\u201d<sup>68<\/sup>\u00a0Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n went in pursuit, but failed to overtake Mall\u00fa Kh\u00e1n, who went to Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad at Gujar\u00e1t,<sup>69<\/sup>\u00a0and Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n returned from the frontier of M\u00e1nd\u00fa. The whole of the kingdom of M\u00e1nd\u00fa had been bestowed on Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n; but the king in his anger deprived him of it, and in lieu of it gave him Sew\u00e1s, Hindia, etc., which had been in Sikandar Kh\u00e1n M\u00ed\u00e1na&#8217;s possession, equal to the maintenance of 4000 horse; and gave Ujjain to Dary\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n Gujar\u00e1t\u00ed, who had been\u00a0<em>waz\u00edr<\/em>\u00a0of Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad, King of Gujar\u00e1t, and who had fled to Sher Sh\u00e1h; and S\u00e1rangp\u00far to &#8216;\u00c1lam Kh\u00e1n Lod\u00ed, who also had been a noble of Sult\u00e1n Mahm\u00fad&#8217;s court; and making H\u00e1j\u00ed Kh\u00e1n and Junaid Kh\u00e1n\u00a0<em>faujd\u00e1rs<\/em> of that country, he left them in the city of Dh\u00e1r, and returned himself, by the fort of Ran-tambhor,<sup>70<\/sup>\u00a0on the road to which place Sikandar Kh\u00e1n M\u00ed\u00e1na, who had been ruler of\u00a0<em>sark\u00e1r<\/em> Sew\u00e1s, fled. &#8216;Usm\u00e1n Kh\u00e1n, whose name was previously Ab\u00fa-l Farra, was governor of Rantambhor, on behalf of Mall\u00fa Kh\u00e1n. When Sher Sh\u00e1h approached, he came and submitted to him, and Sher Sh\u00e1h, making over the fort of Rantambhor to his eldest son &#8216;\u00c1dil Kh\u00e1n, went himself to \u00c1gra.<sup>71<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>Sher Sh\u00e1h left M\u00e1nd\u00fa for \u00c1gra, N\u00e1sir Kh\u00e1n, brother of Sikandar Kh\u00e1n M\u00ed\u00e1na, with 6000 horse, and 200 elephants, came against Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n. Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n had with him only 2000 horse. N\u00e1sir Kh\u00e1n said to his men: \u201cSeize Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n alive, that I may retain him as a hostage for Sikandar Kh\u00e1n.<sup>72<\/sup> When Sher Sh\u00e1h releases Sikandar Kh\u00e1n, I will release Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n,\u201d When Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at heard that N\u00e1sir Kh\u00e1n was approach\u00ading, he went out to meet him, and gave him battle at N\u00edlgarh.<sup>73<\/sup>\u00a0When the two armies were commingled together, part of N\u00e1sir Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s and part of Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s force were put to flight. Three men had sworn an oath to attack only Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n. One was M\u00ed\u00e1n &#8216;Umar, the second Saiyid T\u00e1hir, the third Kok\u00e1. One of these wounded Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n in the neck with a dagger; the second wounded him in the nostril with a spear thrust, and broke his front teeth; the third, having wounded him with a sabre, caught hold of the hair of his head, to take him alive before N\u00e1sir Kh\u00e1n. Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n struck him with his sabre on the hand and cut it off, and so freed him\u00adself. Jajh\u00e1r Kh\u00e1n, who was of Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s own tribe, slew the second horseman; and Mub\u00e1rak Kh\u00e1n Sh\u00edr\u00edn\u00ed killed the third. So Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at was rescued, and raised again his standard which had fallen. Those of Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s men who had fled returned, and rallying round him on all sides, gained the victory. N\u00e1sir Kh\u00e1n fled, and the 200 elephants fell into Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s hands. Almighty God made Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n victorious, and he returned from N\u00edlgarh to Hindia.<\/p>\n<p>After this, Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n heard that Mall\u00fa Kh\u00e1n was ap\u00adproaching, and had surrounded H\u00e1j\u00ed Kh\u00e1n, who had fortified himself in M\u00e1nd\u00fa. Although Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at&#8217;s wounds were not well, yet, taking the 200 elephants with him, he went to the succour of H\u00e1j\u00ed Kh\u00e1n, and encamped outside the walls. The next day at sunrise the two armies, drawn out in battle array, engaged in the open field. The Afgh\u00e1n army displayed such gallantry as is beyond all power of description; the victory remained with Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n, and Mall\u00fa Kh\u00e1n fled to Gujar\u00e1t. When Sher Sh\u00e1h heard this intelligence, he called H\u00e1j\u00ed Kh\u00e1n to his own presence from M\u00e1nd\u00fa, and bestowed on him the command of 12,000 horse, and gave to Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n Ujjain, M\u00e1nd\u00fa, S\u00e1rangp\u00far, and Mans\u00far in\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edr<\/em>; and the country of Sew\u00e1s he gave to Shams Kh\u00e1n, Bih\u00e1r Kh\u00e1n, and M\u00edr Kh\u00e1n N\u00ed\u00e1z\u00ed, who were of Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s kindred; and Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n became ruler of all the country of M\u00e1nd\u00fa.<\/p>\n<p>Sher Sh\u00e1h went from \u00c1gra in the direction of Bih\u00e1r and Bengal,<sup>74<\/sup> when he was attacked by fever and ague. During his illness he several times said: \u201cI did wrong when I said I would go towards Bengal. If Almighty God will vouchsafe me a re\u00adcovery from this fever, I will return with all speed; and P\u00faran Mal, who has enslaved the families of the Musulm\u00e1ns in Chander\u00ed and has made dancing-girls of their daughters, and did not ac\u00adcompany my son Kutb Kh\u00e1n\u2014him I will so punish that he may be a warning to others, that hereafter no unbelievers in Hind may oppress and injure the families of Musulm\u00e1ns.<sup>75<\/sup> Almighty God vouchsafed to Sher Sh\u00e1h a recovery from that fever, and he quickly turned back towards \u00c1gra. When he arrived there, in all the pride of his state, he set off for the country of M\u00e1nd\u00fa, in the year A.H. 950,<sup>76<\/sup> and took the fort of R\u00e1\u00eds\u00edn. He ordered his noble son, Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n, to go on in advance with his victorious troops. When Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n came to the stage of Bh\u00edlsa, Sher Sh\u00e1h joined him. From this place Sher Sh\u00e1h, by forced marches, brought his conquering army into the vicinity of the fort of R\u00e1\u00eds\u00edn.<sup>77<\/sup> Bhai\u00e1 P\u00faran Mal sent 600 elephants, but did not himself come out. Sher Sh\u00e1h laid siege to R\u00e1\u00eds\u00edn, when a report came from Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n that enmity had broken out between him and Haibat Kh\u00e1n, and requesting him to send for a representative from each of them. When Sher Sh\u00e1h knew of the quarrel between Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n and Haibat Kh\u00e1n N\u00ed\u00e1z\u00ed, he sent for &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n and Hab\u00edb Kh\u00e1n, and con\u00adfirmed Haibat Kh\u00e1n in the government of the Panj\u00e1b, attaching Fath Jang Kh\u00e1n to him. And whereas Fath Kh\u00e1n Jat had been in rebellion in Kay\u00fala, and in the time of the Mughals had plundered the whole country and laid it waste as far as P\u00e1n\u00edpat,<sup>78<\/sup>\u00a0and the Bil\u00fach\u00eds had got into their power and possession the country of Mult\u00e1n, Sher Sh\u00e1h ordered Haibat Kh\u00e1n to expel these people from the country, and to punish them, and to restore to prosperity the city of Mult\u00e1n. Instantly on the receipt of this\u00a0<em>farm\u00e1n<\/em>, Haibat Kh\u00e1n said to the\u00a0<em>vak\u00edl<\/em>\u00a0of Ch\u00e1kar Rind, who at that time was ruler of Satgarh, \u201cGo, tell Ch\u00e1kar Rind that I shall halt within his confines, and he must have his forces ready, for I am going to seize Mahla.\u201d ***<\/p>\n<p>Early in the morning news came that Haibat Kh\u00e1n had ar\u00adrived. Ch\u00e1kar went out to welcome Haibat Kh\u00e1n, but was in a state of great alarm. As soon as Haibat Kh\u00e1n saw him, he said, \u201cI shall take your muster at D\u00edp\u00e1lp\u00far, lest in the delay Fath Kh\u00e1n should escape.\u201d Within two days Haibat Kh\u00e1n arrived at the Pattan<sup>79<\/sup> of Kutb &#8216;\u00c1lam Shaikh Far\u00edd. Fath Kh\u00e1n fled, and Haibat Kh\u00e1n pursued him. As Fath Kh\u00e1n had his family and women with him, he perceived he was unable to escape from Haibat Kh\u00e1n. There was near Karor and Fathp\u00far a mud fort; he took possession of it, and Haibat Kh\u00e1n coming up in pursuit, laid siege to it. Fath Kh\u00e1n held out the fort for some days; at last, being reduced to extremities, he sent Shaikh Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm, son of Kutb &#8216;\u00c1lam Shaikh Far\u00edd, to Haibat Kh\u00e1n as an intercessor. He came before Haibat Kh\u00e1n, who said to him, \u201cI am a servant of Sher Sh\u00e1h&#8217;s, what my master orders that I must do.\u201d He put Fath Kh\u00e1n in prison. In the night, Hind\u00fa Bil\u00fach with 300 men came out of the mud fort, and attacking the besiegers fiercely, cut their way through by their valour. When it was day, the Afgh\u00e1ns occupied the fort. The women of the better sort had been mostly slain by the Bil\u00fach\u00eds, and the rest the Afgh\u00e1ns made slaves; and they took Hind\u00fa Bil\u00fach and Baksh\u00fa Lang\u00e1h prisoners. Haibat Kh\u00e1n then went to the city of Mult\u00e1n, which the Bil\u00fach\u00eds had laid waste. Haibat Kh\u00e1n restored it to its former state, and the inhabitants who were scattered abroad he again collected together, and he wrote letters to Sher Sh\u00e1h reporting the true condition of the country, and concerning the capture of Fath Kh\u00e1n, Hind\u00fa Bil\u00fach, and Baksh\u00fa Lang\u00e1h. Sher Sh\u00e1h was exceedingly rejoiced, and made him a Masnad &#8216;\u00c1l\u00ed and gave him the title of &#8216;Azam Hum\u00e1y\u00fan. He also gave him a red tent, and wrote to him to repeople Mult\u00e1n, and to observe the customs of the Lang\u00e1hs, and not to measure the land, but take a share of the produce.<sup>80<\/sup> He ordered him to put Fath Kh\u00e1n and Hind\u00fa Bil\u00fach to death, to keep Baksh\u00fa Lang\u00e1h or his son always with him, but to confirm his districts to him. As soon as &#8216;Azam Hum\u00e1y\u00fan received this order at Mult\u00e1n, he left Fath Jang Kh\u00e1n in Mult n and came to Lahore, and put Fath Kh\u00e1n and Hind\u00fa Bil\u00fach to death. Fath Jang Kh\u00e1n so re\u00adpeopled Mult\u00e1n, and showed such benevolence to the people, that Mult\u00e1n flourished more than it had done, even under the Lang\u00e1hs, and in the country of Mult\u00e1n he founded a city which he called \u201cShergarh.\u201d Sher Sh\u00e1h, while besieging the fort of R\u00e1\u00eds\u00edn, gave orders that no Afgh\u00e1n should approach it; for that he would take the fort by the exercise of his skill and prudence.<\/p>\n<p>One day, certain followers and retainers of the Afgh\u00e1ns were sitting together, when the conversation turned on the gallantry and valour of Bhai\u00e1 P\u00faran Mal&#8217;s soldiers. Most of those present said, that no one in those days was a match for P\u00faran Mal&#8217;s soldiers in these qualities, who daily came out of the fort and said: \u201cThere is no one in the army of Sher Kh\u00e1n who can fight with us,\u201d and that it was from fear that none of the Afgh\u00e1ns approached them. When the Afgh\u00e1ns amongst these retainers pondered on these remarks, the reproach thus thrown upon Afgh\u00e1n honour overcame them, and they said, \u201cThough Sher Sh\u00e1h should cut our throats or banish us from his kingdom, yet we will for once encounter the soldiers of P\u00faran Mal, that we may test their gallantry and valour.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>The next day before sunrise, 1500 horsemen assembled at an appointed place, and drawing up in order of battle, sent to P\u00faran Mal, saying: \u201cYour men every day boast of their valour. We, 1500 horse, against Sher Sh\u00e1h&#8217;s command, have come and are drawn up in order of battle; do you also collect your men, and come out of the fort, that we may fight, and the valour of either side may be made manifest.\u201d Bhai\u00e1 P\u00faran Mal had great reliance on the valour and gallantry of his men, and did not think the Afgh\u00e1ns were at all equal to them in bravery. He sent out to answer the challenge the most famous of his soldiers, veterans in battle, and he himself took his seat above the gate\u00adway. The Afgh\u00e1ns and R\u00e1jp\u00fats joined battle, and the fight continued till the first watch of the day, up to which time neither party had succeeded in driving the other from their ground. At length the Afgh\u00e1ns got the advantage, and began to make the R\u00e1jp\u00fats give ground, when such bravery was displayed on both sides as surpasses all description. In the end, Almighty God gave the victory to the Afgh\u00e1ns, and they drove the R\u00e1jp\u00fats from their position to near the gate of the fort. The R\u00e1jp\u00fats again made a stand near the gate of the fort, but the Afgh\u00e1ns made a headlong charge upon them, which they were unable to resist, and fled within the gate; and the Afgh\u00e1ns returned triumphant to their camp.<\/p>\n<p>When Sher Sh\u00e1h heard that the Afgh\u00e1n retainers had displayed such gallantry and bravery, he was much pleased; but in public severely reprimanded those who had risked an engagement in defiance of his orders. After some days, he gave fitting rewards to every one of them, and good appoint\u00adments and\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edrs<\/em>, and said, \u201cThe gallantry you have displayed has been made known to me; now look at my work, and see what I shall do to this fort.\u201d After this Sher Sh\u00e1h issued an order that they should bring all the brass in camp and make mortars (<em>degh\u00e1<\/em>) of it. When, according to his order, they had brought all the brass that was in the b\u00e1z\u00e1r or in the tents of the soldiery, in pots, dishes, and pans, they made it all into mortars, and when they were finished he ordered them to bombard the fort from all simultaneously. When they had battered the fort and breached it in all directions, P\u00faran Mal became alarmed, and after the lapse of six months, he came out himself to Sher Sh\u00e1h, who said to him, \u201cI grant you quarter, and the govern\u00adment of Benares; provided you give up the families of the Musulm\u00e1ns whom you have enslaved.\u201d P\u00faran Mal replied: \u201cI had none of these families in slavery, neither am I the R\u00e1j\u00e1; I am but his deputy. I will go to him, and I will say whatever you order me, and see what he replies.\u201d Sher Kh\u00e1n permitted him to go. When he went up into the fort, he got together all his jewels, and sent to Sher Kh\u00e1n to say, \u201cI dare not again face your presence, but do you first go away two marches from the fort. I will come out and give up the fort to your soldiers, and go myself to other countries. And if your eldest son &#8216;\u00c1dil Kh\u00e1n and Kutb Kh\u00e1n Banet will bind themselves by promise and oaths that I shall suffer no injury in property or person, I will come with my women and family out of the fort.\u201d Sher Sh\u00e1h told &#8216;\u00c1dil Kh\u00e1n and Kutb Kh\u00e1n Banet what P\u00faran Mal said, and ordered them to satisfy him and bring him out. Kutb Kh\u00e1n Banet went up to the fort, and binding himself by solemn oaths, brought P\u00faran Mal out of the fort of R\u00e1\u00eds\u00edn with his family and wives. Kutb Kh\u00e1n requested that some encamping ground for P\u00faran Mal might be selected, and Sher Sh\u00e1h indicated a spot in the midst of his encampment, and Kutb Kh\u00e1n himself accompanied P\u00faran Mal to the spot Sher Sh\u00e1h had directed.<\/p>\n<p>After some days the widows of the chief men of Chander\u00ed and others waited for Sher Sh\u00e1h by the road-side, and cried out to him. Sher Sh\u00e1h asked who they were, and ordered them to be brought to him. They said: \u201cWe have suffered from this inhuman and malignant infidel all kinds of tyranny and oppres\u00adsion. He has slain our husbands, and our daughters he has enslaved, and has made dancing-girls of them, and has seized our lands, and all our worldly goods, for a long time past. *** If you do not give us justice, hereafter, in the day of resurrection, when the first and the last of all men shall be collected together, we will accuse you.\u201d As Sher Sh\u00e1h was a believing and just ruler, on hearing these zeal-stirring words of the oppressed, the tears dropped from his eyes, and he said: \u201cHave patience, for I have brought him out by promises and oaths.\u201d They replied: \u201cConsult with your &#8216;<em>Ulam\u00e1<\/em>, and act upon the decision they shall pronounce.\u201d When Sher Sh\u00e1h came back to his tent, he sent for all of the &#8216;<em>Ulam\u00e1<\/em>\u00a0who accompanied his victorious army, and related one by one the inhuman deeds P\u00faran Mal had committed with respect to the wives and families of the Musulm\u00e1ns, and asked them to give their decision. Am\u00edr Shaikh Raf\u00ed&#8217;u-d d\u00edn and the other &#8216;<em>Ulam\u00e1<\/em>\u00a0who accompanied the victorious army pro\u00adnounced a decision for the death of P\u00faran Mal.<\/p>\n<p>At night orders were given to &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n H\u00e1jib, that he should desire his troops to collect with the elephants in all haste at a certain spot, for that Sher Sh\u00e1h intended to make a forced march towards Gondw\u00e1na. To Hab\u00edb Kh\u00e1n he gave secret orders that he should watch Bhai\u00e1 P\u00faran Mal, and take care he did not fly, and not to speak a word of this to any living creature, for that he (Sher Shah) had long entertained this design. When the elephants and troops were at the ap\u00adpointed spot, they reported it. Sher Sh\u00e1h ordered that at sunrise they should surround the tents of Bhai\u00e1 P\u00faran Mal. P\u00faran Mal was told that they were surrounding his encamp\u00adment, and going into the tent of his beloved wife Ratn\u00e1val\u00ed, who sang Hind\u00ed melodies very sweetly, he cut off her head, and coming out said to his companions: \u201cI have done this: do you also slay your wives and families.\u201d While the Hind\u00fas were employed in putting their women and families to death, the Afgh\u00e1ns on all sides commenced the slaughter of the Hind\u00fas. P\u00faran Mal and his companions, like hogs at bay, failed not to exhibit valour and gallantry, but in the twinkling of an eye all were slain. Such of their wives and families as were not slain were captured. One daughter of P\u00faran Mal and three sons of his elder brother were taken alive, the rest were all killed. Sher Kh\u00e1n gave the daughter of P\u00faran Mal to some itinerant minstrels (<em>b\u00e1zigar\u00e1n<\/em>), that they might make her dance in the b\u00e1z\u00e1rs, and ordered the boys to be castrated, that the race of the oppressor might not increase. He made over the fort of R\u00e1\u00eds\u00edn to Munsh\u00ed Sh\u00e1hb\u00e1z Kh\u00e1n Acha-khail Sarw\u00e1n\u00ed, and returned himself towards \u00c1gra, and remained at the capital during the rainy season.<sup>81<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>After the conclusion of the rains, he consulted his nobles of name, and the wise among his courtiers, saying that he was quite at ease concerning the kingdom of Hind. *** The nobles and chiefs said, \u201c*** It seems expedient that the victorious standards should move towards the Dekhin, for cer\u00adtain rebellious slaves have got the country out of the power of their master, and have revolted, and following the heresy of the people of dissent (<em>Sh\u00eda<\/em>&#8216;), abuse the holy posterity. It is incumbent on the powerful and fortunate to root out this innovating schism from the Dekhin.\u201d Sher Sh\u00e1h replied: \u201cWhat you have said is most right and proper, but it has come into my mind that since the time of Sult\u00e1n Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm, the infidel\u00a0<em>zam\u00ednd\u00e1rs<\/em>\u00a0have rendered the country of Isl\u00e1m full of unbelievers, and have thrown down the\u00a0<em>masjids<\/em> and buildings of the believers, and placed idol-shrines in them, and they are in possession of the country of Dehl\u00ed and M\u00e1lw\u00e1. Until I have cleansed the country from the existing contamination of the unbelievers, I will not go into any other country. *** First, I will root out that accursed infidel M\u00e1ldeo, for that he was the servant of the ruler of N\u00e1gor and Ajm\u00edr, who placed the greatest confidence in him. The evil-minded and ungrateful infidel slew his master, and by violence and oppression possessed himself of those kingdoms.\u201d The chiefs and nobles assented, and it was so settled. In the year 950 A.H. (1543-4 A.D.),<sup>82<\/sup> the king ordered that his conquering forces, beyond all calculation or numeration, should, under the shadow of his victorious standards, march towards the country of N\u00e1gor, Ajm\u00edr, and J\u00fadhp\u00far. I have heard from the mouth of the respectably descended Shaikh Muhammad, and of the Kh\u00e1n-&#8216;azam, and of Muzaffar Kh\u00e1n, that in this campaign Sher Sh\u00e1h had so great an army with him that the best calculators, in spite of all reflection and thought and calculation, were at a loss to number and reckon them, and we often ascended the tops of eminences that the length and breadth of the army might appear to us; but so exceeding was its magnitude, that its whole length and breadth were never visible together; and we asked old men of great age, whether they had ever seen or heard of so great an army, but they replied they had not.<sup>83<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>When Sher Sh\u00e1h marched from the capital of \u00c1gra, and arrived at Fathp\u00far S\u00edkr\u00ed, he ordered that each division of the army should march together in order of battle, and should throw up an earthen entrenchment at every halting-ground. On the way they encamped one day on a plain of sand, and in spite of every labour, they could not, on account of the sand, make an entrenchment. Sher Sh\u00e1h considered by what contrivance the entrenchment could be completed. Mahm\u00fad Kh\u00e1n, grandson<sup>84<\/sup>\u00a0of Sher Sh\u00e1h, said: \u201cLet my lord order that sacks should be filled with sand, and that they should make the entrenchment with the bags.\u201d Sher Sh\u00e1h praised his grandson&#8217;s contrivance, and was greatly delighted, and ordered that they should make the fortification of bags filled with sand, and, accordingly, at that halting-place they did so. When he approached the enemy, Sher Kh\u00e1n contrived a stratagem; and having written letters in the name of M\u00e1ldeo&#8217;s nobles to this effect, viz., \u201cLet not the king permit any anxiety or doubt to find its way to his heart. During the battle we will seize M\u00e1ldeo, and bring him to you,\u201d and having inclosed these letters in a\u00a0<em>khar\u00edta<\/em>\u00a0or silken bag, he gave it to a certain person, and directed him to go near to the tent of the\u00a0<em>vak\u00edl<\/em>\u00a0of M\u00e1ldeo, and remain there, and when he went out to drop the\u00a0<em>khar\u00edta<\/em>\u00a0on his way, and conceal himself. Sher Sh\u00e1h&#8217;s agent did as he was ordered; and when the\u00a0<em>vak\u00edl<\/em>\u00a0of M\u00e1ldeo saw the\u00a0<em>khar\u00edta<\/em>\u00a0lying, he picked it up, and sent the letters to M\u00e1ldeo. When the latter learnt their contents, he was much alarmed, and fled without fighting. Although his nobles took oaths of fidelity, he did not heed them. Some of the chieftains, such as Jaya Chandel and Goh\u00e1, and others, came and attacked Sher Sh\u00e1h, and displayed exceeding valour. Part of the army was routed, and a certain Afgh\u00e1n came to Sher Sh\u00e1h, and abused him in his native tongue, saying, \u201cMount, for the infidels are routing your army.\u201d Sher Sh\u00e1h was performing his morning devotions, and was reading the\u00a0<em>Musta&#8217;\u00e1bi-i &#8216;ashr<\/em>. He gave no reply to the Afgh\u00e1n. By a sign he ordered his horse, and mounted, when news of victory was brought, to the effect that Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n had slain Jaya and Goh\u00e1 with all their forces. When Sher Sh\u00e1h learnt the valour and gallantry of Jaya and Goh\u00e1, he said: \u201cI had nearly given the kingdom of Dehl\u00ed for a millet (<em>b\u00e1jra<\/em>) seed.\u201d<sup>85<\/sup>\u00a0He left Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n and &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n N\u00ed\u00e1z\u00ed, and some other chiefs, in the country of N\u00e1gor, and himself returned. Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n founded a city in his own name near the fort of J\u00fadhp\u00far, and called it \u201cKhaw\u00e1sp\u00far,\u201d and brought into his power and possession the whole country of N\u00e1gor and Ajm\u00edr, the fort of J\u00fadhp\u00far, and the districts of M\u00e1rw\u00e1r. M\u00e1ldeo went to the fort of Siw\u00e1na, on the borders of Gujar\u00e1t.<\/p>\n<p>Sher Sh\u00e1h&#8217;s nobles represented to him that, as the rainy season was near at hand, it was advisable to go into cantonments. Sher Sh\u00e1h replied, \u201cI will spend the rainy season in a place where I can carry on my work,\u201d and marched towards the fort of Chitor.<sup>86<\/sup>\u00a0When he was yet twelve\u00a0<em>kos<\/em> from the fort of Chitor, the R\u00e1j\u00e1 who was its ruler sent him the keys. When Sher Sh\u00e1h came to Chitor, he left in it the younger brother of Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n, M\u00ed\u00e1n Ahmad Sarw\u00e1n\u00ed, and Husain Kh\u00e1n Khilj\u00ed. Sher Sh\u00e1h himself marched towards Kachw\u00e1ra. His eldest son &#8216;\u00c1dil Kh\u00e1n took leave to go and visit Rantambhor. Sher Sh\u00e1h said: \u201cI give you leave in order to please you, but come again quickly, and do not remain for a long time at that fort.\u201d When Sher Sh\u00e1h came near Kachw\u00e1ra, Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n went towards Hindia. Certain persons who were envious of Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n, said that Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n kept up no troops, though he had to maintain 12,000 horse, and on this account he dared not come into the presence, and made a pre\u00adtext of going to Hindia. The sons of Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n, M\u00ed\u00e1n B\u00e1yaz\u00edd and Daulat Kh\u00e1n, were with Sher Sh\u00e1h, and wrote the true state of the case to Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n. On hearing the news, Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n came to Kachw\u00e1ra, to the king, and requested his horses should be branded. 7500 he passed under the brand, and he said that the rest were in his districts on duty, and if ordered he would send for them and pass them too under the brand. Sher Sh\u00e1h replied: \u201cThere is no necessity for branding them, for your force is with you; and as to the persons who have defamed you, their faces are blackened.\u201d When he dismissed Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n, he said: \u201cAs soon as you receive news that Kalinjar<sup>87<\/sup> has fallen, do you, without fail, set off for the Dekhin with all haste. Do not delay or linger at all.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Sher Sh\u00e1h himself marched from Kachw\u00e1ra towards Kalinjar. When he reached the stage of Sh\u00e1hband\u00ed, news came that &#8216;\u00c1lam Kh\u00e1n M\u00ed\u00e1na had created a disturbance in the Do\u00e1b, and having raised the province of M\u00edrath (Meerut), had ravaged great part of the neighbouring country. Sher Sh\u00e1h turned from Sh\u00e1hband\u00ed, and had gone two marches, when news arrived that &#8216;\u00c1lam Kh\u00e1n had been conquered; for Bhagwant, the slave of Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n, and governor of Sirhind, had slain him near Sirhind. Upon this, Sher Sh\u00e1h turned again towards Kalinjar.<sup>88<\/sup>\u00a0The R\u00e1j\u00e1 of Kalinjar, K\u00edrat Sing, did not come out to meet him. So he ordered the fort to be invested, and threw up mounds against it, and in a short time the mounds rose so high that they over\u00adtopped the fort. The men who were in the streets and houses were exposed, and the Afgh\u00e1ns shot them with their arrows and muskets from off the mounds. The cause of this tedious mode of capturing the fort was this. Among the women of R\u00e1j\u00e1 K\u00edrat Sing was a P\u00e1tar slave-girl, that is a dancing-girl. The king had heard exceeding praise of her, and he considered how to get possession of her, for he feared lest if he stormed the fort, the R\u00e1j\u00e1 K\u00edrat Sing would certainly make a\u00a0<em>jauhar<\/em>, and would burn the girl.<\/p>\n<p>On Friday, the 9th of Rab\u00ed&#8217;u-l awwal, 952 A.H., when one watch and two hours of the day was over, Sher Sh\u00e1h called for his breakfast, and eat with his &#8216;<em>ulam\u00e1<\/em>\u00a0and priests, without whom he never breakfasted. In the midst of breakfast, Shaikh Niz\u00e1m said, \u201cThere is nothing equal to a religious war against the infidels. If you be slain you become a martyr, if you live you become a\u00a0<em>gh\u00e1z\u00ed<\/em>.\u201d When Sher Sh\u00e1h had finished eating his breakfast, he ordered Dary\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n to bring loaded shells,<sup>89<\/sup>\u00a0and went up to the top of a mound, and with his own hand shot off many arrows, and said, \u201cDary\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n comes not; he delays very long.\u201d But when they were at last brought, Sher Sh\u00e1h came down from the mound, and stood where they were placed. While the men were employed in discharging them, by the will of God Almighty, one shell full of gunpowder struck on the gate of the fort and broke, and came and fell where a great number of other shells were placed. Those which were loaded all began to explode. Shaikh Hal\u00edl, Shaikh Niz\u00e1m, and other learned men, and most of the others escaped and were not burnt, but they brought out Sher Sh\u00e1h partially burnt. A young princess who was standing by the rockets was burnt to death. When Sher Sh\u00e1h was carried into his tent, all his nobles assembled in\u00a0<em>darb\u00e1r<\/em>; and he sent for &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n H\u00e1jib and Masnad Kh\u00e1n Kalkap\u00far, the son-in-law of &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n, and the paternal uncle of the author, to come into his tent, and ordered them to take the fort while he was yet alive. When &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n came out and told the chiefs that it was Sher Sh\u00e1h&#8217;s order that they should attack on every side and capture the fort, men came and swarmed out instantly on every side like ants and locusts; and by the time of afternoon prayers captured the fort, putting every one to the sword, and sending all the infidels to hell. About the hour of evening prayers, the intelligence of the victory reached Sher Sh\u00e1h, and marks of joy and pleasure appeared on his coun\u00adtenance. R\u00e1j\u00e1 K\u00edrat Sing, with seventy men, remained in a house. Kutb Kh\u00e1n the whole night long watched the house in person lest the R\u00e1j\u00e1 should escape. Sher Sh\u00e1h said to his sons that none of his nobles need watch the house, so that the R\u00e1j\u00e1 escaped out of the house, and the labour and trouble of this long watching was lost. The next day at sunrise, however, they took the R\u00e1j\u00e1 alive.<sup>90<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>On the 10th Rab\u00ed&#8217;u-l awwal, 952 A.H. (May, 1545 A.D.), Sher Sh\u00e1h went from the hostel of this world to rest in the mansion of happiness, and ascended peacefully from the abode of this world to the lofty heavens. The date was discovered in the words\u00a0<em>az \u00e1tash murd<\/em>, \u201cHe died from fire.\u201d<\/p>\n<strong>CONCLUSION OF WORK.<\/strong>\n<em>On certain matters regarding Sher Sh\u00e1h, on which he was busied day and night,\u00a0<\/em><em>and which he enjoined to his sons, chiefs, and nobles, and which he caused to be recorded.<\/em>\n<p>When fortune gave into the hands of Sher Sh\u00e1h the bridle of power, and the kingdom of Hind fell under his dominion, he made certain laws, both from his own ideas, and by extracting them from the works of the learned, for securing relief from tyranny, and for the repression of crime and villany; for maintaining the prosperity of his realms, the safety of the highways, and the comfort of merchants and troops. He acted upon these laws, and it was proved by experience that they became the means of procuring tranquillity for the classes above mentioned. Sher Sh\u00e1h often said, \u201cIt behoves kings to inscribe the page of their history with the characters of religion, that their servants and subjects may love religion; for kings are partakers in every act of devotion and worship which proceeds from the priests and the people. Crime and violence prevent the development of prosperity. It behoves kings to be grateful for the favour that the Lord has made his people subject to them, and therefore not to disobey the commandments of God.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Sher Sh\u00e1h attended to every business concerning the adminis\u00adtration of the kingdom and the revenues, whether great or small, in his own person. Nor did he permit his temporal affairs to be unmixed with devotion; day and night he was employed in both works. He had his dependents in waiting to awake him when two-thirds of the night were passed; and bathing himself every night he employed himself in prayer and supplication until the fourth watch. After that he heard the accounts of the various officers, and the ministers made their reports of the work to be done in their respective departments, and the orders which Sher Sh\u00e1h gave they recorded for their future guidance, that there might be no necessity for inquiry in future. When the morning had well broken, he again performed his ablutions, and with a great assembly went through his obligatory devotions, and afterwards read the\u00a0<em>Musta&#8217;\u00e1b-i &#8216;ashr<\/em>, and other prayers. After that his chiefs and soldiers came to pay their respects, and the \u201cheralds\u201d (<em>nak\u00edbs<\/em>) called out each man by name, and said:\u2014\u201cSuch and such a one, the son of such a one, pays his respects.\u201d One full hour after sunrise, that is to say about the first hour of the day, he performed the\u00a0<em>Nam\u00e1z-i ishr\u00e1k<\/em>.<sup>91<\/sup>\u00a0After this, he inquired of his chiefs and soldiers if any of them had no\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edr<\/em>, that he might assign them one before entering on a cam\u00adpaign; and said that if any asked for a\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edr<\/em>\u00a0while engaged in a campaign, he should be punished. After that he asked if there were any who were oppressed or evil treated, that he might right them, for Sher Sh\u00e1h was adorned with the jewel of justice, and he oftentimes remarked, \u201cJustice is the most excel\u00adlent of religious rites, and it is approved alike by the kings of infidels and of the faithful.\u201d *** So he employed himself in personally discharging the administration of the kingdom, and divided both day and night into portions for each separate business, and suffered no sloth or idleness to find its way to him. \u201cFor,\u201d said he, \u201cit behoves the great to be always active, and they should not consider, on account of the greatness of their own dignity and loftiness of their own rank, the affairs and busi\u00adness of the kingdom small or petty, and should place no undue reliance on their ministers. *** The corruption of ministers of contemporary princes was the means of my acquiring the worldly kingdom I possess. A king should not have corrupt\u00a0<em>vak\u00edls<\/em>\u00a0or\u00a0<em>waz\u00edrs<\/em>: for a receiver of bribes is dependent on the giver of bribes; and one who is dependent is unfit for the office of\u00a0<em>waz\u00edr<\/em>, for he is an interested personage; and to an interested person loyalty and truth in the administration of the kingdom are lost.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>When the young shoot of Sher Sh\u00e1h&#8217;s prosperity came into bearing, he always ascertained the exact truth regarding the oppressed, and the suitors for justice; and he never favoured the oppressors, although they might be his near relations, his dear sons, his renowned nobles, or of his own tribe; and he never showed any delay or lenity in punishing oppressors. *** Among the rules which Sher Sh\u00e1h promulgated, and which were not before known in the world, is the branding of horses;<sup>92<\/sup>\u00a0and he said he ordered it on this account, that the rights of the chiefs and their soldiers might be distinct, and that the chiefs might not be able to defraud the soldiers of their rights; and that every one should maintain soldiers according to his rank (<em>mansab<\/em>), and should not vary his numbers. \u201cFor,\u201d said he, \u201cin the time of Sult\u00e1n Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm, and afterwards, I observed that many base nobles were guilty of fraud and falsehood, who, at the time when their monthly salary was assigned to them, had a number of soldiers; but when they had got possession of their\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edrs<\/em>, they dismissed the greater number of their men without payment, and only kept a few men for indispensable duties, and did not even pay them in full. Nor did they regard the injury to their master&#8217;s interests, or the ingratitude of their own conduct; and when their lord ordered a review or assembly of their forces, they brought strange men and horses, and mustered them, but the money they put into their own treasuries. In time of war they would be defeated from paucity of numbers, but they kept the money, and when their master&#8217;s affairs became critical and disordered, they, equipping themselves with this very money, took service elsewhere; so from the ruin of their master&#8217;s fortunes they suffered no loss. When I had the good fortune to gain power, I was on my guard against the deceit and fraud of both chiefs and soldiers, and ordered the horses to be branded, in order to block up the road against these tricks and frauds; so that the chiefs could not entertain strangers to fill up their ranks.\u201d Sher Sh\u00e1h&#8217;s custom was this, that he would not pay their salary unless the horses were branded, and he carried it to such an extent that he would not give anything to the sweepers and women servants about the palace without a brand, and they wrote out descriptive rolls of the men and horses and brought them before him, and he himself compared the rolls when he fixed the monthly salaries, and then he had the horses branded in his presence.<\/p>\n<p>After the\u00a0<em>Nam\u00e1z-i ishr\u00e1k<\/em>, he went through various business: he paid each man separately, mustered his old troops, and spoke to the newly-enlisted men himself, and questioned the Afgh\u00e1ns in their native tongue. If any one answered him accurately in the Afgh\u00e1n tongue, he said to him, \u201cDraw a bow,\u201d and if he drew it well, he would give him a salary higher than the rest, and said, \u201cI reckon the Afgh\u00e1n tongue as a friend.\u201d And in the same place he inspected the treasure which arrived from all parts of the kingdom, and gave audience to his nobles or their\u00a0<em>vak\u00edls<\/em>, or to\u00a0<em>zam\u00ednd\u00e1rs<\/em>, or to the envoys of the kings of other countries, who came to his victorious camp; or he heard the reports which came from the nobles who were his &#8216;<em>\u00e1mils<\/em>, and gave answers to them according to his own judgment, and the\u00a0<em>munsh\u00eds<\/em>\u00a0wrote them. When two hours and a half of the day were over, he rose up and eat his breakfast with his &#8216;<em>ulama<\/em>\u00a0and holy men, and after breakfast he returned and was engaged as before described till mid-day. At mid-day he performed the\u00a0<em>kail\u00fala<\/em>\u00a0(which is a supererogatory act of devotion), and took a short repose. After his rest he performed the afternoon devo\u00adtions in company with a large assembly of men, and afterwards employed himself in reading the Holy Word. After that he spent his time in the business described above; and whether at home or abroad, there was no violation of these rules.<\/p>\n<p>The rules for the collection of revenue from the people, and for the prosperity of the kingdom, were after this wise: There was appointed in every\u00a0<em>pargana<\/em>,<sup>93<\/sup>\u00a0one\u00a0<em>am\u00edr<\/em>, one God-fearing\u00a0<em>shikkd\u00e1r<\/em>, one treasurer, one\u00a0<em>k\u00e1rkun<\/em>\u00a0to write Hind\u00ed, and one to write Persian; and he ordered his governors to measure the land every harvest, to collect the revenue according to the measure\u00adment, and in proportion to the produce, giving one share to the cultivator, and half a share to the\u00a0<em>mukaddam<\/em>; and fixing the assessment with regard to the kind of grain, in order that the\u00a0<em>mukaddams<\/em>, and\u00a0<em>chaudhar\u00eds<\/em>, and &#8216;<em>\u00e1mils<\/em>\u00a0should not oppress the cultivators, who are the support of the prosperity of the kingdom. Before his time it was not the custom to measure the land, but there was a\u00a0<em>k\u00e1n\u00fango<\/em>\u00a0in every\u00a0<em>pargana<\/em>, from whom was ascertained the present, past, and probable future state of the\u00a0<em>pargana<\/em>. In every\u00a0<em>sark\u00e1r<\/em>\u00a0he appointed a chief\u00a0<em>shikkd\u00e1r<\/em>\u00a0and a chief\u00a0<em>munsif<\/em>, that they might watch the conduct both of the &#8216;<em>\u00e1mils<\/em>\u00a0and the people; that the &#8216;<em>\u00e1mils<\/em>\u00a0should not oppress or injure the people, or embezzle the king&#8217;s revenue; and if any quarrel arose among the king&#8217;s &#8216;<em>\u00e1mils<\/em>\u00a0regarding the boundaries of the\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>, they were to settle it, that no confusion might find its way amongst the king&#8217;s affairs. If the people, from any lawlessness or rebellious spirit, created a disturbance regarding the collection of the revenue, they were so to eradicate and destroy them with punishment and chastisement that their wickedness and rebellion should not spread to others.<\/p>\n<p>Every year, or second year, he changed his &#8216;<em>\u00e1mils<\/em>, and sent new ones, for he said, \u201cI have examined much, and accurately ascertained that there is no such income and advantage in other employments as in the government of a district. There\u00adfore I send my good old loyal experienced servants to take charge of districts, that the salaries, profits, and advantages, may accrue to them in preference to others; and after two years I change them, and send other servants like to them, that they also may prosper, and that under my rule all my old servants may enjoy these profits and advantages, and that the gate of comfort and ease may be opened to them.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>And this amount of forces fully equipped and stored came yearly to the king&#8217;s presence. His whole army was beyond all limit or numbering, and it increased every day. The rule regarding the army for guarding the kingdom from the disturbances of rebels, and to keep down and to repress contumacious and rebellious\u00a0<em>za-m\u00ednd\u00e1rs\u00a0<\/em>, so that no one should think the kingdom undefended, and therefore attempt to conquer it, was as follows: Sher Sh\u00e1h always kept 150,000 horse and 25,000 footmen, either armed with matchlocks or bows, present with him, and on some expeditions took even more with him. Haibat Kh\u00e1n N\u00ed\u00e1z\u00ed, to whom the title of &#8216;Azam Hum\u00e1y\u00fan had been granted, had one force con\u00adsisting of 30,000 horsemen in the neighbourhood of the fort of Roht\u00e1s, near to B\u00e1ln\u00e1th of the\u00a0<em>jog\u00eds<\/em>, and held in check the country of Kashm\u00edr and of the Ghakkars. D\u00edb\u00e1lp\u00far and Mult\u00e1n were committed to Fath Jang Kh\u00e1n, and in that (latter) fort much treasure was stored; and in the fort of Milwat (which T\u00e1t\u00e1r Kh\u00e1n Y\u00fasuf-khail built in the time of Sult\u00e1n Bahlol) was stationed Ham\u00edd Kh\u00e1n K\u00e1kar, who held such firm posses\u00adsion of the Nagarkot, Jw\u00e1la, Dihdaw\u00e1l, and Jamm\u00fa hills, in fact the whole hill-country, that no man dared to breathe in opposition to him; and he collected the revenue by measure\u00adment of land from the hill people. The\u00a0<em>sark\u00e1r<\/em>\u00a0of Sirhind was given in\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edr<\/em>\u00a0to Masnad &#8216;\u00c1l\u00ed Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n, who kept in that\u00a0<em>sark\u00e1r<\/em>\u00a0his slave Malik Bhagwant, at the capital Dehl\u00ed. M\u00ed\u00e1n Ahmad Kh\u00e1n Sarw\u00e1n\u00ed was\u00a0<em>am\u00edr<\/em>, and &#8216;\u00c1dil Kh\u00e1n and H\u00e1tim Kh\u00e1n\u00a0<em>shikkdar<\/em>\u00a0and\u00a0<em>faujd\u00e1r<\/em>. And as the head-men and cultivators of the\u00a0<em>sark\u00e1r<\/em>\u00a0of Sambhal had fled from the oppression of Nas\u00edr Kh\u00e1n, Sher Sh\u00e1h sent there Masnad &#8216;\u00c1l\u00ed &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n, son of Masnad &#8216;\u00c1l\u00ed Haibat Kh\u00e1n Kalkap\u00far Sarw\u00e1n\u00ed, who had the title of Kh\u00e1n-i &#8216;Azam, and was a counsellor and adviser of Sult\u00e1ns Bahlol and Sikandar; and he said to him: \u201cI have given to you the\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>\u00a0of K\u00e1nt, Gola, and Tilhar for your family and your old horsemen. Enlist five thousand new cavalry, for the\u00a0<em>sark\u00e1r<\/em>\u00a0of Sambhal is full of disaffected and riotous people, and the cultivators of that\u00a0<em>sark\u00e1r<\/em>\u00a0are for the most part rebellious and contumacious, and they are always given to quarrelling with and resisting their rulers.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>When Masnad &#8216;\u00c1l\u00ed &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n came to that\u00a0<em>sark\u00e1r<\/em>, he being a lion in valour and gallantry, so humbled and overcame by the sword the contumacious\u00a0<em>zam\u00ednd\u00e1rs<\/em>\u00a0of those parts, that they did not rebel even when he ordered them to cut down their jungles, which they had cherished like children, but cut them with their own hands, though drawing deep sighs of affliction; and they reformed and repented them of their thieving and highway robberies, and they paid in at the city their revenue according to the measurements. Sher Kh\u00e1n said: \u201cBy reason of these two Sarw\u00e1n\u00eds, that is to say, &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n and M\u00ed\u00e1n Ahmad, I have no cause for anxiety from the\u00a0<em>sark\u00e1r<\/em>\u00a0of Dehl\u00ed to the\u00a0<em>sark\u00e1r<\/em>\u00a0of Lucknow.<\/p>\n<p>And Bairak N\u00ed\u00e1z\u00ed, who was\u00a0<em>shikkdar<\/em>\u00a0of Kanauj, so subjected the contumacious and highway plunderers inhabiting the\u00a0<em>pargana<\/em>\u00a0of Malkonsah, that no man dared to draw a breath in contraven\u00adtion of his orders. Bairak N\u00ed\u00e1z\u00ed so established authority over the people of Kanauj, that no man kept in his house a sword, an arrow, a bow, or a gun, nay, any iron article whatever, except the implements of husbandry and cooking utensils; and if he ordered the head-men of any village to attend him, they obeyed his order, and dared not for one moment to absent them\u00adselves. The fear and dread of him was so thoroughly instilled into the turbulent people of those parts, that according to the measurement they paid their revenue to the treasurers.<\/p>\n<p>And when the rebellion and disobedience of the\u00a0<em>zam\u00ednd\u00e1rs<\/em>\u00a0who live in the parts about the banks of the rivers Jumna and Chambal became known to Sher Sh\u00e1h, he brought 12,000 horsemen from the Sirhind\u00a0<em>sark\u00e1r<\/em>, and quartered them in the\u00a0<em>pargana<\/em>\u00a0of Hatk\u00e1nt and that neighbourhood, and they repressed the\u00a0<em>zam\u00ednd\u00e1rs<\/em> and cultivators of those parts; nor did they pass over one person who exhibited any contumacy. And in the fort of Gw\u00e1lior, Sher Sh\u00e1h kept a force to which were attached 1000 matchlockmen. In Bay\u00e1na, he left a division, besides a garrison of 500 matchlocks; in Rantambhor, another division, besides 1600 matchlockmen; in the fort of Chitor, 3000 matchlockmen;<sup>94<\/sup>\u00a0in the fort of Shadm\u00e1b\u00e1d, or Mand\u00fa, was stationed Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n, with 10,000 horse and 7000 match\u00adlocks. He had his\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edrs<\/em> in M\u00e1lw\u00e1 and Hindia. In the fort of R\u00e1\u00eds\u00edn a force was stationed, together with 1000 artillerymen; and in the fort of Chun\u00e1r another force also, with 1,000 match-lockmen; and in the fort of Roht\u00e1s, near Bih\u00e1r, he kept Ikhtiy\u00e1r Kh\u00e1n Pann\u00ed, with 10,000 matchlockmen; and Sher Sh\u00e1h kept treasures without number or reckoning in that fort. And he kept a force in the country of Bhadauria,<sup>95<\/sup> and another under Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n and &#8216;\u00cds\u00e1 Kh\u00e1n in the country of N\u00e1gor J\u00fadhp\u00far and Ajm\u00edr; another in Lucknow, and one in\u00a0<em>sark\u00e1r<\/em>\u00a0K\u00e1lp\u00ed. The kingdom of Bengal he divided into parts, and made K\u00e1z\u00ed Faz\u00edlat\u00a0<em>am\u00edr<\/em>\u00a0of that whole kingdom. And in every place where it served his interests, he kept garrisons.<\/p>\n<p>After a time he used to send for the forces which had enjoyed ease and comfort on their\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edrs<\/em>, and to send away in their stead the chiefs who had undergone labour and hardship with his victorious army. He appointed courts of justice in every place, and always employed himself in founding charities, not only for his lifetime, but even for after his death. May glory and blessings be upon his eminent dignity! For the convenience in travelling of poor travellers, on every road, at a distance of two\u00a0<em>kos<\/em>, he made a\u00a0<em>sar\u00e1\u00ed;<\/em>\u00a0and one road with\u00a0<em>sar\u00e1\u00eds<\/em>\u00a0he made from the fort which he built in the Panj\u00e1b to the city of Sun\u00e1rg\u00e1on, which is situated in the kingdom of Bengal, on the shore of the ocean. Another road he made from the city of \u00c1gra to Bur\u00adh\u00e1np\u00far, which is on the borders of the kingdom of the Dekhin, and he made one from the city of \u00c1gra to J\u00fadhp\u00far and Chitor; and one road with\u00a0<em>sar\u00e1\u00eds<\/em>\u00a0from the city of Lahore to Mult\u00e1n. Altogether he built 1700\u00a0<em>sar\u00e1\u00eds<sup>96<\/sup><\/em>\u00a0on various roads; and in every\u00a0<em>sar\u00e1\u00ed<\/em>\u00a0he built separate lodgings, both for Hind\u00fas and Musulm\u00e1ns, and at the gate of every\u00a0<em>sar\u00e1\u00ed<\/em>\u00a0he had placed pots full of water, that any one might drink; and in every\u00a0<em>sar\u00e1\u00ed<\/em>\u00a0he settled Br\u00e1hmans for the entertainment of Hind\u00fas, to provide hot and cold water, and beds and food, and grain for their horses; and it was a rule in these\u00a0<em>sar\u00e1\u00eds<\/em>, that whoever entered them received provision suitable to his rank, and food and litter for his cattle, from Government. Villages were established all round the\u00a0<em>sar\u00e1\u00eds<\/em>. In the middle of every\u00a0<em>sar\u00e1\u00ed<\/em>\u00a0was a well and a\u00a0<em>masjid<\/em>\u00a0of burnt brick; and he placed an\u00a0<em>im\u00e1m<\/em>\u00a0and a\u00a0<em>mua&#8217;zzin<\/em>\u00a0in every\u00a0<em>masjid<\/em>, together with a custodian (<em>shahna<\/em>), and several watchmen; and all these were maintained from the land near the\u00a0<em>sar\u00e1\u00ed<\/em>. In every\u00a0<em>sar\u00e1\u00ed<\/em> two horses were kept, that they might quickly carry news.<sup>97<\/sup> I have heard that Husain Tashtdar<sup>98<\/sup>\u00a0once, on an emergency, rode 300\u00a0<em>kos<\/em> in one day.<sup>99<\/sup> On both sides of the highway Sher Sh\u00e1h planted fruit-bearing trees, such as also gave much shade, that in the hot wind travellers might go along under the trees; and if they should stop by the way, might rest and take repose.<sup>100<\/sup>\u00a0If they put up at a\u00a0<em>sar\u00e1\u00ed<\/em>, they bound their horses under the trees.<\/p>\n<p>Sher Sh\u00e1h also built a fort, Roht\u00e1s, on the road to Khur\u00e1s\u00e1n, to hold in check Kashm\u00edr and the country of the Ghakkars, near the hill of Baln\u00e1th Jog\u00ed, four\u00a0<em>kos<\/em>\u00a0from the river Behat, and about sixty\u00a0<em>kos<\/em>\u00a0from Lahore, and fortified and strengthened it exceedingly. There was never seen a place so fortified, and immense sums were expended upon the work. I, &#8216;Abb\u00e1s Kalkap\u00far Sarw\u00e1n\u00ed, author of the\u00a0<em>Tuhfa-i Akbar Sh\u00e1h\u00ed<\/em>, have heard from the relators of the history of Sher Sh\u00e1h, that, when build\u00ading this fort, stones were not procurable. The overseers wrote in their reports that stone was not procurable, or only procurable at an enormous outlay. Sher Sh\u00e1h wrote back in reply, that his order should not be allowed to fail from avarice, and they should go on with the building though they paid for the stone its weight in copper. He called that fort \u201cLittle Roht\u00e1s.\u201d<sup>101<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>The former capital city of Dehl\u00ed was at a distance from the Jumna, and Sher Sh\u00e1h destroyed and rebuilt it by the bank of the Jumna, and ordered two forts to be built in that city, with the strength of a mountain, and loftier in height; the smaller fort for the governor&#8217;s residence; the other, the wall round the entire city, to protect it;<sup>102<\/sup>\u00a0and in the governor&#8217;s fort he built a\u00a0<em>jam\u00e1&#8217; masjid<\/em>\u00a0of stone, in the ornamenting of which much gold,\u00a0<em>lapis lazuli<\/em>, and other precious articles were expended. But the forti-cations round the city were not completed when Sher Sh\u00e1h died. He destroyed also the old city of Kanauj, the former capital of the Kings of India, and built a fort of burnt brick there; and on the spot where he had gained his victory he built a city, and called it Sher S\u00far. I can find no satisfactory reason for the destruc\u00adtion of the old city, and the act was very unpopular. Another fort, that of Bohnkundal, he also built, and ordered another fort to be built in these hills, and called it \u201cSher Koh.\u201d<sup>103<\/sup>\u00a0He said, \u201cIf my life lasts long enough, I will build a fort in every\u00a0<em>sark\u00e1r<\/em>, on a suitable spot, which may in times of trouble become a refuge for the oppressed and a check to the contuma\u00adcious; and I am making all the earthen-work\u00a0<em>sar\u00e1\u00eds<\/em>\u00a0of brick, that they also may serve for the protection and safety of the highway.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>For the protection of the roads from thieves and highway rob\u00adbers, he made regulations as follows: He strictly impressed on his &#8216;<em>\u00e1mils<\/em>\u00a0and governors, that if a theft or robbery occurred within their limits, and the perpetrators were not discovered, then they should arrest the\u00a0<em>mukaddams<\/em>\u00a0of the surrounding villages, and compel them to make it good; but if the\u00a0<em>mukaddams<\/em>\u00a0produced the offenders, or pointed out their haunts, the\u00a0<em>mukaddams<\/em>\u00a0of the village where the offenders were sheltered were compelled to give to those of the village where the crime occurred the amount of restitution they had paid; the thieves and highway robbers themselves were punished with the penalties laid down in the holy law. And if murders should occur, and the murderers were not discovered, the &#8216;<em>\u00e1mils<\/em>\u00a0were enjoined to seize the\u00a0<em>mukaddams<\/em>, as detailed above, and imprison them, and give them a period within which to declare the murderers. If they produced the murderer, or pointed out where he lived, they were to let the\u00a0<em>mukaddam<\/em>\u00a0go, and to put the murderer to death; but if the\u00a0<em>mukaddams<\/em>\u00a0of a village where the murder had occurred could not do this, they were themselves put to death; for it has been generally ascertained that theft and highway robberies can only take place by the connivance of these head-men. And if in some rare case a theft or highway robbery does occur within the limits of a village without the cognizance of the\u00a0<em>mukaddam<\/em>, he will shortly make inquiry that he may ascertain the circumstances of it; for\u00a0<em>mukaddams<\/em>\u00a0and cultivators are alike thieves, and they bear to each other the intimate relations of kinsmen: hence either the\u00a0<em>mukaddams<\/em>\u00a0are implicated in thefts and highway robberies, or can ascertain who perpetrated them. If a\u00a0<em>mukaddam<\/em>\u00a0harbours thieves and robbers unknown to the governor, it is fit he should be punished, or even be put to death, that it may be a warning to others to abstain from similar acts.<sup>104<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>In the days of Sher Sh\u00e1h and of Isl\u00e1m Sh\u00e1h, the\u00a0<em>mukaddams<\/em>\u00a0used to protect the limits of their own villages, lest any thief or robber, or enemy of their enemies, might injure a traveller, and so be the means of their destruction and death. And he directed his governors and &#8216;<em>\u00e1mils<\/em>\u00a0to compel the people to treat merchants and travellers well in every way, and not to injure them at all; and if a merchant should die by the way, not to stretch out the hand of oppression and violence on his goods as if they were unowned; for Shaikh Niz\u00e1m\u00ed (may God be merciful to him!) has said: \u201cIf a merchant die in your country, it is perfidy to lay hands on his property.\u201d Throughout his whole kingdom Sher Sh\u00e1h only levied customs on merchandize in two places, viz.: when it came from Bengal, customs were levied at Gharr\u00ed (Sikr\u00ed-gal\u00ed); when it came from the direction of Khur\u00e1s\u00e1n, the customs were levied on the borders of the kingdom; and again, a second duty was levied at the place of sale. No one dared to levy other customs, either on the road or at the ferries, in town or village. Sher Sh\u00e1h, moreover, forbad his officials to purchase anything in the b\u00e1z\u00e1rs except at the usual b\u00e1z\u00e1r rates and prices.<\/p>\n<p>One of the regulations Sher Sh\u00e1h made was this: That his victorious standards should cause no injury to the cultiva\u00adtion of the people; and when he marched he personally examined into the state of the cultivation, and stationed horsemen round it to prevent people from trespassing on any one&#8217;s field. I have heard from Kh\u00e1n-i&#8217;azam Muzaffar Kh\u00e1n, who said he often accom\u00adpanied Sher Sh\u00e1h, that he used to look out right and left, and (which God forbid!) if he saw any man injuring a field, he would cut off his ears with his own hand, and hanging the corn (which he had plucked off) round his neck, would have him to be paraded through the camp.<sup>105<\/sup>\u00a0And if from the narrowness of the road any cultivation was unavoidably destroyed, he would send\u00a0<em>am\u00edrs<\/em>, with a surveyor, to measure the cultivation so destroyed, and give compensation in money to the cultivators. If unavoidably the tents of his soldiery were pitched near cultivation, the soldiers themselves watched it, lest any one else should injure it, and they should be blamed and be punished by Sher Sh\u00e1h, who showed no favour or partiality in the dispensation of justice. If he entered an enemy&#8217;s country, he did not enslave or plunder the peasantry of that country, nor destroy their cultivation. \u201cFor,\u201d said he, \u201cthe cultivators are blameless, they submit to those in power; and if I oppress them they will abandon their villages, and the country will be ruined and deserted, and it will be a long time before it again becomes prosperous.\u201d Sher Sh\u00e1h very often invaded an enemy&#8217;s country; but on account of his justice the people remained, and brought supplies to his army, and he became known by the fame of his generosity and benevolence; and he was all day long occupied in scattering gold like the sun, in shedding pearls like a cloud; and this was the reason that the Afgh\u00e1ns collected round him, and that the kingdom of Hind\u00fast\u00e1n fell to him. And if any want befell his victorious army, he did not suffer one soldier or any poor helpless person to be in despair or utterly unprovided for, but gave them something for their subsistence. Every day he enlisted men, to give them a subsistence.<\/p>\n<p>His kitchen was very extensive, for several thousand horse\u00admen and private followers, who in the Afgh\u00e1n tongue are called \u201cFi\u00e1h\u00ed,\u201d fed there; and there was a general order, that if any soldier or religious personage, or any cultivator, should be in need of food, he should feed at the king&#8217;s kitchen, and should not be allowed to famish. And places for the dispensing of food to the poor and destitute, and to all necessitous persons, were established in the camp, that they might feed every one as above described. The daily cost of these meals, and of these places for the distribution of food, was 500 gold pieces (<em>ashraf\u00eds<\/em>).<\/p>\n<p>It became known to him that the\u00a0<em>im\u00e1ms<\/em>\u00a0and religious persons had, since the time of Sult\u00e1n Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm, by bribing the &#8216;<em>\u00e1mils<\/em>, got into their possession more land than they were entitled to hold; he therefore resumed their holdings, and investi\u00adgating the cases himself, gave to each his right, and did not entirely deprive any man of his possessions. He then gave them money for their road expenses, and dismissed them. Destitute people, who were unable to provide for their own subsistence, like the blind, the old, the weak in body, widows, and the sick, etc., to such he gave stipends from the treasury of the town in which they were resident, and giving them the expenses of their journey sent them away. And on account of the fraudulent practices of the religious personages (<em>im\u00e1ms<\/em>), he made this arrangement: he did not give the\u00a0<em>farm\u00e1ns<\/em>\u00a0directing the assignments to the religious personages themselves, but ordered the\u00a0<em>munsh\u00eds<\/em>\u00a0to prepare the\u00a0<em>farm\u00e1ns<\/em>\u00a0relating to one\u00a0<em>pargana<\/em>, and to bring them to him. Sher Sh\u00e1h then put them all into a letter and put his seal on it, and gave it to a trustworthy man of his own, and said to him, \u201cCarry these\u00a0<em>farm\u00e1ns<\/em>\u00a0to such and such a\u00a0<em>pargana<\/em>.\u201d When the\u00a0<em>farm\u00e1ns<\/em>\u00a0came to the\u00a0<em>shikkd\u00e1r<\/em>, he first made over to the holy personages their stipends, and then gave the\u00a0<em>farm\u00e1ns<\/em>\u00a0into their possession. Sher Sh\u00e1h often said, \u201cIt is incumbent upon kings to give grants to\u00a0<em>im\u00e1ms;<\/em>\u00a0for the prosperity and populousness of the cities of Hind are dependent on the\u00a0<em>im\u00e1ms<\/em>\u00a0and holy men; and the teachers and travellers, and the necessitous, who cannot come to the king, they will praise him, being supported by those who have grants; and the con\u00advenience of travellers and the poor is thereby secured, as well as the extension of learning, of skill, and religion; for whoever wishes that God Almighty should make him great, should cherish &#8216;<em>Ulam\u00e1<\/em>\u00a0and pious persons, that he may obtain honour in this world and felicity in the next.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>To every pious Afgh\u00e1n who came into his presence from Afgh\u00e1nist\u00e1n, Sher Sh\u00e1h used to give money to an amount exceeding his expectations, and he would say, \u201cThis is your share of the kingdom of Hind, which has fallen into my hands, this is assigned to you, come every year to receive it.\u201d And to his own tribe and family of S\u00far, who dwelt in the land of Roh, he sent an annual stipend in money, in proportion to the numbers of his family and retainers; and during the period of his dominion no Afgh\u00e1n, whether in Hind or Roh, was in want, but all became men of substance. It was the custom of the Afgh\u00e1ns during the time of Sult\u00e1ns Bahlol and Sikandar, and as long as the dominion of the Afgh\u00e1ns lasted, that if any Afgh\u00e1n received a sum of money, or a dress of honour, that sum of money or dress of honour was regularly apportioned to him, and he received it every year.<\/p>\n<p>There were 5000 elephants in his elephant sheds, and the number of horses personally attached to him was never fixed, for his purchases and gifts of them were equally great; but 3400 horses were always kept ready in the\u00a0<em>sar\u00e1\u00eds<\/em> to bring intelligence every day from every quarter. 113,000 villages of Hind were included in the royal fisc.<sup>106<\/sup>\u00a0He sent a\u00a0<em>shikkd\u00e1r<\/em>\u00a0to each of his\u00a0<em>parganas<\/em>, which were all prosperous and tranquil, and there was not one place which was con\u00adtumacious or desolated; the whole country was settled and happy; corn was cheap, nor during his time was there any\u00adwhere scarcity or famine. His army was beyond all reckoning, and every day increased. For the enforcement of the regulations which he had published for the protection of the people, Sher Sh\u00e1h sent trusted spies with every force of his nobles, in order that, inquiring and secretly ascertaining all circumstances relating to the nobles, their soldiers, and the people, they might relate them to him; for the courtiers and ministers, for purposes of their own, do not report to the king the whole state of the kingdom, lest any disorder or deficiency which may have found its way into the courts of justice should be corrected.<\/p>\n<p>I have heard from a trustworthy Afgh\u00e1n, who was with Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n, that when Sher Sh\u00e1h gave him the government of the kingdom of M\u00e1lw\u00e1, at the time of assigning\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edrs<\/em>, his ministers said to him: \u201cIt is time to assign\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edrs<\/em>\u00a0to the solidery if it pleases your worship; keep a share for yourself from the portion assigned to the soldiery, and divide the rest among them.\u201d Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n, from covetousness, agreed to his ministers&#8217; proposal. When his soldiers heard of it, 2000 of them, men of repute, both horse and foot, bound themselves together by an agreement, that if Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n permitted himself, from covetousness, to infringe their rights, they would represent the case to Sher Sh\u00e1h, who showed no favour in dipensing justice to any one on account of the amount of his followers, or on account of his kindred; that they would unanimously expose the innovations of Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n and his ministers, and that they would stand by and assist each other in good or evil, and would not, for any worldly covetousness, scratch the face of friendship and alliance with the nail of disunion. After this agreement, they went on a march from Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s forces, and sent a man of their own to him, saying: \u201cYour ministers do not give us the full rights which Sher Sh\u00e1h has bestowed on us, and it is contrary to his regulations, that the soldiery should be defrauded; nay, the nobles ought rather to encourage the poor among their soldiery with presents, over and above their monthly pay, that in time of action they may serve them with earnestness and devotion. If you covet our rights, the door will be opened to enmity and mutiny, and your army and your forces will be\u00adcome disunited and dispirited, which will be the cause of disgrace to your ministers.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>When Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n became aware of the request of his soldiers, he asked of his ministers what course it behoved him to pursue. They replied:\u2014\u201cTwo thousand cavalry have turned aside from the path of obedience, and you are lord of 10,000; if you fully satisfy these impudent persons, people will think you have done so for dread of Sher Sh\u00e1h, and dilatoriness and infirmity will find their way among the officers of your province and into the stability of your authority. It now becomes you to give a stern and peremptory reply, and such as shall leave no hope, so that others may not behave ill and may not disobey your commands.\u201d Covetousness sewed up the far-seeing eye of Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s sagacity, and made him for\u00adgetful of the justice and watchfulness of Sher Sh\u00e1h. The soldiers, on receiving his harsh answer, took counsel together; some said that they ought to go to the presence of Sher Sh\u00e1h the Just; but some Afgh\u00e1ns, who knew Sher Sh\u00e1h&#8217;s disposition, and were moreover possessed of some share of prudence and sagacity, said to their friends,\u2014\u201cIt is not proper to go ourselves to Sher Sh\u00e1h, for this reason: that he has posted us with Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n in this country of the Dekhin, and it is not right for us to move out of these parts without his orders. Let us send a\u00a0<em>vak\u00edl<\/em>\u00a0to Sher Sh\u00e1h, the protector of the oppressed, to represent the real circumstances of our case to him. Whatever he orders, let us act up to it; and if any business of the king&#8217;s should meanwhile occur, it behoves us to exert ourselves in its settlement more than all others.\u201d At length the opinion of these Afgh\u00e1ns was adopted by all, and they wrote an account of their state and sent it. Their\u00a0<em>vak\u00edl<\/em>\u00a0had not yet arrived when Sher Sh\u00e1h&#8217;s spies reported the circumstances of Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s quarrel with the 2000 remonstrants to Sher Sh\u00e1h. On hearing the news, Sher Sh\u00e1h was enraged, and sending for Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s\u00a0<em>vak\u00edl<\/em>, said to him, \u201cWrite to Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at, and say:\u2014 \u2018You were poor, and I ennobled you, and put under you Afgh\u00e1ns better than yourself. Are you not satisfied with the revenue of your government, that you covet the rights of the soldiery? and are you without any shame before the people or any fear of God, and have you violated my regulations which I have enacted and promulgated for this very purpose, that the chief&#8217;s rights and those of his soldiery might be distinct, and that the chiefs might respect the rights of the soldiers? If you were not a\u00a0<em>prot\u00e9g\u00e9<\/em>\u00a0of my own, I would strip off your skin; but I pardon you this first fault. Do you, before their\u00a0<em>vak\u00edl<\/em>\u00a0reaches me, appease your soldiery, and give them a satisfactory answer; if not, and their\u00a0<em>vak\u00edl<\/em>\u00a0comes and complains to me, I will resume your\u00a0<em>j\u00e1g\u00edrs<\/em>, and arrest and punish you severely. It does not behove nobles to disobey their master&#8217;s orders, for this occasions the loss to him of his honour and authority.\u2019\u201d<\/p>\n<p>When the\u00a0<em>vak\u00edl&#8217;s<\/em>\u00a0letter reached Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n, he was exceedingly confounded and ashamed, and disturbed with dread and apprehension; so reproaching his ministers, he said:\u2014 \u201cYour counsel has been the cause of disgrace and distress to me. How shall I show my face to the king?\u201d Then going himself to the encampment of the 2000 remonstrants, he made many excuses for himself, and appeasing the soldiery with pro\u00admises and oaths that he would not do them any harm, and encouraging them with gifts and presents, brought them back to his own encampment. When the\u00a0<em>vak\u00edl<\/em>\u00a0of the soldiers turned back again from his journey, and came to Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n, the latter returned many thanks to heaven, and distributed much money to the poor and needy, and gave him a horse and a princely robe of honour. Sher Sh\u00e1h&#8217;s authority, whether he was absent or present, was completely established over the race of Afgh\u00e1ns. From the fear, either of personal punishment or of deprivation of office, there was not a creature who dared to act in opposition to his regulations; and if a son of his own, or a brother, or any of his relatives or kin, or any chief or minister, did a thing displeasing to Sher Sh\u00e1h, and it got to his knowledge, he would order him to be bound and put to death. All, laying aside every bond of friendship or respect, for the sake of the honour of the Afgh\u00e1n race, obeyed without delay his irresistible\u00a0<em>farm\u00e1ns<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>I, the author of this relation, &#8216;Abb\u00e1s Kalkap\u00far Sarw\u00e1n\u00ed, have heard that during the reign of Sher Sh\u00e1h, &#8216;Azam Hum\u00e1y\u00fan N\u00ed\u00e1z\u00ed was ruler of the Panj\u00e1b and Mult\u00e1n, and had a force of 30,000 horse under him. No other of Sher Sh\u00e1h&#8217;s nobles had so great a force. Sher Sh\u00e1h sent his own nephew, Mub\u00e1riz Kh\u00e1n, to govern the district of Roh, which was in the possession of the N\u00ed\u00e1z\u00eds. Mub\u00e1riz Kh\u00e1n ordered Khw\u00e1ja Khizr Sambhali, chief of the Sambhals, to give him a mud fort which he had built on the Indian (<em>i.e.<\/em>\u00a0eastern) bank of the river Sind. Mub\u00e1riz Kh\u00e1n lived in this fort, and the Sambhals were generally with him; indeed there was not a moment they were not employed in his service, and always obedient and submissive to him. The daughter of Allah-d\u00e1d Sambhal had no equal in that tribe for beauty and comeliness. When Mub\u00e1riz Kh\u00e1n heard the fame and renown of her beauty, he became, without having seen her, desperately in love with her, and the bird of rest and quiet flew out of his hand. Actuated by the pride of power, he took no account of clanship, which is much considered among the Afgh\u00e1ns, and especially among the Rohilla men; and sending a confidential person to Allah-d\u00e1d, demanded that he should give him his daughter in marriage. Allah-d\u00e1d sent a civil reply, saying:\u2014\u201cMy lord is of high power and rank, and has many sons, and many high-born wives and women servants are in his female apartments; besides, my lord has been bred and brought up in Hindust\u00e1n, and is possessed of deli\u00adcate breeding and graceful accomplishments: my sons have the habits and manners of Roh. Alliance between myself and my lord is altogether unadvisable, as there is so wide a dif\u00adference between us.\u201d When Mub\u00e1riz Kh\u00e1n heard Allah-d\u00e1d&#8217;s answer, he was convulsed with exceeding anger, and set himself to injure and persecute the Sambhals, in the hope that they, being driven to extremities by his violence and oppression, might give him Allah-d\u00e1d&#8217;s daughter. From fear of Sher Sh\u00e1h, the Sambhals submitted to all the violence and oppression which Mub\u00e1riz committed; but when it reached beyond all bounds of sufferance, Far\u00edd, Idr\u00eds,<a href=\"https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20200208025115\/http:\/\/www.fas.nus.edu.sg\/hist\/eia\/documents_archive\/sarwani.php#\">*This name is doubtful.<\/a>\u00a0and Niz\u00e1m, three illegitimate brothers of Allah-d\u00e1d, said to Mub\u00e1riz Kh\u00e1n,\u2014\u201cWe three brothers have several daughters, and possess more influence in our tribe than Allah-d\u00e1d. We will give you a daughter of any of us brothers you may wish, and do you then abstain from persecuting the Sambhals.\u201d Mub\u00e1riz Kh\u00e1n replied:\u2014\u201cI do not require your daughters; give me Allah-d\u00e1d&#8217;s daughter.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>When the Sambhals perceived that Mub\u00e1riz Kh\u00e1n desired a thing which could never come to pass, they said undisguisedly to him,\u2014\u201cIntermarriages have continually taken place between our families and yours, but always those of pure descent have intermarried with those of pure descent, and the illegitimate with the illegitimate. Although, with regard to your station in life, such a marriage is not an equal one, yet, as the mother of us three was, as yours was, a slave, and respecting the royal authority, we have agreed to our daughters being given in marriage to you, in order that the rust of quarrel and contention might be effaced from between us. To this you have not consented, which we much regret: do not act in opposition to the fear of God and the customs of the Afgh\u00e1ns. Allah-d\u00e1d is of pure birth, and he never will be compelled to connect himself with you by force and violence, or from fear of you; do not entertain so vain a desire.\u201d When Mub\u00e1riz Kh\u00e1n heard these words, from presumption, arrogance, and the pride of power, his wrath overpowered him; he gave way to anger and enmity, and hastened to persecute the Sambhals; and, on account of his hatred, without any fault of theirs, laid waste their villages and their property, and made prisoners of many of the inhabitants. Among these he carried off to his own house the daughter of Kher\u00fa, who was a dependent of Allah-d\u00e1d, and filled the post of\u00a0<em>shahna<\/em>\u00a0among the Sambhals. The chiefs of the Sambhals came in a body to Mub\u00e1riz Kh\u00e1n, and said: \u201cThe honour of our women and yours is one. Release the daughter of Kher\u00fa the\u00a0<em>shahna<\/em>, and respect the honour of our women.\u201d But although the Sambhals humbly and earnestly entreated him, he would not listen to them, for his predestined time was near at hand. When the Sambhals were driven to despair, they said to Mub\u00e1riz Kh\u00e1n:\u2014\u201cYou were born in Hindust\u00e1n, and do not understand the habits of the Afgh\u00e1ns. The crane has never yet overpowered or domineered over the hawk. We have paid the reverence due to the king and to yourself. Leave us alone, and do not oppress and injure us beyond all bounds, and let this helpless one go free.\u201d Mub\u00e1riz Kh\u00e1n in a passion replied:\u2014\u201cYou talk of the honour of this dependent of yours; you will know what it is when I tear Allah-d\u00e1d&#8217;s daughter by force from her house, and bring her away.\u201d The chiefs of the Sambhals fell into a passion also, and said to Mub\u00e1riz Kh\u00e1n:\u2014\u201cHave respect to your own life, and do not step beyond your own bounds. If you so much as look towards our women, we will slay you; though, in return for your life, they will put several of our chiefs to death.\u201d Mub\u00e1riz Kh\u00e1n, on hearing this angry reply of the Sambhals, told his Hindust\u00e1n\u00ed doorkeepers to beat the chiefs of the Sambhals out of his house, for they were insulting him. When the Hindust\u00e1n\u00ed doorkeepers lifted up their sticks to beat the Sambhals out of the house, a tumult arose. The gallant Sambhals, who had, by Mub\u00e1riz Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s violence and oppression, been driven to extremi\u00adties, grew enraged, and, in the twinkling of an eye, killed Mub\u00e1riz Kh\u00e1n and most of his followers.<\/p>\n<p>When Sher Sh\u00e1h heard the news, he wrote to &#8216;Azam Hum\u00e1y\u00fan, saying:\u2014\u201cThe S\u00fars are a tribe the least quarrelsome of the Afgh\u00e1ns, and if every Afgh\u00e1n was to kill a S\u00far not one would be left in the world. The Sambhals are of your own tribe. Do you bring them to order, and chastise them, that they may not set a bad example to others, and may refrain from killing their governors for the future.\u201d When this order reached &#8216;Azam Hum\u00e1y\u00fan N\u00ed\u00e1z\u00ed, he collected an army against the Sambhals. They hearing that &#8216;Azam Hum\u00e1y\u00fan was coming in person against them, left their country, and took to the hills, where they occu\u00adpied fortified positions, intending to go with their families to K\u00e1bul.<\/p>\n<p>When &#8216;Azam Hum\u00e1y\u00fan heard that it was the intention of the Sambhals to go to K\u00e1bul, he was overwhelmed with anxiety and grief, and took counsel with his people, saying:\u2014\u201cThe Sambhals are my brethren, and a numerous tribe and race: we cannot seize them by force. If they go to K\u00e1bul, Sher Sh\u00e1h will think that I have been negligent in seizing them, and that they have escaped from these parts by my connivance. We must get hold of them by some stratagem or contrivance.\u201d He sent his\u00a0<em>vak\u00edl<\/em>\u00a0to them, and said:\u2014\u201cI have ascertained you are not to blame. You were much injured and oppressed by Mub\u00e1riz Kh\u00e1n. I will send you to Sher Sh\u00e1h, and beg him to forgive your fault. Accord\u00ading to the Afgh\u00e1n custom, the N\u00ed\u00e1z\u00eds shall give several of their daughters in marriage to the S\u00fars, or Sher Sh\u00e1h may put to death two or three of your chiefs. It is not fitting that the whole tribe should be exiled, and compelled to go to other countries.\u201d The Sambhals wrote in their reply:\u2014\u201cWe are in difficulties. If the S\u00fars come to fight with us, we will do our best against them, that it may be remembered in the world, how the N\u00ed\u00e1z\u00eds combated, and how they went into exile! If you come and fight with us, on both sides N\u00ed\u00e1z\u00eds will be killed; and if we are cast out, you will even then be disgraced\u2014for it was your own tribe who were driven out, and you had no pity. But if you will bind yourself by promises and oaths, that you will not seek to injure or persecute us, we will come in and make our submission. &#8216;Azam Hum\u00e1y\u00fan replied:\u2014\u201cHave I no regard for my kin, that I should injure or persecute you?\u201d So &#8216;Azam Hum\u00e1y\u00fan made the most solemn promises and oaths to the Sambhals; and the whole tribe, with their wives and families, came to him. When he saw that he had deceived the whole tribe of Sambhals, and that they had come in with their wives and families, he took measures to prevent their escape, and slew 900 persons. While he was putting them to death, the N\u00ed\u00e1z\u00eds said to several of their friends among the Sambhals, \u201cWe will let you escape, fly!\u201d But the Sambhals maintained the Afgh\u00e1n honour, and said:\u2014\u201cIt is better to die with our wives and families than to live dishonoured; for it is a well-known proverb, \u2018The death of a whole tribe is a solemn feast.\u2019\u201d When &#8216;Azam Hum\u00e1y\u00fan had slain most of the Sambhals, he sent their wives and families to Sher Sh\u00e1h. Sher Sh\u00e1h, who wished no man evil, disapproved of &#8216;Azam Hum\u00e1y\u00fan&#8217;s cruelty, and said: \u201cNever before has such a shameful thing been done among the race of Afgh\u00e1ns; but &#8216;Azam Hum\u00e1y\u00fan in fear of the King has slain so many of his own tribe. It is only from his affection for the King that he would thus uselessly shed so much blood of his own tribe.\u201d He had intended to remove &#8216;Azam Hum\u00e1y\u00fan from his government of the Panj\u00e1b, but had no time before he was glorified in martyrdom. After his death, &#8216;Azam Hum\u00e1y\u00fan displayed great loyalty, which shall be narrated in its proper place.<\/p>\n<p>From the day that Sher Sh\u00e1h was established on the throne, no man dared to breathe in opposition to him; nor did any one raise the standard of contumacy or rebellion against him; nor was any heart-tormenting thorn produced in the garden of his kingdom; nor was there any of his nobles or soldiery, or a thief or a robber, who dared to direct the eye of dishonesty to the property of another; nor did any theft or robbery ever occur in his dominions. Travellers and wayfarers, during the time of Sher Sh\u00e1h&#8217;s reign, were relieved from the trouble of keeping watch; nor did they fear to halt even in the midst of a desert. They encamped at night at every place, desert or inhabited, without fear; they placed their goods and property on the plain, and turned out their mules to graze, and themselves slept with minds at ease and free from care, as if in their own house; and the\u00a0<em>zam\u00ednd\u00e1rs<\/em>, for fear any mischief should occur to the travellers, and that they should suffer or be arrested on account of it, kept watch over them. And in the time of Sher Sh\u00e1h&#8217;s rule, a decrepit old woman might place a basket full of gold ornaments on her head and go on a journey, and no thief or robber would come near her, for fear of the punishments which Sher Sh\u00e1h inflicted. \u201cSuch a shadow spread over the world, that a decrepit person feared not a Rustam.\u201d During his time, all quarrelling, disputing, fighting, and turmoil, which is the nature of the Afgh\u00e1ns, was altogether quieted and put a stop to throughout the countries of Roh and of Hindust\u00e1n. Sher Sh\u00e1h, in wisdom and experience, was a second Haidar. In a very short period he gained the dominion of the country, and provided for the safety of the highways, the administration of the Government, and the happiness of the soldiery and people. God is a discerner of righteousness!<\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<p><strong>The History of India as Told by its Own Historians, Vol. IV: To the Year A.D. 1450.\u00a0Translated by H.M. Elliot and edited by John Dowson. London: Tr\u00fcbner &amp; Co. 1871; repr. Calcutta: Susil Gupta, 1957. pp. 301-433.<\/strong><\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<p><sup>1<\/sup> This passage is not in Sir H. Elliot&#8217;s MS., in which the mention of Chapter III. comes immediately after the doxology.<\/p>\n<p><sup>2<\/sup>\u00a0The writer of Gen. Cunningham&#8217;s MS. remarks that this is an extraordinary statement, considering that the author, in the course of his work, gives the history of the wars of Sher Sh\u00e1h and his sons with the kings of Bengal.<\/p>\n<p><sup>3<\/sup>\u00a0&#8220;Bari,&#8221; Gen. Cunningham&#8217;s MS.<\/p>\n<p><sup>4<\/sup>\u00a0The S\u00far represent themselves as descendants of Muhammed S\u00far, one of the princes of the house of the Ghorians, who left his native country, and married a daughter of one of the Afgh\u00e1n chiefs of Roh.<\/p>\n<p><sup>5<\/sup>\u00a0Var. &#8220;Zaghari,&#8221; &#8220;Zhaghari.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p><sup>6<\/sup>\u00a0The <i>T\u00e1r\u00edkh-i Kh\u00e1n Jah\u00e1n Lod\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0(MS. p. 151) says he was born in His\u00e1r-F\u00edrozah.<\/p>\n<p><sup>7<\/sup>\u00a0Var. &#8220;H\u00e1ni.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p><sup>8<\/sup>\u00a0The other historians, as Nia&#8217;matu-lla, are more specific, and call it Kh\u00e1sp\u00far T\u00e1nda, which is one of the <i>parganas<\/i>\u00a0attached to the\u00a0<i>sirk\u00e1r<\/i>\u00a0of Janp\u00far.<\/p>\n<p><sup>9<\/sup>\u00a0Some copies, as well as the <i>Makhzan-i Afgh\u00e1n\u00ed,<\/i>\u00a0read Mud\u00e1hir instead of Khurram, and make him own brother to Sulaim\u00e1n and Ahmad.<\/p>\n<p><sup>10<\/sup>\u00a0A work on grammar<\/p>\n<p><sup>11<\/sup> In two copies\u00a0<i>jarib<\/i>\u00a0; in one,\u00a0<i>patta-kab\u00faliyat.<\/i><\/p>\n<p><sup>12<\/sup>\u00a0M\u00edr Khal\u00edfa was the elder brother of Sult\u00e1n Junaid.<\/p>\n<p><sup>13<\/sup> The <i>T\u00e1r\u00edkh-i Kh\u00e1n-Jah\u00fan Lod\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0says that when he was appointed governor of M\u00e1lwa, the people called him &#8220;Shuj\u00e1wal Kh\u00e1n.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p><sup>14<\/sup>\u00a0This expression would seem to imply that Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n was privy to their plot. As both private and public virtue were strangers to the hearts of these Afgh\u00e1n nobles, we have no reason to hesitate about the perfidy of any of them, especially as Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n was himself a Loh\u00e1n\u00ed. Indeed, Nia&#8217;matu-lla, in both his works, distinctly says that the scheme to out off Sher Kh\u00e1n was devised by the Loh\u00e1n\u00eds in co-operation with Jal\u00e1l Khan. See Dorn, p. 96.<\/p>\n<p><sup>15<\/sup>\u00a0The object of all this is not very evident; but Nia&#8217;matu-lla says it was a sort of strategem, by which it was devised to bring back the Beng\u00e1lis asauxilliaries for the expulsion of Sher Kh\u00e1n from Bih\u00e1r. The whole counsel is worthy of the children who suggested and assented to it. See Dorn, p. 97.<\/p>\n<p><sup>16<\/sup>\u00a0Nia&#8217;matu-lla tells is that one night about this time, while wandering in the <i>b\u00e1z\u00e1r<\/i>\u00a0of Bih\u00e1r, in which excursions he used secretly to deposit gold and clothes on the cushions of the sleeping who were oppressed by indigence,&#8221;\u2014 a\u00a0<i>darwesh<\/i>\u00a0unexpectedly raised his head and exclaimed, &#8220;God be praised! the Emperor of Dehl\u00ed has come.&#8221; Which words Sher Kh\u00e1n regarded as a divine inspiration.- Dorn p. 98.<\/p>\n<p><sup>17<\/sup>\u00a0Nia&#8217;matu-lla (<i>ibid.<\/i>) calls him eroneously Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm Sh\u00e1h, King of Bengal<\/p>\n<p><sup>18<\/sup>\u00a0Ahmad Y\u00e1dg\u00e1r gives a different enumeration (MS., p. 262), but gives the total value at nine <i>lacs<\/i>\u00a0of\u00a0<i>rupees.<\/i><\/p>\n<p><sup>19<\/sup>\u00a0Dr. Dorn, <i>History of the Afgh\u00e1ns<\/i>, p. 101, says, &#8220;600\u00a0<i>mans<\/i>\u00a0of pure gold, besides many other rarities of various descriptions.&#8221; This is not borne out by the Persian originals, which all read only &#8220;sixty,&#8221; instead of &#8220;600.&#8221; [Gen. Cunningham&#8217;s MS. agrees with the translation. Literally it says, &#8221; Afterwards Guhar Kush\u00e1\u00edn, the wife (widow) of Nasir Kh\u00e1n, died, and sixty\u00a0<i>mans<\/i>\u00a0of her gold came into the hands of Sher Sh\u00e1h.&#8221; But Sir H. Elliot&#8217;s MS. says, &#8220;After this he married Guhar Kush\u00e1\u00edn, the widow, and sixty\u00a0<i>mans<\/i>, etc., etc.]<\/p>\n<p><sup>20<\/sup>\u00a0The &#8220;R\u00e1na Sanka&#8221; of B\u00e1bar&#8217;s Memoirs.<\/p>\n<p><sup>21<\/sup>\u00a0Var. Kakt\u00far.<\/p>\n<p><sup>22<\/sup>\u00a0Nia&#8217;matu-lla adds, &#8221; except Sahsar\u00e1m, which was the old <em>j\u00e1g\u00edr<\/em>\u00a0of Sher Kh\u00e1n.&#8221; \u2014 Dorn, p. 101.<\/p>\n<p><sup>23<\/sup>\u00a0I concur with Elphinstone (<i>History of India<\/i>, vol. ii., 128), in considering this march to have commenced in Safar, 944 H. (July, 1537 A.D.) He says the\u00a0<i>T\u00e1r\u00edkh-i Sher Sh\u00e1h\u00ed<\/i> says 942. Which one? Not this. Firishta and K\u00e1kh\u00ed Sh\u00edr\u00e1z\u00ed say 943; but there is impossibility in the former date, and great improbability in the latter. All the Afgh\u00e1n histories of the period are very deficient and contradictory in their dates.\u00a0<\/p>\n<p><sup>24<\/sup>\u00a0The <i>T\u00e1rikh-i Kh\u00e1n Jah\u00e1n<\/i>\u00a0(MS. p. 165) says that he died in Orissa in 944 H. The\u00a0<i>T\u00e1rikh-i D\u00e1\u00fad\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0(MS. p. 211) says in Orissa in 949 H.<\/p>\n<p><sup>25<\/sup>\u00a0Var. &#8221; Bahrkunda.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p><sup>26<\/sup>\u00a0He was grandson of Sult\u00e1n Husain Mirz\u00e1, and endeavoured to supplant Hum\u00e1y\u00fan on the throne of India by two different schemes of assassination. After various other treacheries and machinations, he was again reconciled to Hum\u00e1y\u00fan, and was killed at the battle of Chaunsa in 946 H., which was lost chiefly through his supineness and neglect.<\/p>\n<p><sup>27<\/sup>\u00a0Nearly all the other authorities inform us that Kuth Kh\u00e1n effected his escape from Hum\u00e1y\u00fan&#8217;s camp, Ahmad Y\u00e1dg\u00e1r (MS. p. 264) says that he succeeded in doing this at Ajm\u00edr.<\/p>\n<p><sup>28<\/sup>\u00a0This word appears variously, &#8220;<i>h\u00e1shi<\/i>,&#8221; &#8220;<i>j\u00e1sh\u00ed<\/i>,&#8221; and &#8220;<i>ch\u00e1sh\u00ed<\/i>.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p><sup>29<\/sup>\u00a0He will be found mentioned under that reign<\/p>\n<p><sup>30<\/sup>\u00a0Dr. Dorn (p. 105) says she had placed her &#8220;district under the protection of the Mughals. At this Sher Kh\u00e1n was so enraged, that he seized upon her whole wealth and effects. *** This treasure is said to have consisted of 600 <i>mans<\/i>\u00a0of pure gold, besides specie and other valuables.&#8221; This is not at all in accordance with any original MS. I have seen, which simply says: &#8220;Having escaped the violence of the Mughals, she sought refuge in this kingdom. *** They say, that amongst her property were sixty mans of red gold besides silver and valuables.&#8221; Here the deliberate treachery of this belauded king is not attempted to be accounted for, as it is in Dr. Dorn&#8217;s translation. The\u00a0<i>T\u00e1r\u00edkh-i Kh\u00e1n Jah\u00e1n<\/i>\u00a0(MS. p. 174) has 300\u00a0<i>mans<\/i>.<\/p>\n<p><sup>31<\/sup>\u00a0In other MSS. &#8220;Sult\u00e1n Sarw\u00e1n\u00ed,&#8221; and &#8220;Sult\u00e1n Barol\u00ed.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p><sup>32<\/sup>\u00a0Respecting the capture of Chun\u00e1r, and the cruelties perpetrated on the garrison by the Mughals, see the history of Hum\u00e1y\u00fan. It is passed oyer very cursorily by all the Afgh\u00e1n writers, while the T\u00edm\u00farians expatiate upon it. Elphinstone&#8217;s date of ISth Sha&#8217;b\u00e1n, 944 (8th January, 1S38), for the commencement of the siege, is the most probable one.<\/p>\n<p><sup>33<\/sup>\u00a0This title is now first applied to Sher Kh\u00e1n in the MSS.<\/p>\n<p><sup>34<\/sup>\u00a0Our author is strictly followed by the <i>Makhzan-i Afgh\u00e1n\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0; but the\u00a0<i>T\u00e1r\u00edkh-i Kh\u00e1n-Jah\u00e1n<\/i>\u00a0adheres to the\u00a0<i>dol\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0story. It says (MS. p. 168) that there were 1200 litters, in each of which were two Afghans armed, except in some of the foremost, in which there were old women. After the examination of some of the leading litters, Sher Kh\u00e1n, sent a message to the R\u00e1j\u00e1, to represent that the R\u00e1j\u00e1 having now satisfied himself there were only women in the litters, and as it was highly indecorous to expose them to the gaze of the sentries, the search ought to be discontinued. The R\u00e1j\u00e1, readily assented, and when the litters had all been introduced, and discharged their burdens, the Afghans seized possession of the gates, and admitted Sher Sh\u00e1h who was ready with his army outside, awaiting the successful result of his stratagem. Ahmad Y\u00e1dg\u00e1r (MS. p. 266) says that there were 300 litters, with two soldiers in each, and four Rohillas as bearers, that they killed the R\u00e1j\u00e1, and then made a general massacre of the garrison. Firishta also accredits (vol. ii. p. 115) the\u00a0<i>dol\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0story, and calls the R\u00e1j\u00e1, Har\u00ed Krishn R\u00e1\u00ed, and says he escaped with a few followers by a private passage. By the T\u00edmurian authors the seizure of Roht\u00e1s by treachery is spoken of with an indignation which they seldom bestowed upon their patrons for deeds of a much more heinous nature.- See Dorn, p. 109.<\/p>\n<p><sup>35<\/sup>\u00a0Ahmad Y\u00e1dg\u00e1r (MS. pp. 170-6) mentions an expedition against the R\u00e1j\u00e1 of Jh\u00e1rkand, in order to secure possession of a favourite white elephant, called &#8220;Sy\u00e1m Chaudar,&#8221; which had the &#8220;peculiarity of never throwing dust upon its head.&#8221; This was duly obtained, along with other plunder, and brought to Sher Sh\u00e1h, who chose to consider it as an omen that he should one day obtain the Empire of Dehl\u00ed. [It is odd that a <i>white<\/i>\u00a0elephant should have been called\u00a0<i>sy\u00e1m<\/i>, i.e.\u00a0<i>black<\/i>.]<\/p>\n<p><sup>36<\/sup> &#8220;Th\u00e1na&#8221; in one MS.<\/p>\n<p><sup>37<\/sup>\u00a0&#8220;Which,&#8221; adds Nia&#8217;matu-lla, who calls it Garh\u00ed, &#8220;is the only passage to the countries of Gaur and Bengal ; there being, except by that gate, no other way of entry or exit.&#8221; &#8211; <i>Makhzan-i Afgh\u00e1n\u00ed<\/i>, MS. p. 202. It is now better known as &#8220;Sicly-gully&#8221;, properly Sankr\u00ed-gal\u00ed, the narrow pass about eight miles north-west from R\u00e1jmah\u00e1l. It is incorrect to call it the only passage into Bengal, for the Mahrattas, in 1742, penetrated through another to the south-west, to say nothing of others.<\/p>\n<p><sup>38<\/sup> One MS. has : &#8220;But although there was much fighting, did not defeat the Emperor&#8217;s force.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p><sup>39<\/sup>\u00a0Some further details will be found among the extracts from the <i>Makhzan-i Afgh\u00e1n\u00ed<\/i>.<\/p>\n<p><sup>40<\/sup>\u00a0Because, as stated in the <i>Makhzan-i Afgh\u00e1n\u00ed<\/i>, the Shaikh was a man unequalled in erudition and piety, and the Emperor was personally much attached to him. The Shaikh had been sent by Hum\u00e1y\u00fan to Hind\u00e1l, to admonish him against his ambitious designs \u2014 See Dorn, p. 116.<\/p>\n<p><sup>41<\/sup>\u00a0&#8220;Who, whenever Sher Kh\u00e1n was in any trouble, used to descend from his hills and jungles and harass the tenants around Bihar ; and taking to highway robbery, closed the road to travellers proceeding to Gaur and Bengal, and took every opportunity of plundering horses, camels and bullocks from the camp of Sher Kh\u00e1n. Therefore, his extermination being considered urgently necessary, Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n was not summoned.&#8221; <i>Makhzan-i Afgh\u00e1n\u00ed<\/i>, MS., p. 208. Dorn, p. 116.<\/p>\n<p><sup>42<\/sup>\u00a0Nia&#8217;matu-lla indicates the place with greater exactness : &#8220;Sher Kh\u00e1n pitched his own opposite the royal camp, at a village called Shataya, between Jh\u00fasa (Chaunsa) and Baksar, so that both armies were encamped on the same side of the Ganges. There was also a small stream flowing between the two camps, of which the banks were so steep, that it could not be crossed except at the usual ford.&#8221; <i>Makhzan-i Afgh\u00e1n\u00ed<\/i>, MS., p. 212 (Dorn, p. 118).<\/p>\n<p><sup>43 <\/sup>This silly manoeuvre is also mentioned by Nia&#8217;matu-lla ; it was to be a feigned pursuit, in order to save appearances. &#8211; Dorn, p. 120<\/p>\n<p><sup>44<\/sup>\u00a0&#8220;The original has <i>farzand<\/i>, literally &#8220;a son&#8221;. The\u00a0<i>T\u00e1r\u00edkh-i Kh\u00e1n Jah\u00e1n<\/i>\u00a0(MS. p. 190) has\u00a0<i>nabira<\/i>, &#8220;grandson.&#8221; The latter work entirely exonerates Shaik Khal\u00edl from the charge of the perfidy, by representing him as the agent, not of Hum\u00e1y\u00fan , but of Sher Sh\u00e1h, who was his spiritual pupil. So does Ahmad Y\u00e1dg\u00e1r (MS. p. 279), and Firishta (Briggs. vol. ii., p. 37). This is by far more probable than the statement in the text.<\/p>\n<p><sup>45<\/sup>\u00a0&#8220;Accompanied by 5000 valiant horsemen skilled in the use of the sabre.&#8221; \u2014 <i>Makhzan-i Afgh\u00e1n\u00ed<\/i>, MS., p. 216. Others give the more probable amount of 500.<\/p>\n<p><sup>46<\/sup>\u00a0Some further particulars respecting this defeat will be found among the Extracts from the <i>Makhzan-i Afgh\u00e1n\u00ed<\/i>, and under the reign of Hum\u00e1y\u00fan. The date assigned by Nia&#8217;matu-lla in Muharram, 946<\/p>\n<p><sup>47<\/sup>\u00a0Ahmad Y\u00e1dg\u00e1r (MS. p. 284) says there were no less than 4,000 Mughal women.<\/p>\n<p><sup>48<\/sup> Var. &#8220;Kakn\u00far,&#8221; &#8220;Kaln\u00far,&#8221; &#8220;Lakn\u00far.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p><sup>49<\/sup>\u00a0The <i>W\u00e1ki&#8217;\u00e1t-i Musht\u00e1k\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0gives the same title, but from his coins it would appear that it was &#8220;Sult\u00e1nu-l &#8216;\u00c1dil.&#8221; See Thomas&#8217;s\u00a0<i>Chronicles of the Path\u00e1n Kings<\/i>, p. 395.<\/p>\n<p><sup>50<\/sup> Var. &#8220;Jar\u00fa.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p><sup>51<\/sup>\u00a0The <i>Makhzan-i Afgh\u00e1n\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0adds, that Jal\u00e1l Kh\u00e1n Jalo\u00ed and H\u00e1j\u00ed Kh\u00e1n Batni were sent to Bengal; and after defeating Jah\u00e1ng\u00edr K\u00fal\u00ed, the governor, who was at the head of 6,000 horse. Bengal fell again under the dominion of the Afgh\u00e1ns.<\/p>\n<p><sup>52<\/sup>\u00a0[This name is a very doubtful one.] The T\u00edm\u00farian authors put this engagement at K\u00e1lp\u00ed.<\/p>\n<p><sup>53<\/sup>\u00a0Great importance appears always to have been attached to this conquest. In the <i>W\u00e1ki&#8217;\u00e1t-i Musht\u00e1k\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0(MS. p. 110) we find it mentioned, towards the close of Sher Shah&#8217;s reign, that the three great works accomplished by him were, the destruction of the infidel Mah\u00e1rta, the massacre of the idolaters of R\u00e1\u00eds\u00edn, and the re-establishment of Islam in N\u00e1gor, by the expulsion of Maldeo. &#8220;If God please! these three deeds will secure his salvation.&#8221; The supineness of Sult\u00e1n Ibr\u00e1h\u00edm had occasioned the two latter to triumph for a time, but Sher Sh\u00e1h had never ceased to pray for their extermination.<\/p>\n<p><sup>54<\/sup>\u00a0The <i>Makhzan-i Afgh\u00e1n\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0(MS., p. 229) and\u00a0<i>T\u00e1r\u00edkh-i Kh\u00e1n Jah\u00e1n<\/i>\u00a0(MS., p. 161), represent that there was a bridge, which was broken by the excessive pressure upon it during the retreat. All authorities concur in saying there was a bridge by which the Imperialists crossed to the eastern side, but few mention it on the retreat. The Emperor himself fled on an elephant which swam the river with difiiculty.<\/p>\n<p><sup>55<\/sup>\u00a0All the copies and many writers of the same period concur in reading Gw\u00e1l\u00edr [which may also be read Gw\u00e1liyar].<\/p>\n<p><sup>56<\/sup> The <i>T\u00e1r\u00edkh-i Kh\u00e1n Jah\u00e1n<\/i>\u00a0(MS., p. 194) says he was two years arranging preliminaries and trying his forces before he advanced on \u00c1gra<\/p>\n<p><sup>57<\/sup> The <i>T\u00e1r\u00edkh-i D\u00e1\u00fad\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0(M.S., p. 230) says the instructions were to remain fifty\u00a0<i>kos<\/i>\u00a0in the rear of the Mughals, as Sher Sh\u00e1h only wished to expel them from Hindustan without coming to action.<\/p>\n<p><sup>58<\/sup> All the copies and corresponding passages in other works concur in reading &#8220;Lakhnau;&#8221; but I suspect &#8220;Lakhn\u00f3r&#8221; is meant \u2014 an ancient native capital of the Kath\u00e1rya R\u00e1jp\u00fats, a little to the east of Sambhal, on the banks of the R\u00e1mgang\u00e1. More will be found respecting the place in my <i>Supplemental Glossary<\/i>\u00a0(vol. ii., p. 136). It is observable that Dr. Dorn occasionally reads Lucknor where he should have said\u00a0<i>Lucknow<\/i>. In this particular passage he is correct in reading\u00a0<i>Lucknor<\/i>. \u2014\u00a0<i>Hist. Afgh\u00e1ns<\/i>, p. 128.<\/p>\n<p><sup>59<\/sup> The <i>T\u00e1r\u00edkh-i D\u00e1\u00fad\u00ed<\/i>, which is partial to the fabulous, represents (MS., p. 235) that Khaw\u00e1s Kh\u00e1n came up with Hum\u00e1y\u00fan near Khush\u00e1b, when the Emperor, being hard up for supplies, sent to him for something to eat, which he readily furnished; upon which the Emperor went on towards Thatta.<\/p>\n<p><sup>60<\/sup> The <i>T\u00e1r\u00edkh-i Kh\u00e1n Jah\u00e1n<\/i>\u00a0speaks of it (MS. p. 176) as being built on the boundary of Hindust\u00e1n and Kabul.<\/p>\n<p><sup>61<\/sup> Some further details will be found lower down, and in the extracts from the <i>Makhzan-i Afgh\u00e1n\u00ed<\/i>.<\/p>\n<p><sup>62<\/sup> Var. &#8220;Mabh\u00e1r.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p><sup>63<\/sup> The <i>T\u00e1r\u00edkh-i Kh\u00e1n Jah\u00e1n<\/i>\u00a0(MS., p. 178) says the advance to Gw\u00e1lior and M\u00e1lw\u00e1 occurred in 949 A.H.<\/p>\n<p><sup>64<\/sup> The <i>W\u00e1ki&#8217;\u00e1t-i Musht\u00e1k\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0(MS., p. 102) and the\u00a0<i>T\u00e1r\u00edkh-i D\u00e1\u00fad\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0(MS., p. 254) record an interesting military spectacle which astonished Mall\u00fa Kh\u00e1n at this review. When the royal umbrella came in sight, the cavalry drew their sabres, galloped forward towards the umbrella, dismounted from their horses, and saluted the king in due form, &#8220;as was their habit on the day of battle.&#8221; Each division did this in succession.<\/p>\n<p><sup>65<\/sup> On one of the marches between S\u00e1rangp\u00far and Ujjain, Sher Sh\u00e1h communicated some of the early events of his life to Mall\u00fa Kh\u00e1n, who was riding with him. He told him how he had laboured hard in his youth, and went every day on foot fifteen <i>kos<\/i>\u00a0in pursuit of game, armed with his bow and arrows. On one of these excursions he fell in with a party of thieves and highwaymen, with whom he associated for some time, plundering the country all round; till one day, when seated in a boat with his new comrades, he was pursued &#8220;by his enemies,&#8221; who, after a conflict, were completely victorious. Upon this, placing his bow and arrows on his head, he plunged into the water, and after swimming for three\u00a0<i>kos<\/i>\u00a0escaped, with his wife, and from that period abandoned his new profession. \u2014 The\u00a0<i>W\u00e1ki&#8217;\u00e1t-i Musht\u00e1k\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0(MS. p. 103) and the\u00a0<i>T\u00e1r\u00edkh-i D\u00e1\u00fad\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0(MS. p. 256). This is a novelty, and either Sher Sh\u00e1h was &#8220;chaffing&#8221; his guest, whom he previously vowed to avenge himself upon for his premeditated insult about the seal, and who appears from all his sayings and doings to have been a great simpleton; or our author has, as usual, given too ready credence to an improbable story. Ab\u00fa-1 Fazl, however, and other courtly T\u00edm\u00farian authors, are very fond of representing that Sher Sh\u00e1h&#8217;s early life was devoted to plunder and robbery and every kind of enormity.<\/p>\n<p><sup>66<\/sup> The <i>T\u00e1r\u00edkh-i Kh\u00e1n Jah\u00e1n<\/i>\u00a0says &#8220;Marehra.&#8221; The\u00a0<i>W\u00e1ki&#8217;\u00e1t-i Musht\u00e1k\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0and the\u00a0<i>T\u00e1r\u00edkh-i D\u00e1\u00fad\u00ed<\/i>, &#8220;Lakhnau.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p><sup>67<\/sup> The <i>W\u00e1ki&#8217;\u00e1t-i Musht\u00e1k\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0(MS. p. 104) and the\u00a0<i>T\u00e1r\u00edkh-i D\u00e1\u00fad\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0(MS. p. 257) say that he was inspired with alarm at seeing one day a party of respectable Mughals, who had been taken prisoners at Gw\u00e1lior, working in the camp, as common labourers, at the circumvallation which was constructed every day, and that he apprehended the same fate awaited his own person.<\/p>\n<p><sup>68<\/sup> The <i>W\u00e1ki&#8217;\u00e1t-i Musht\u00e1k\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0(MS., p. 104) and the\u00a0<i>T\u00e1r\u00edkh-i D\u00e1\u00fad\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0(MS., p. 259), on the contrary, say, that on Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s representing that it was Mall\u00fa Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s intention to fly, Sher Sh\u00e1h replied, that he was anxious he should effect his escape, and had therefore thrown every facility in his way for that purpose. This, however, is scarcely consistent with the hot pursuit &#8220;by soldiers without number,&#8221; which immediately followed his departure. The same passage teaches us a bit of royal and patrician morality amongst these Afghans: &#8220;As he now,&#8221; said Sher Sh\u00e1h, &#8220;intends to run away, say nothing to him, and pretend not to observe anything. If he offers you money in bribery, take it immediately, and let him run off. Shuj\u00e1&#8217;at Kh\u00e1n consequently took from Mall\u00fa K\u00e1dir Sh\u00e1h 700,000\u00a0<i>tankas<\/i>, and let him go his way, and at night-time finding his opportunity, he took to flight.&#8221; This shameless prostitution, with the encouragement of the Shah, is mentioned by Ahmad Y\u00e1dg\u00e1r (MS. p. 197), but the persons are different. &#8220;If that black-face offer you a bribe, take it without scruple and let him go; so Ahmad Kh\u00e1n S\u00far and Fath Kh\u00e1n Ni\u00e1zi, who were in charge of him, took 1000 pieces of red gold and let him escape.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p><sup>69<\/sup> Ahmad Y\u00e1dg\u00e1r&#8217;s account is different. He says (MS. pp. 197-8) that Mall\u00fa Kh\u00e1n plundered S\u00e1rangp\u00far and other places, and was at last slain with all his adherents in a night attack by Haibat Kh\u00fan, who on that occasion obtained his title of &#8216;Azam Hum\u00e1y\u00fan ; which our author, a little below, says was conferred for the conquest of Mult\u00e1n.<\/p>\n<p><sup>70<\/sup> Here called &#8220;Ranth\u00far.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p><sup>71<\/sup> Ahmad Y\u00e1dg\u00e1r (MS. pp. 292-5) mentions during this campaign an expedition against Chander\u00ed, commanded by Wal\u00edd\u00e1d Kh\u00e1n K\u00e1kar, which was successful &#8220;I through the treachery of the R\u00e1j\u00e1&#8217;s nephew. Elephants, horses and treasures fell into the hands of the vistors on the capture of Chander\u00ed, and the R\u00e1j\u00e1&#8217;s beautiful daughter was sent to Sher Sh\u00e1h. The treacherous nephew gained his ends by being made R\u00e1j\u00e1 of Chander\u00ed.<\/p>\n<p><sup>72<\/sup> From this it would appear either that N\u00e1sir Kh\u00e1n did not know of Sikandar Kh\u00e1n&#8217;s flight, narrated above, or that the latter had been again seized.<\/p>\n<p><sup>73<\/sup> Or &#8220;Mahalkarra.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p><sup>74<\/sup> The <i>T\u00e1r\u00edkh-i D\u00e1\u00fad\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0(MS. p. 264) says that after his return from M\u00e1lw\u00e1, he remained two years at \u00c1gra, going intermediately to Delh\u00ed, before he went towards Bengal.<\/p>\n<p><sup>75<\/sup> Ahmad Y\u00e1dg\u00e1r (MS. pp. 296-9) represents them chiefly as captured from the families of the Saiyids of Bilgr\u00e1m. He also says that this occurred on bis load to R\u00e1\u00eds\u00edn, and that before starting on this expedition he had been hunting in the neighbourhood of Sor\u00edn and Bad\u00e1\u00fan.<\/p>\n<p><sup>76<\/sup> This expedition the <i>T\u00e1r\u00edkh-i Kh\u00e1n Jah\u00e1n<\/i>\u00a0(M.S., p. 180) also ascribes to the year 950. In that work P\u00faran Mal is called the son of R\u00e1\u00ed Salhad\u00ed P\u00farbiya, Gehlot R\u00e1jp\u00fat.<\/p>\n<p><sup>77<\/sup> What follows until the resumption of the story of the capture of R\u00e1\u00eds\u00edn is only in one MS.<\/p>\n<p><sup>78<\/sup> The\u00a0<i>Makhzan-i Afgh\u00e1n\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0(MS. p. 242) says, &#8220;Sher Sh\u00e1h ordered Haibat Kh\u00e1n to seize Fath Kh\u00e1n. This Fath Kh\u00e1n was of Kob Kab\u00fala (Kap\u00faura ?), who had devasted the entire tract of Lakh\u00ed Jangal, and kept the high roads from Lahore to Delh\u00ed in a constant ferment.&#8221; Then follows an incomprehensible passage, which has by no means been elucidated by Dr. Dorn&#8217;s mode of translating it. The\u00a0<i>T\u00e1r\u00edkh-i Kh\u00e1n Jah\u00e1n Lod\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0is unusually deficient in the corresponding passage, and does not help us in the least \u2014\u00a0<i>Dorn<\/i>, p. 134.<\/p>\n<p><sup>79<\/sup> P\u00e1k-pattan<\/p>\n<p><sup>80<\/sup> The <i>Makhzan-i Afgh\u00e1n\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0says that orders were issued to take only a fourth of the produce of grain for the Government share.<\/p>\n<p><sup>81<\/sup> Ahmad Y\u00e1dg\u00e1r (MS., p. 304) says that before Sher Sh\u00e1h&#8217;s return to \u00c1gra, the Shaikh-z\u00e1das of Barn\u00e1wa represented that their country had been plundered, and their wives and daughters carried oft by Basdeo, a R\u00e1jp\u00fat. D\u00fad\u00e1 Mi\u00e1na was sent to chastise him which he did so effectually that the captives were all released, and immense plunder accrued to the victors. This is followed by another expedition against some R\u00e1jkunwar R\u00e1jp\u00fats, but the author&#8217;s notions are so lax on geography, that it is quite impossible to fix the locality of either affair. The former, though with some variation in the details, is the same as that which was instigated by the Shaikh-z\u00e1das of Bhandner, as recorded in the <i>W\u00e1ki&#8217;\u00e1t-i Musht\u00e1k\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0(MS., p. 109).<\/p>\n<p><sup>82<\/sup> Elphinstone (<i>Hist. India<\/i>, vol. ii., p. 149) says 951 H., but as 950 H., began in April 1543, Sher Sh\u00e1h might easily have completed the conquest of R\u00e1\u00eds\u00edn in the hot months, returned to \u00c1gra for the rainy season, and set out for Marwar with the six best months of 950 H. before him. If he deferred his M\u00e1rw\u00e1r expedition to the cold season of 951 H, there would be no time for his subsequent return to \u00c1gra and operations against Chitor and Kalinjar. The latter alone, according to the\u00a0<i>W\u00e1ki&#8217;\u00e1t-i Musht\u00e1k\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0(MS., p. 110), and the\u00a0<i>T\u00e1r\u00edkh-i D\u00e1\u00fad\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0(MS., p. 285), occupied eight months.<\/p>\n<p><sup>83<\/sup> The host of the R\u00e1jp\u00fats could have been scarcely less, if we are to believe the extravagant statement of the <i>Makhzan-i Afgh\u00e1n\u00ed<\/i>, which (MS., p. 249) sets it down at 50,000 cavalry and 300,000 infantry. The\u00a0<i>T\u00e1r\u00edkh-i Kh\u00e1n Jah\u00e1n<\/i>\u00a0(MS., p. 182) modestly retrenches the 300,000 infantry altogether.<\/p>\n<p><sup>84<\/sup> One copy reads &#8220;son,&#8221; but he was &#8220;grandson,&#8221; being, according to the <i>Makhzan-i Afgh\u00e1n\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0(MS., p. 250) the son of \u00c1dil Kh\u00e1n. Dorn (p. 138) calls him &#8220;nephew&#8221;. The\u00a0<i>T\u00e1r\u00edkh-i Kh\u00e1n Jah\u00e1n<\/i>\u00a0(MS., p. 182) makes out that he was a grandchild by a daughter, and only seven years old when he suggested this sagacious advice. It does not mention the name of this precocious child.<\/p>\n<p><sup>85<\/sup> An allusion to the barreness of M\u00e1rw\u00e1r.<\/p>\n<p><sup>86<\/sup> This makes it evident that he could scarcelyhave remained at all at \u00c1gra on his return at the close of 950 or beginning of 951 H. Indeed, had not the <i>T\u00e1r\u00edkh-i D\u00e1\u00fad\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0(MS., p. 284) mentioned his proceedings at Ajm\u00edr, and his visit to the shrine of Khw\u00e1ja Mu&#8217;\u00ednu-d d\u00edn Chisht\u00ed, his return to \u00c1gra at all might have been disputed. Shortly after the beginning of 951 H. he must have started for Chitor, marching during the hot weather, passing the rains in Kachw\u00e1ra, and then occupying the closing months of 952 and the beginning of 953 with the siege of Kalinjar. This makes the chronology very plain.<\/p>\n<p><sup>87<\/sup> So spelt in all the copies. It is more usual to write it &#8220;K\u00e1linjar.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p><sup>88<\/sup> Ahmad Y\u00e1dg\u00e1r (MS., p. 313) says that the reason for his advancing against Kalinjar was, that Birsingdeo Bundela, who had been summoned to Court, had fled and taken refuge with the R\u00e1j\u00e1 of Kalinjar, who refused to give him up.<\/p>\n<p><sup>89<\/sup> Perhaps this may mean only &#8220;rockets.&#8221; The words are <i>&#8220;hukkah\u00e1 p\u00far az \u00e1tish.&#8221;<\/i>\u00a0It is to be remarked that there is no mention of\u00a0<i>deg<\/i>, a mortar; and the shape of a\u00a0<i>hukka<\/i>, or smoking bowl, is not unlike that of a loaded rocket. Moreover, if a shell had burst, except very close. It would not have ignited other shells, and shells do not usually rebound unexploded; whereas, it is a common occurrence for a rocket to retrace its path, especially, as appears here to have been the case, when the stick breaks. On the other hand, it is to be remembered that the shape of a\u00a0<i>hukka<\/i>\u00a0is still more like a shell; and that there is, and was, a specific word for rocket (<i>b\u00e1n<\/i>) \u2014 a Hindi vocable in common use even in Persian authors, and which might easily have been introduced in this passage without any violation of usage or propriety.<\/p>\n<p><sup>90<\/sup> The\u00a0<i>Makhzan-i Afgh\u00e1n\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0says that the first act of Isl\u00e1m Sh\u00e1h&#8217;s reign was to order him for execution.<\/p>\n<p><sup>91<\/sup> These as well as some other of the observances noted above are supererogatory. \u2014 See <i>K\u00e1n\u00fan-i Isl\u00e1m<\/i>, p. 55.<\/p>\n<p><sup>92<\/sup> But the <i>T\u00e1r\u00edkh-i Kh\u00e1n Jah\u00e1n<\/i>\u00a0(MS., p. 187) says, that the practice was introduced by Sult\u00e1n Sangar, and that the example was followed by other Sult\u00e1ns ; that in Hindustan, it was observed by &#8216;\u00c1l\u00e1u-d d\u00edn Khilj\u00ed, and that Sher Sh\u00e1h merely renewed his ordinance. Ab\u00fa-l Fazl contemptuously remarks, that he sought the applause of future generations, by mere revivals of &#8216;\u00c1l\u00e1u-d d\u00edn&#8217;s regulations which he had read of in the\u00a0<i>T\u00e1r\u00edkh-i Firoz Sh\u00e1h\u00ed<\/i>. Sher Sh\u00e1h was such an admirer of the\u00a0<i>dagh<\/i>\u00a0system, that men, as well as cattle, on his register, had to submit to it. The\u00a0<i>T\u00e1r\u00edkh-i D\u00e1\u00fad\u00ed<\/i>, (MS., p. 236) says that even the sweepers had the royal brand impressed on them; it omits to say on what part of the body. Allusion, however, may be made only to the horses of the sweepers, though it seems improbable that such a class should have had any. The passage in the\u00a0<i>W\u00e1ki&#8217;\u00e1t-i Musht\u00e1k\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0(MS., p. 99) runs thus : &#8220;Even in the Haram establishment he gave a salary to no one unless his horses were branded, in so much that even a sweeper caused the stamp to be applied. This work, as usual, is the source of the information in the\u00a0<i>T\u00e1r\u00edkh-i D\u00e1\u00fad\u00ed<\/i>, and all the trivial ancedotes which follow on the subject of the\u00a0<i>dagh<\/i>\u00a0are the same in both.<\/p>\n<p><sup>93<\/sup> [The <i>W\u00e1ki&#8217;\u00e1t-i Musht\u00e1k\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0has this passage, and states that the\u00a0<i>parganas<\/i>\u00a0were 116,000 in number.]<\/p>\n<p><sup>94<\/sup> The <i>T\u00e1r\u00edkh-i D\u00e1\u00fad\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0(MS., p. 229) says he had 8,000 matchlockmen in his service. He adds, that 1,600 were stationed in Chitor, 500 in Rantambhor, 1,000 in Bay\u00e1na, 2,000 in Gw\u00e1lior, and a due proportion in every other fort. Whether all these are included in the 8,000, or the 8,000 were a mere personal guard, is not plain. In no single instance does the enumeration correspond with that of our author.<\/p>\n<p><sup>95<\/sup> It is to be regretted that the MSS. show a want of concurrence in the enumeration of these forces. The\u00a0<i>T\u00e1r\u00edkh-i D\u00e1\u00fad\u00ed<\/i>, in the passage quoted above, says that there was also maintained a body of footmen, acting singly and independently, called\u00a0<i>paiks<\/i>; and 113,000 horsemen distributed throughout the\u00a0<i>parganas<\/i>\u00a0for the protection of the district forts.<\/p>\n<p><sup>96<\/sup> One MS. has 2,500 <i>sar\u00e1\u00eds<\/i>, The\u00a0<i>Naw\u00e1diru-l Hik\u00e1y\u00e1t<\/i>\u00a0(MS., p. 599) boldly says 2,500\u00a0<i>sar\u00e1\u00eds<\/i>\u00a0on the road from Bengal to the Indus alone. This arises from the double ignorance of rating that distance at 2,500\u00a0<i>kos<\/i>\u00a0and a reckoning that there was a\u00a0<i>sar\u00e1\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0at each\u00a0<i>kos<\/i>, instead of at every second one.<\/p>\n<p><sup>97<\/sup> We shall see below, that they are said to have amounted to 3,400. The <i>T\u00e1r\u00edkh-i Kh\u00e1n Jah\u00e1n<\/i>\u00a0(MS. p. 186) adds: &#8220;In order that every day news might be conveyed to him from the N\u00edl\u00e1b and \u00c1gra, and the very extremities of the countries of Bengal.&#8221; Sikandar Lod\u00ed has the credit of having established these\u00a0<i>d\u00e1k chauk\u00eds<\/i>\u00a0before him.<\/p>\n<p><sup>98<\/sup> In some copies he is called <i>&#8220;Shikkd\u00e1r&#8221;<\/i>; but in others, and very plainly in the two works quoted below, he is called\u00a0<i>&#8220;Tashtd\u00e1r&#8221;<\/i>\u00a0or ewer-bearer, a member of the royal household.<\/p>\n<p><sup>99<\/sup> The\u00a0<i>W\u00e1ki&#8217;\u00e1t-i Musht\u00e1k\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0(MS., p. 97), followed by the\u00a0<i>T\u00e1r\u00edkh-i D\u00e1\u00fad\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0(MS., p. 225), has another account of this impossible feat, which would defy even a twenty-Osbaldistone power. Fifty miles an hour for twelve hours without intermission!!! &#8220;Husain Kh\u00e1n Tashtd\u00e1r was sent on some business from Bengal. He went on travelling night and day. Whenever sleep came over him he placed himself on a bed (<i>chah\u00e1r-p\u00e1i<\/i>) and the villagers carried him along on their shoulders. When he awoke, he again mounted a horse, and went on his way. In this manner he reached Chitor from Gaur in three days; and think what a distance that is!&#8221; It is indeed, SOO miles, as the crow flies, over some of the most impracticable parts of India! Such senseless lying should be exposed; but the people&#8217;s mind is at present so constituted as to put implicit credence even in such an averment as this.<\/p>\n<p><sup>100<\/sup> The author of the <i>Muntakhabii&#8217;t Tawarikh<\/i>\u00a0says that he himself saw the high road from Bengal to Roht\u00e1s, which was in many places so ornamented, after it had stood for fifty-two years. It is strange tLat, at this period, no trace can be found of\u00a0<i>sar\u00e1i<\/i>, mosque, road, or tree. His beautiful mausoleum at Sahsar\u00e1m is still a stately object, standing in the centre of an artificial piece of water, faced by walls of cut stone.<\/p>\n<p><sup>101<\/sup> The <i>T\u00e1r\u00edkh-i D\u00e1\u00fad\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0(MS., p. 236) says &#8220;New Roht\u00e1s,&#8221; and adds, that &#8220;it cost eight\u00a0<i>krors<\/i>, five\u00a0<i>lacs<\/i>, five thousand and two and a half\u00a0<i>d\u00e1ms<\/i>\u00a0which means Bahlol\u00eds. All which is written over the gate of the fort.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p><sup>102<\/sup> Literally, that it might be a &#8220;Jah\u00e1n-pan\u00e1h,&#8221; which was the name of one of the old cities of Dehl\u00ed.<\/p>\n<p><sup>103<\/sup> There is a notice of the fort of Patna, which was built by him, among the Extracts from the\u00a0<i>T\u00e1r\u00edkh-i D\u00e1\u00fad\u00ed<\/i>.<\/p>\n<p><sup>104<\/sup> The <i>T\u00e1r\u00edkh-i D\u00e1\u00fad\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0(MS., pp. 291, 247) mentions two instances in illustration of this enforcement of village responsibility. One was, that a horse was stolen one night from Sher Sh\u00e1h&#8217;s camp at Th\u00e1nesar, for which all the\u00a0<i>zam\u00ednd\u00e1rs<\/i>\u00a0for a circuit of fifty\u00a0<i>kos<\/i>\u00a0were summoned and held responsible, with the threat that if the thief and horse were not forthcoming within three days, the lives of every one of them would fall a sacrifice. Both were shortly produced, and the thief was immediately put to death. Another was a case in which a murder was committed near Et\u00e1w\u00e1, on a piece of land which had long been disputed between the neighbouring villages. In this instance, it being impossible to fix upon the responsible village, Sher Sh\u00e1h duirected that two men should be sent to cut down a tree which was near the spot where the murder was committed, with orders that any man who came to prohibit them should be sent in to him. A\u00a0<i>mukaddam<\/i>\u00a0of one of the villages came forward to remonstrate, and was dealt with accordingly. He was tauntingly asked, how he could know of a tree being cut down so far from his village, and yet not know of a man being cut down. All the inhabitants of the village were then seized and threatened with death, if the murderer were not produced within three days. Under these circumstances there was of course no difficulty in getting the culprit, or at least\u00a0<i>a<\/i>\u00a0culprit, who was forthwith executed!<\/p>\n<p><sup>105<\/sup> The <i>W\u00e1ki&#8217;\u00e1t-i Musht\u00e1k\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0(MS., p. 101) and the\u00a0<i>T\u00e1r\u00edkh-i D\u00e1\u00fad\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0(MS., p. 252) record a barbarous punishment inflicted on a camel-driver during a march in M\u00e1lw\u00e1 for plucking some green chick-pea. Sher Sh\u00e1h had a hole bored in his nose, and with his feet bound together he was suspended during a whole march with his head downward. &#8220;After that no one stretched out his hand upon corn.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p><sup>106<\/sup> The original has &#8220;113,000 <i>parganas<\/i>, that is, villages;&#8221; but the\u00a0<i>W\u00e1ki&#8217;\u00e1t-i Musht\u00e1k\u00ed<\/i>\u00a0(MS., p. 98) says &#8220;113,000\u00a0<i>parganas<\/i>,&#8221; without any such qualification.<\/p>\n<p><em>Annotated by Murari Jha<\/em><\/p>\n\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--label-1\">The Humayun-nama (c. 1587)<\/a>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--icon-1\"><i>Expand<\/i><\/a>\n<strong>The\u00a0<em>Humayun-nama<\/em>\u00a0(History of Humayun) by Gul-badan Begum, c. 1587<br \/>\n<\/strong><em>Gul-badan Begum<\/em><strong><br \/>\n<\/strong>\n<hr \/>\n<p>Unlike other Mughal sources, the\u00a0<em>Humayun-nama<\/em>\u00a0was relatively less known until Annette S. Beveridge translated the only surviving manuscript. This Persian manuscript belonged to the Hamilton Collection in the British Museum. The later part of the manuscript is missing. In the absence of a second copy of the manuscript, it is not certain whether Gul-badan wrote in Persian or Turkish like her father, Babur, did for his memoirs. Since other contemporary Mughal sources do not mention Gul-badan&#8217;s book, probably not many copies of it ever existed.<\/p>\n<p>Born about 1523, momentous historical events unfolded during Gul-badan\u2019s lifetime (d.1603). The establishment of the Mughal Empire by Babur, the tumultuous phase of the empire during Babur\u2019s son and successor Humayun, and the consolidation of empire under Akbar \u2013 Gul-badan lived through all these. Keenly interested in the past, Akbar commanded his paternal aunt Gul-badan to \u201c[w]rite down whatever you know of the doings of Firdaus-makani [Babur] and Jannat-ashyani [Humayun]\u201d. [p. 83]<\/p>\n<p>Written in simple language, Gul-badan Begam recounts the events primarily from her memory.\u00a0 Events related to Babur\u2019s early struggles in Central Asia must have come down to her mediated through some or the other sources. Gul-badan throws valuable light on the activities of Babur as a\u00a0<em>badshah<\/em>\u00a0at Kabul and his forays into Central Asia aimed at reclaiming his homeland. [pp. 90-91] Of the trials and tribulations of Humayun in Hindustan she had been a witness.<\/p>\n<p>As a source material on Mughal history, th<em>Humayun-nama<\/em>\u00a0furnishes valuable information on the sixteenth century political events. It also gives an insider\u2019s view on the Mughal harem, and family life of the sixteenth-century Central Asian empire builders. Written from a woman&#8217;s perspective, the description of the Mughal family life constitutes an important source for reconstructing the Mughal social history. Since Gul-badan relied on her memory to record most of the past events, there might have been some slippage and errors. However, she also used some of the textual sources such as the\u00a0<em>Baburnama<\/em>. The use of texts gives a greater credence to the information on which she based her narrative.<\/p>\n<h3><strong>\u2018Hum\u0101y\u016bn-n\u0101ma of Gul-badan Begam<\/strong><\/h3>\nTRANSLATION OF SH\u0100H-JAH\u0100N&#8217;S NOTE.\nIN THE NAME OF GOD, THE MERCIFUL, THE COMPASSIONATE.\n<p>This history, which contains an abridgment of the affairs of his Majesty, \u1e62\u0101\u1e25ib-qir\u0101n G\u012bt\u012b-sit\u0101n\u012b (T\u012bm\u016br), and of his glorious descendants, and of the events of the days of &#8216;Arsh-\u0101shy\u0101n\u012b (Akbar)\u2014 May God make clear his proof!\u2014 down to the twenty-second year of his reign, was written in the time of Sh\u0101h B\u0101b\u0101 (Akbar).<\/p>\n<p>Signed: Sh\u0101h-jah\u0101n P\u0101dsh\u0101h, son of Jah\u0101ng\u012br P\u0101dsh\u0101h, son of Akbar P\u0101dsh\u0101h.<\/p>\nTRANSLATION OF THE HUM\u0100Y\u016aN-N\u0100MA OF GUL-BADAN BEGAM.\nIN the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate!\n<p>There had been an order<sup>*Probably that mentioned by Ab\u016b&#8217;l-fazl, as issued for the gathering-in of material for the <em>Akbar-n\u0101ma<\/em>. (H. Beveridge, I. 29.) If so, the begam&#8217;s book dates from about 1587 (995IL). There are indications of its use by Ab\u016b&#8217;l-fazl.<\/sup>\u00a0issued, \u2018Write down whatever you know of the doings of\u00a0<i>Firdaus-mak\u0101n\u012b<\/i>\u00a0and\u00a0<i>Jannat-\u0101shy\u0101n\u012b<\/i>.\u2019<sup>*<\/sup><sup>B\u0101bar&#8217;s and Hum\u0101y\u016bn&#8217;s posthumous names, &#8216;Dwelling&#8217; and &#8216;Nesting in Paradise.&#8217; Several women, and notably Akbar&#8217;s mother, have been named after death <i>Maryam-mak\u0101n\u012b<\/i>, &#8216;Dwelling with Mary.&#8217; Babar&#8217;s half-sister, Shahr-b\u0101n\u016b, is styled by A.F.\u00a0<i>Bilq\u012bs-mak\u0101n\u012b<\/i>, Bilq\u012bs being the Queen of Sheba. Many other examples might be quoted of the custom which, amongst some savage tribes, takes the extreme form of total suppression at death of the name borne in life, and towards which affection and reverence incline the most civilized peoples.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>At the time when his Majesty\u00a0<em>Firdaus-mak\u0101n\u012b<\/em> passed from this perishable world to the everlasting home, I, this lowly one, was eight<sup>*Lunar years. B\u0101bar died December 26th, 1530. The begam&#8217;s dates and numerical statements must always be taken lightly.<\/sup>\u00a0years old, so it may well be that I do not remember much. However, in obedience to the royal command, I set down whatever there is that I have heard and remember.<\/p>\n<p>First of all, by way of invoking a blessing (on my work), and in pious commemoration, a chapter (<em>juz\u016b<\/em>) is written about my royal father&#8217;s deeds, although these are told in his memoirs.<sup>*From this treasury Gul-badan&#8217;s meagre historical sketch can be filled in. The <em>T\u016bz\u016bk-i-b\u0101bar\u012b<\/em>\u00a0(Leyden and Erskine : Longman, Rees, etc., 1826.) will be referred to in these notes as the &#8216;Memoirs&#8217; or &#8216; Mems.&#8217;. Mr. W. Erskine&#8217;s &#8216; History of India under Babar and Hum\u0101y\u016bn&#8217; will be indicated by &#8216; B. &amp; H.&#8217;.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>From his Majesty\u00a0<em>\u1e62\u0101\u1e25ib-qir\u0101n\u012b<sup>*Lord of the fortunate conjunction, i.e., of Jupiter and Venus, a posthumous title of T\u012bm\u016br (1336-1405), from whom B\u0101bar was fifth in descent.<\/sup><\/em> down to my royal father there was not one of the bygone princes who laboured as he did. He became king in his twelfth<sup>*B\u0101bar was born February 14th, 1483 (Muharram 6th, 888H.). He therefore became king of Fargh\u0101na (Khokand) when 11\u2153 years old.<\/sup>\u00a0year, and the\u00a0<em>khutba<\/em><sup>*The prayer and oration in which it is ordained that the name of the reigning sovereign should be recited. Cf. Diet, of Islam, Hughes,\u00a0s.v.. The histories show that it was formerly so recited in India. The term &#8216; Ruler of the Age &#8216; filled Victoria&#8217;s place.<\/sup> was read in his name on June 10th, 1494,<sup>*<\/sup><\/p>\n<p><sup>Ramz\u0101n 5th, 899H. [Text, 909H.]. <\/sup>in Andij\u0101n, the capital of Fargh\u0101na. (3<em>a<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>For eleven full years his wars and struggles against the Chaghat\u0101i and T\u012bm\u016brid and Uzbeg princes<sup>*The first and second of this triad of foes were near and elder kinsmen ; the third was the Sh\u0101iban\u012b of the histories.<\/sup>\u00a0in M\u0101war\u0101&#8217;u\u00adn-nahr (Transoxiana) were such that the tongue of the pen is too feeble and weak to recount them.<\/p>\n<p>The toils and perils which in the ruling of kingdoms befell our prince, have been measured out to few, and of few have been recorded the manliness, courage and en\u00addurance which he showed in battle-fields and dangers. Twice he took Samarqand by force of the sword. The first time my royal father was twelve years old, the second nineteen, the third time he was nearly twenty-two.<sup>*B\u0101bar occupied Samarqand three times. Twice he captured it, and the third time entered without a blow struck and amidst a popular welcome. The dates are respectively 1497, 1500, and 1511, and his age fifteen, seventeen, and twenty-nine.<\/sup> For six months he was besieged<sup>*By Shaib\u0101n\u012b, after the second occupation.<\/sup>\u00a0(in Samarqand), and neither Sult\u0324\u0101n \u1e24usain M\u012brz\u0101\u00a0<em>B\u0101yqr\u0101<\/em>, his paternal uncle,<sup>*<em>amm\u016b<\/em>. \u1e24usain was of the fourth, and B\u0101bar of the fifth degree of descent from their common ancestor, T\u012bm\u016br. B\u0101bar&#8217;s father was (<em>anglice<\/em>) \u1e24usain&#8217;s fourth cousin. As \u1e24usain was of an elder generation, B\u0101bar calls him &#8216;uncle.&#8217; If\u00a0<em>&#8216;amm\u016b<\/em>\u00a0were ever used to denote an uncle by marriage, it would have triple application here, since \u1e24usain married in succession three paternal aunts of B\u0101bar Shahr-b\u0101n\u016b, Lat\u012bf and Payanda. \u1e24usain is the well-known M\u00e6cenas of Her\u0101t (1438-1506).<\/sup> who (ruled) in Khur\u0101s\u0101n, nor Sult\u0324\u0101n Ma\u1e25m\u016bd Kh\u0101n, his maternal uncle,<sup>*<em>tagh\u0101i<\/em>. Sultan Ma\u1e25m\u016bd Khan was full-brother of Qutluq-nig\u0101r, B\u0101bar&#8217;s mother, so that here\u00a0<em>tagh\u0101i<\/em>\u00a0is exactly equivalent to our &#8216;maternal uncle.&#8217; Ma\u1e25m\u016bd is &#8216;the Kh\u0101n&#8217; and the &#8216;elder Kh\u0101n&#8217; of the Memoirs, and also J\u0101naki or Kh\u0101nakt and J\u0101ngi. He was murdered by Sh\u0101iban\u012b in 1508.<\/sup> who ruled in K\u0101shghar, sent him help. When none came from any quarter, he grew desperate.<sup>*He was eighteen.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>At this difficult time, Sh\u0101h\u012b Beg Kh\u0101n.<sup>*Ab\u016b&#8217;l-fat\u1e25 Mu\u1e25ammad Sh\u0101hbakht Khan <em>Uzbeg<\/em> (Sh\u0101h\u012b Beg Kh\u0101n and Sh\u0101iban\u012b).<\/sup> sent to say: \u2018If you would marry your sister Kh\u0101nz\u0101da Begam<sup>*For details of her life and that of all other women named in this book and some other contemporary works, see Appendix.<\/sup>\u00a0to me, (3<em>b<\/em>) there might be peace and a lasting alliance between us.\u2019 At length it had to be done; he gave the begam to the kh\u0101n, and came out himself (from Samarqand).<sup>*For details of her life and that of all other women named in this book and some other contemporary works, see Appendix.<\/sup> With 200 followers on foot, wearing long frocks on their shoulders and peasants&#8217; brogues on their feet, and carrying clubs in their hands,\u2014in this plight, unarmed, and relying on God, he went towards the lands of Badakhsh\u0101n (Badakhsh\u0101n\u0101t) and K\u0101bul.<sup>*Mu\u1e25arram, 910H. (June, 1504).<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>Khusrau Sh\u0101h&#8217;s<sup>*A Qipch\u0101q T\u016brk, chief beg of Sult\u0324\u0101n Ma\u1e25m\u016bd M\u012brz\u0101, the father of Bayasanghar and Mas&#8217;\u016bd. He was put to death by Sh\u0101iban\u012b&#8217;s Uzbegs in 910H. (1505).<\/sup> people and army were in Kunduz and the Badakhsh\u0101n\u0101t. He came and paid his respects to his Majesty,<sup>*Brevet rank. B\u0101bar was an exile from his own kingdom of Fargh\u0101na, and not yet master of K\u0101bul.<\/sup> my father, who, being as he was manly and kind and generous, did not in any way touch the question of retaliation, although Khusrau Sh\u0101h had committed such crimes as the martyrdom of Bayasanghar M\u012brz\u0101 and the blinding of Sult\u0324\u0101n Mas&#8217;\u016bd M\u012brz\u0101, both of whom were sons of my royal father&#8217;s paternal uncle. In addition to this, when in the early days of the forays,<sup>*T\u016brk\u012b, <em>qazz\u0101q\u012b<\/em>, from\u00a0<em>qazz\u0101q<\/em>\u00a0(Cossack), the name of the nomads whom the Russians term K\u012brghiz. I think Gul-badan uses it to describe the time of her father&#8217;s military incursions, made when he was trying to carve out a ruler&#8217;s seat.<\/sup> his Majesty chanced to cross his country, he was watched and rudely driven out. Now he was pleased to command that Khusrau Sh\u0101h should take whatever his heart desired of his (own) jewels and golden vessels, and so he got leave to go to Khur\u0101s\u0101n in kindness and safety, and took with him five or six strings of camels and five or six of baggage mules.<sup>*The begam&#8217;s brevity makes B\u0101bar&#8217;s capacity and forbearance seem alike remarkable. He had gathered a force, and safety was the condition of Khusrau&#8217;s surrender (1504). Mr. Erskine writes (B. &amp; H., I. 208.) : &#8216;B\u0101bar, whose abhorrence of Khusrau was as deep as it was just, ordered his treasurer to send back the treasure, horses, and whatever had been presented to him, just as they were ; although, says our author (M\u012brz\u0101 \u1e24aidar), the King had only one horse suitable for a person of his rank, and that was used by his mother.&#8217;<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>His Majesty now set out for K\u0101bul, which was occupied by Mu\u1e25ammad Muq\u012bm, a son of \u1e94\u016b&#8217;l-n\u016bn\u00a0<em>Argh\u016bn<\/em>, and grandfather of N\u0101h\u012bd Begam.<sup>*Through his daughter M\u0101h Ch\u016bchak.<\/sup> He had captured it after Ulugh Beg M\u012brz\u0101&#8217;s<sup>*A son of Ab\u016b-sa&#8217;\u012bd, known as <em>K\u0101bul\u012b<\/em>. He died 1502.<\/sup> death from M\u012brz\u0101 &#8216;Abdu-r-razz\u0101q, son of his Majesty&#8217;s paternal uncle (Ulugh Beg).<\/p>\n<p>His Majesty reached K\u0101bul in safety. Mu\u1e25ammad Muq\u012bm kept command for a few days, and then by pact and agreement made over charge to the royal servants, and went off with goods and chattels to his father in Qandah\u0101r. This was in the last ten days of Rab\u012b II., 910H.<sup>*October, 1504. B\u0101bar was now twenty-three, and had acquired more territory than his lost F\u0101rghana.<\/sup>\u00a0Being now master of K\u0101bul, his Majesty went to Bangash, took it at a blow, and returned to K\u0101bul.<\/p>\n<p>Her Highness, the kh\u0101nam,<sup>*Qutluq-nig\u0101r. She died June, 1505.<\/sup>\u00a0his Majesty&#8217;s mother, had fever for six days, and then departed from this fleeting world to the eternal home. They laid her in the New Year&#8217;s Garden. His Majesty paid 1,000 coined\u00a0<em>misq\u0101l<\/em>\u00a0to his kinsmen, the owners of the garden, and laid her there.<\/p>\n<p>At this time urgent letters arrived from Sult\u0324\u0101n \u1e24usain M\u012brz\u0101, saying: (4<em>b<\/em>) \u2018I am planning a war against the Uzbegs. It would be excellent if you came too.\u2019 My royal father sought counsel of God. At length he set out to join the m\u012brz\u0101. On the way news came that the m\u012brz\u0101 was dead. His Majesty&#8217;s am\u012brs represented that, this being so, it was advisable to return to K\u0101bul, but he replied: \u2018As we have come so far, we will carry our condolences to the princes.\u2019 In the end he went on towards Khur\u0101s\u0101n.<sup>*B\u0101bar set out in June, 1506 (Mu\u1e25arram, 912H.). \u1e24usain had died in May (\u1e94\u016b&#8217;l-hijja, 911H.), on his way northwards from Her\u0101t, and at B\u0101b\u0101 Il\u0101h\u012b. Word reached B\u0101bar when he had already made a great journey and had crossed the Saighan and Dand\u0101n-shikan passes to Kahmard. After receiving the news he marched some 800 miles to the m\u012brz\u0101s&#8217; camp on the Murgh-\u0101b.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>When the princes<sup>*Bad\u012b&#8217;u-z-zam\u0101n and Mu\u1e25ammad Muz\u0324affar \u1e24usain, sons of Sult\u0324\u0101n Ma\u1e25m\u016bd M\u012brz\u0101. The meeting was on November 6th, 1506 (Jum\u0101da II. 8th, 912H.).<\/sup> heard of the royal visit, they one and all set out to give him honourable meeting, except Bad\u012b&#8217;u-z-zam\u0101n M\u012brz\u0101, who did not go because Barand\u016bq Beg and \u1e94\u016b&#8217;l-n\u016bn Beg\u2014am\u012brs of Sult\u0324\u0101n \u1e24usain M\u012brz\u0101\u2014said, in effect, that as his Majesty was fifteen years younger than Bad\u012b&#8217;u-z-zam\u0101n M\u012brz\u0101, it was right that he should be the first to bow, and that they should then embrace one another. Q\u0101sim Beg<sup>*B\u0101bar&#8217;s Prime Minister and (I believe) relation. He was of the Q\u016bch\u012bn tribe to which B\u0101bar&#8217;s grandmother, A\u012bs-daulat, belonged.<\/sup>\u00a0rejoined: \u2018Younger he is by years, but by the\u00a0<em>t\u016bra<\/em>,<sup>*The Rules of Ching\u012bz Kh\u0101n. These are referred to again on points of etiquette.<\/sup> he has precedence because he has more than once taken Samarqand by force of the sword.\u2019 (5<em>a<\/em>) At length they agreed that his Majesty should bow on coming in, and that Bad\u012b&#8217;u-z-zam\u0101n should then advance to show him honour, and they should embrace. The m\u012brz\u0101 was not attending when his Majesty came in at the door; Q\u0101sim Beg clutched my royal father&#8217;s girdle and pulled it, and said to Barand\u016bq Beg and \u1e94\u016b&#8217;l-n\u016bn Beg: \u2018The agreement was that the m\u012brz\u0101 should come forward and that then they should embrace one another.\u2019 The prince then advanced in great agitation and they embraced.<\/p>\n<p>As long as his Majesty was in Khur\u0101s\u0101n, each one of the princes showed him hospitality, and feasts were arranged, and excursions to all the gardens and places of interest. They set forth to him the inconvenience of winter, and said: \u2018Wait till it is over, and we will fight the Uzbegs.\u2019 But they could not in any way settle about the war. Eighty years<sup>*A well-rounded number. Sult\u0324\u0101n \u1e24usain was born 842H. (1438), and died 911H. (1506). B\u0101bar calls the joint-kingship of his sons a strange arrangement and one never heard of, and quotes Sa&#8217;d\u012b&#8217;s well-known couplet as applicable &#8211; &#8216;Ten darvishes can sleep on one rug, but one climate cannot hold two kings.&#8217;<\/sup> long had Sult\u0324\u0101n \u1e24usain M\u012brz\u0101 kept Khur\u0101s\u0101n safe and sound, but the m\u012brz\u0101s could not fill their father&#8217;s place for six months. When his Majesty saw that they were careless<sup>*While on the Murgh-\u0101b, B\u0101bar agreed to winter in Khur\u0101s\u0101n, and he went with the joint-kings to Her\u0101t in order to see the &#8216; sights &#8216; of that renowned city. He certainly worked hard, for he names some fifty-two which he saw in twenty days. The invitation to winter was repeated, but neither quarters nor suitable conveniences (? revenues) were allotted. B\u0101bar delicately says he could not explain his real motive for not remaining, and left under pressure of necessity on December 24th, 1506, after snow had fallen along a route which was a month&#8217;s ordinary journey. It was during this absence from K\u0101bul that he married Maham, Hum\u0101y\u016bn&#8217;s mother.<\/sup> about his expenses and revenue, he went to K\u0101bul on the pretext of seeing the places he had assigned to himself. (5<em>b<\/em>) Much snow had fallen that year. They took the wrong road. His Majesty and Q\u0101sim Beg chose one<sup>*Through the Aim\u0101q and Haz\u0101ra country, and south of his route to Her\u0101t.<\/sup> because of its shortness, but the am\u012brs had given other advice, and when this was not taken, they all left him without a thought for him. He and Q\u0101sim Beg and his sons made a road in two or three days by removing the snow, and the people of the army followed. So they reached Gh\u016brband. Some Haz\u0101ra rebels having met his Majesty here, there was fighting; and cattle and sheep and goods without number belonging to the Haz\u0101ra fell into the hands of his people. Then they started for K\u0101bul with their enormous booty.<\/p>\n<p>At the skirts of Min\u0101r Hill they heard that M\u012brz\u0101 Kh\u0101n<sup>*Sult\u0324\u0101n Wais, a son of B\u0101bar&#8217;s paternal uncle, Ma\u1e25m\u016bd, and his maternal aunt (<em>i.e.<\/em>, his mother&#8217;s half-sister), Sult\u0324\u0101n Nig\u0101r Kh\u0101nam.<\/sup> and M\u012brz\u0101 Mu\u1e25ammad \u1e24usain\u00a0<em>G\u016brk\u0101n<\/em><sup>*Father of \u1e24aidar M\u012brz\u0101 <em>Dughl\u0101t<\/em>, author of the\u00a0<em>T\u0101r\u012bkh-i-rash\u012bd\u012b<\/em>. He married Kh\u016bb-nig\u0101r, full-sister of B\u0101bar&#8217;s mother.<\/sup>\u00a0had rebelled and were holding K\u0101bul. His Majesty sent a comforting and cheering letter (to his friends in the fort), and said: \u2018Be of good heart! I too am here. (6<em>a<\/em>) I will light a fire on the Hill of the Moon-faced Lady; do you light one on the Treasury, so that I may be sure you know of our coming. In the morning we will fall on the enemy, you from that side and we from this.\u2019 But he had fought and won before the people of the fort came out.<\/p>\n<p>M\u012brz\u0101 Kh\u0101n hid himself in his mother&#8217;s house; she was his Majesty&#8217;s maternal aunt. M\u012brz\u0101 Mu\u1e25ammad \u1e24usain was in his wife&#8217;s house. She was his Majesty&#8217;s younger maternal aunt. He flung himself down on a carpet, and in fear of his life cried to a servant, \u2018Fasten it up!\u2019 His Majesty&#8217;s people heard of this. They took him out of the carpet and brought him to the presence. In the end, his Majesty forgave the m\u012brz\u0101s their offences, for the sake of his aunts. He used to go, in his old fashion, in and out of his aunts&#8217; houses,<sup>*Text, <em>kh\u0101na kh\u0101l\u012b kh\u0101lah\u0101&#8217;\u012b<\/em>. This I do not understand, as there were certainly no mothers&#8217; brothers present in K\u0101bul now.<\/sup>\u00a0and showed them more and more affection, so that no mist of trouble might dim their hearts. He assigned them places and holdings in the plain-country. (6<em>b<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>God the most High, having freed K\u0101bul from the power of M\u012brz\u0101 Kh\u0101n, committed it to my royal father&#8217;s care. He was then twenty-three years old<sup>*He was twenty-three when he took K\u0101bul from Mu\u1e25ammad Muq\u012bm <em>Argh\u016bn<\/em> in 1504. M\u012brz\u0101 Kh\u0101n&#8217;s rebellion took place two years later.<\/sup> and had no child and greatly desired one. In his seventeenth year a girl<sup>*Fakhru-n-nis\u0101&#8217;, the Glory of Women. &#8216;She was my first child, and I was just nineteen. In a month, or forty days, she went to the mercy of God.&#8217; (Mems. 90.)<\/sup>\u00a0had been born to him by &#8216;\u0100yisha Sult\u0324\u0101n Begam, a daughter of Sult\u0324\u0101n A\u1e25mad M\u012brz\u0101, but she had died in a month. The most high God blessed the taking of K\u0101bul, for after it eighteen children were born. (1.) Of my Lady (<em>Ak\u0101m<\/em>)<sup>*Written sometimes ATcam, and sometimes\u00a0<em>Ak\u0101m<\/em>. The T\u016brk\u012b\u00a0<em>Ak\u0101<\/em>\u00a0is used as a title of respect from a junior to a senior. It has also the sense &#8216; elder brother,&#8217; which makes application to a woman doubtful. (<em>Cf<\/em>. Vamb\u00e9ry&#8217;s &#8216;Cagataische Sprach-studien.&#8217;) B\u0101bar uses the word (Mems. 208.), and Mr. Erskine suggests to read &#8216; My Lady.&#8217;<\/sup> who was M\u0101ham Begam there were born his Majesty the Emperor Hum\u0101y\u016bn, and B\u0101rb\u016bl M\u012brz\u0101, and Mihr-j\u0101n (jah\u0101n) Begam, and Ish\u0101n-daulat Begam, and F\u0101r\u016bq M\u012brz\u0101.<sup>*Born 1525 ; died 1527. His father never saw him.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>(2.) Ma&#8217;\u1e63\u016bma Sult\u0324\u0101n Begam, daughter of Sult\u0324\u0101n A\u1e25mad M\u012brz\u0101, died in childbed. The mother&#8217;s name they gave to the daughter.<\/p>\n<p>(3.) Of Gul-rukh Begam were born K\u0101mr\u0101n M\u012brz\u0101, and &#8216;Askar\u012b M\u012brz\u0101, and Sh\u0101h-rukh M\u012brz\u0101, and Sult\u0324\u0101n A\u1e25mad M\u012brz\u0101, and Gul-&#8216;i\u1e95\u0101r Begam.<\/p>\n<p>(4.) Of Dil-d\u0101r Begam were born Gul-rang Begam, and Gul-chihra Begam, and Hind\u0101l M\u012brz\u0101, and Gul-badan Begam, and Alwar M\u012brz\u0101.<sup>*Gul-badan or her copyist does not balance accounts. She says eighteen, and names sixteen children. This may be a clerical error only.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>In short, in taking K\u0101bul he got a good omen. All his children were born there except two begams who were born in Khost, viz., Mihr-j\u0101n Begam, a daughter of M\u0101ham Begam, and Gul-rang, a daughter of Dil-d\u0101r Begam. (7<em>a<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>The blessed birth of the Emperor Hum\u0101y\u016bn, the first-born son of his Majesty\u00a0<em>Firdaus-mak\u0101n\u012b<\/em>, occurred in the night of Tuesday, \u1e94\u016b&#8217;l-qa&#8217;da 4th, 913H. (March 6th, 1508), in the citadel of K\u0101bul, and when the sun was in the sign Pisces.<\/p>\n<p>That same year his Majesty was pleased to order the am\u012brs and the rest of the world to style him emperor (<em>b\u0101dsh\u0101h<\/em>). For before the birth of the Emperor Hum\u0101y\u016bn he had been named and styled M\u012brz\u0101 B\u0101bar. All kings&#8217; sons were called m\u012brz\u0101s. In the year of his Majesty Hum\u0101y\u016bn&#8217;s birth he styled himself\u00a0<em>b\u0101dsh\u0101h<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>They found<sup>*i.e., by <em>abjad<\/em>.\u00a0<em>Cf<\/em>. Steingass&#8217; Persian Dictionary,\u00a0<em>s.v. abjad<\/em>.<\/sup>\u00a0the date of the birth in\u00a0<em>Sul\u1e6dan Hum\u0101y\u016bn Kh\u0101n<\/em>, and also in\u00a0<em>Sh\u0101h-(i)-f\u012broz-qadr<\/em>.<sup>*&#8217;The king, victorious in might.&#8217;<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>After children had been born to him, news came that Sh\u0101h Ism\u0101&#8217;\u012bl had killed Sh\u0101h\u012b Beg Kh\u0101n.<sup>*At Merv, December 2nd, 1510. <em>Cf<\/em>. B. &amp; H., I. 302. On the removal of this formidable foe, Babar again tried to regain his ancestral lands, but was still outmatched by the Uzbegs. Defeat by them led him to take a road of less resistance through Bajaur to Hind\u016bst\u0101n.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>His Majesty at this time entrusted K\u0101bul to N\u0101\u1e63ir<sup>*B\u0101bar&#8217;s half-brother, son of Um\u012bd, an Andij\u0101n\u012b.<\/sup> M\u012brz\u0101, and set out<sup>*January, 1511 (Shaww\u0101l, 916H.).<\/sup>\u00a0for Samarqand, taking with him his people and wives and children, who were Hum\u0101y\u016bn M\u012brz\u0101, and Mihr-jah\u0101n Begam, and B\u0101rb\u016bl M\u012brz\u0101, and Ma&#8217;\u1e63\u016bma Begam, and K\u0101mr\u0101n M\u012brz\u0101. (7<em>b<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>With help from Sh\u0101h Ism\u0101&#8217;\u012bl, he took Samarqand (October, 1511), and for eight (lunar) months the whole of M\u0101war\u0101&#8217;u-n-nahr (Transoxiana) was in his power. Owing to want of co-operation in his brothers and to the oppo\u00adsition of the Mughals,<sup>*For a more interesting cause of defeat, <em>cf<\/em>. B. &amp; H., I. 321,\u00a0<em>et seq<\/em>. &#8216;Ubaidu-1-l\u0101h was Shaib\u0101n\u012b&#8217;s nephew. K\u016bl (Lake) Malik is in Bokh\u0101r\u0101. B\u0101bar was again defeated by the Uzbegs in this same year (1511).<\/sup> he was defeated at K\u016bl Malik by &#8216;Ubaidu-l-l\u0101h Kh\u0101n. As he could not remain in those parts, he set out for Badakhsh\u0101n and K\u0101bul, and put out of his head further thought of M\u0101war\u0101&#8217;u-n-nahr.<\/p>\n<p>He had become master of K\u0101bul in 910H. (1504). He had always desired to go into Hind\u016bst\u0101n, and had not carried out his wish because of the feeble counsels of his am\u012brs and the non-agreement of his brothers. When at length these were gone,<sup>*<em>i.e.<\/em>, dead. Jah\u0101ng\u012br died in 1507 and N\u0101sir in 1515, both from drinking. This passage resembles B\u0101bar&#8217;s own words. (Mems. 309.)<\/sup>\u00a0and there remained no am\u012br such as could argue against it, he accomplished his desire.<\/p>\n<p>Bajaur<sup>*Gul-badan is confusingly brief. Bajaur was attacked 925H. (1519) on the way to India, and its people put to the sword because they were &#8216;rebels to followers of Islam&#8217; and addicted to infidel customs. (Mems. 246 <em>et seq<\/em>..)<\/sup>\u00a0he took in two or three hours and ordered a general massacre.<\/p>\n<p>On the same day the father of Afgh\u0101n\u012b\u00a0<em>\u0101gh\u0101cha<\/em>,<sup>*The Afgh\u0101n Lady. It is thus that Gul-badan always speaks of B\u012bb\u012b (Lady) Mubarika, the Y\u016bsufzai wife of B\u0101bar. Pavet de Courteille defines\u00a0<em>\u0101gh\u0101cha<\/em>\u00a0thus : &#8216;Se dit des femmes par opposition \u00e0 begam et khanam; dame.&#8217; I do not in Gul-badan&#8217;s work trace any disrespect attaching to &#8216;<em>\u0101gh\u0101cha<\/em>,&#8217; such as is indicated by &#8216;<em>concubine<\/em>,&#8217; as which it is sometimes translated.<\/sup> Malik Man\u1e63\u016br Y\u016bsufzai, came in and paid his respects. (8<em>a<\/em>) His Majesty took his daughter in marriage and then gave him leave to depart. He bestowed on him a horse and a suit of honour befitting a ruler, and said to him: \u2018Go and bring men and labourers, etc., to your native land and cultivate it.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>Q\u0101sim Beg,<sup>*Q\u0101sim Beg <em>Q\u016bch\u012bn<\/em>, an ancient Beg of Andij\u0101n, and one of B\u0101bar&#8217;s best followers.<\/sup> who was in K\u0101bul, sent a letter saying: \u2018Another prince has been born. I have ventured to write as an omen of the conquest of Hind and of taking its throne. As for the rest, the Emperor is master, whatever is his pleasure\u2019<sup>*Qy., as to the child&#8217;s name. His true name was Muh. N\u0101sir, but he is only known as Hind\u0101l. He was Gul-badan&#8217;s full brother, and was given, before birth, to Maham Begam, who had lost all her children younger than Humayun.\u00a0<em>Cf<\/em>. 24a n.<\/sup> (let it be done). In an auspicious hour his Majesty named him M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l.<\/p>\n<p>Having subdued Bajaur, his Majesty went towards the Bh\u012bra country, and on his arrival made peace without plundering. He took four\u00a0<em>laks<\/em>\u00a0of\u00a0<em>sh\u0101hrukh\u012bs<\/em><sup>*Estimated by Mr. Erskine at about 20,000 sterling.<\/sup> and gave to his army, dividing them according to the number of his followers. He then set out for K\u0101bul.<sup>*End of February, 1519. In his winning fashion Babar relates that he forbade the news of his return to be taken to Kabul, and that there was therefore no time to put his boys, Hum\u0101y\u016bn and K\u0101mr\u0101n, on horseback, and that they were carried out in the arms of the nearest servants to offer their duty on his return, to a place between the fort gates and the citadel.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>Just now came a letter from Badakhsh\u0101n saying: \u2018M\u012brz\u0101 Kh\u0101n is dead;<sup>*<em>Cir<\/em>. 926H. (1520).\u00a0<em>Cf<\/em>. Mems. 286 n., and\u00a0<em>T\u0101r. Rash.<\/em>, Ney Elias and Boss, 373 n.<\/sup>\u00a0M\u012brz\u0101 Sulaim\u0101n is young; the Uzbegs are near; take thought for this kingdom lest (which God forbid) Badakhsh\u0101n should be lost.\u2019 (8<em>b<\/em>) Until there should be thought taken, M\u012brz\u0101 Sulaim\u0101n&#8217;s mother<sup>*Sult\u0324\u0101n Nig\u0101r Kh\u0101nam.<\/sup> had brought him (to the Emperor). Agreeably to this petition and their wish, the Emperor assigned to M\u012brz\u0101 Sulaim\u0101n the lands and inheritance which had been his father&#8217;s, and he gave Badakhsh\u0101n to M\u012brz\u0101 Hum\u0101y\u016bn.<\/p>\n<p>The m\u012brz\u0101 set out for his province. His Majesty and my Lady (<em>Ak\u0101m<\/em>) followed and also went to Badakhsh\u0101n, and there spent several days together. The m\u012brz\u0101 remained and my royal father and my Lady came back to K\u0101bul<sup>*Hum\u0101y\u016bn was now thirteen years old. He was young to be sent so far as Badakhsh\u0101n. That his parents went with him is one of Gul-badan&#8217;s life-giving touches. <em>Ak\u0101m<\/em>\u00a0may now well have shown her boy to her father and her kinsfolk in Khost. (Memoirs of B\u0101yaz\u012bd, 1.0. MS., 26<em>a<\/em>.).<\/sup> (926H.\u20141520).<\/p>\n<p>After a time his Majesty set out for Qil\u0101t and Qandah\u0101r.<sup>*Held now by Sh\u0101h Beg <em>Argh\u016bn<\/em>, father of Sh\u0101h \u1e24usain, Hum\u0101y\u016bn&#8217;s later enemy in Sind. Firishta gives three years as the duration of the siege, Kh\u0101f\u012b Kh\u0101n four years, and M\u012brz\u0101 \u1e24aidar five years. The occurrence unfortunately coincides with one of the gaps in the emoirs. This was B\u0101bar&#8217;s culminating attempt on Qandah\u0101r ; his first being in 1505, this one seems to have ended in 1522 (928H.).<\/sup>\u00a0He was victorious at once in Qil\u0101t, and went on to Qanda-h\u0101r and kept its garrison shut up for a year and a half. Then, by the Divine favour and after great fighting and skirmishing, he captured it. Much gold fell into his hands, and he gave moneys and camels to his soldiers and the people of the army. Qandah\u0101r he bestowed on M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n, and himself set off for K\u0101bul.<\/p>\n<p>His advance camp having been set up,<sup>*Gul-badan, by a sudden transition, passes over some three years, and, as it seems, using her father&#8217;s Memoirs, enters on the account of his last and successful expedition to Hind\u016bst\u0101n. Yak Langa is a hill between Kabul and Butkhak, and on the road to Jal\u0101l\u0101b\u0101d.<\/sup>\u00a0he crossed the hill of Yak Langa, and gloriously alighted in the valley of D\u012bh-i-ya&#8217;q\u016bb on Friday, \u1e62afar 1st, 932H. (November 17th, 1525), when the sun was in Sagittarius. (9<em>a<\/em>) He spent the following day there, and on the next set forth, march by march, for Hind\u016bst\u0101n. In the seven or eight years since 925H. (1519)<sup>*Text, 935H. ; clearly a slip.<\/sup>\u00a0the royal army had several times renewed the attempt on Hind\u016bst\u0101n. Each time it used to conquer lands and districts, such as Bh\u012bra, Bajaur, S\u012b\u0101lk\u016bt, D\u012bp\u0101lp\u016br, L\u0101h\u014dr, etc., up to the fifth time, when on \u1e62afar 1st, 932H., his Majesty went, march by march, from his glorious en\u00adcamping in D\u012bh-i-ya&#8217;q\u016bb towards Hind\u016bst\u0101n. He conquered L\u0101h\u014dr and Sirhind, and every country that lay on his path.<\/p>\n<p>On Friday, Rajab 8th, 932H. (April 20th, 1526), he arrayed battle at P\u0101n\u012bpat<sup>*&#8217;A far-reaching, almost illimitable level tract, broken only by insignificant undulations. Here and there, where the shallow soil is moistened from some niggardly watercourse, grow sparse grasses and stunted thorn-bushes. But, for the most part, the eye falls only on the uniform yellowish-gray waste of sterile earth. Everywhere empty silence reigns, and it would almost seem as if this desert had been designed for the battlefield of nations.&#8217; (Emperor Akbar, F. v. Noer., trs. A.S.B. I. 74.) Thrice in modern times a decisive battle has been fought out here : (1) by B\u0101bar against Ibr\u0101him and the Lod\u012bs, 1526; (2) by Akbar against the Indian Afgh\u0101ns in 1556 ; and (3) by Ahmad Sh\u0101h Durr\u0101n\u012b against the M\u0101rath\u0101s in 1761.<\/sup>\u00a0against Sult\u0324\u0101n Ibr\u0101h\u012bm, son of Sult\u0324\u0101n Sikandar, son of Bahl\u016bl\u00a0<em>Lod\u012b<\/em>. By God&#8217;s grace he was victorious, and Sult\u0324\u0101n Ibr\u0101h\u012bm was killed in the fight.<\/p>\n<p>His victory was won purely by the Divine grace, for Sult\u0324\u0101n Ibr\u0101h\u012bm had a\u00a0<em>lak<\/em>\u00a0and 80,000 horse, and as many as 1,500 head of fierce elephants; (9<em>b<\/em>) while his Majesty&#8217;s army with the traders and good and all (<em>badr (?) bad<\/em>, bad) was 12,000 persons and he had, at the outside, 6,000 or 7,000 serviceable men.<\/p>\n<p>The treasures of five kings fell into his hands. He gave everything away. The am\u012brs of Hind represented that in Hind\u016bst\u0101n it was thought disgraceful to expend the treasure of bygone kings, and that people rather added and added to it, while his Majesty, on the contrary, had given all away.<sup>*B\u0101bar distributed the treasure on the llth or 12th of May, 1526, and left himself so little that he was dubbed <em>qalandar.<\/em><\/sup><\/p>\n<p>Khw\u0101ja<sup>*M. Gar\u00e7in de Tassy says, in his &#8216;M\u00e9moire sur la Religion Musalmane&#8217; (46 n.) that khw\u0101ja, like sayyid, is a title for a descendant of Muhammad. Shaw&#8217;s T\u016brk\u012b Dictionary states that khw\u0101ja is applied to the offspring of a sayyid by a woman of another family, also to their descendants. I find many instances where both titles are applied to the same man.<\/sup> Kil\u0101n<sup>*One of B\u0101bar&#8217;s most admirable followers and friends, and perhaps a relation. He was one of seven brothers, sons of Maul\u0101n\u0101 Muhammad <i>Sadru-d-d\u012bn<\/i>, who spent their lives in B\u0101bar&#8217;s service. <\/sup>Beg asked leave several times to go to K\u0101bul. He said: \u2018My constitution is not fitted for the climate of Hind\u016bst\u0101n. If leave were given, I should tarry awhile in K\u0101bul.\u2019 His Majesty was not at all, at all willing for him to go, but at last gave permission because he saw him so very urgent. He said: &#8216;When you go, I shall send some of the valuable presents and curiosities of Hind which fell into our hands through the victory over Sult\u0324\u0101n Ibr\u0101h\u012bm, to my elder relations<sup>*wal\u012byu-n-ni&#8217;matan, lords of beneficence. Gul-badan&#8217;s application of it is to &#8216; benevolent ladies,&#8217;\u00a0<em>i.e.<\/em>, the numerous aunts. It is a title of respect for seniors.<\/sup>\u00a0and sisters and each person of the\u00a0<em>\u1e25aram<\/em>. You take them. I shall write a list, and you will distribute them according to it. (10<em>a<\/em>) You will order a tent with a screen to be set up in the Garden of the Audience Hall for each begam,<sup>*I think each begam was to encamp with her own establishment and within her own enclosure (<em>sar\u0101parda<\/em>), and not in hasty camp fashion of community of quarters. This would exalt the assembly.<\/sup> and when a pleasant meeting-place has been arranged, the begams are to make the prostration of thanks for the complete victory which has been brought about.<\/p>\n<p>\u2018To each begam is to be delivered as follows: one special dancing-girl of the dancing-girls of Sult\u0324\u0101n Ibr\u0101h\u012bm, with one gold plate full of jewels\u2014ruby and pearl, cornelian and diamond, emerald and turquoise, topaz and cat&#8217;s-eye\u2014and two small mother-o&#8217;-pearl trays full of\u00a0<em>ashraf\u012bs<\/em>, and on two other trays\u00a0<em>sh\u0101hrukh\u0101s<\/em>,<sup>*It is waste of time to try to estimate the amount of these money gifts, made as they were in coins of uncertain value and recorded, probably on hearsay, more than fifty years after bestowal. Mr. Erskine puts the <em>sh\u0101hrukh\u012b<\/em>\u00a0at from lOd. to 1s., Steingass,\u00a0<em>s.v.ashraf\u012b<\/em>, gives for its value about 16\u00a0<em>rup\u012bs<\/em>, presumably of undegenerated rank.<\/sup>\u00a0and all sorts of stuffs by nines\u2014 that is, four trays and one plate. Take a dancing-girl and another plate of jewels, and one each of\u00a0<em>ashraf\u012bs<\/em>\u00a0and\u00a0<em>sh\u0101hrukh\u012bs<\/em>, and present, in accordance with my directions, to my elder relations the very plate of jewels and the self\u00adsame dancing-girl which I have given for them. I have made other gifts;<sup>*Qy., for the elder relations.<\/sup>\u00a0convey these afterwards. (10<em>b<\/em>) Let them divide and present jewels and\u00a0<em>ashraf\u012bs<\/em>\u00a0and\u00a0<em>sh\u0101h-rukh\u012bs\u00a0<\/em>and stuffs to my sisters and children and the\u00a0<em>\u1e25arams<\/em><sup>*Presumably of his kinsmen and of officers whose families were with B\u0101bar&#8217;s own in K\u0101bul.<\/sup> and kinsmen, and to the begams and \u0101gh\u0101s<sup>*This word seems to describe women who were heads of household departments and not merely the guardians of <em>\u1e25arams<\/em>.<\/sup> and nurses and foster-brethren and ladies, and to all who pray for me.\u2019 The gifts were made according to the list.<\/p>\n<p>Three happy days they remained together in the Audience Hall Garden. They were uplifted by pride, and recited the\u00a0<em>f\u0101ti\u1e25a<\/em><sup>*The first chapter of the Q\u016bran.<\/sup> for the benediction and prosperity of his Majesty, and joyfully made the prostration of thanks.<sup>*In this prostration the forehead touches the ground.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>The Emperor sent by Khw\u0101ja Kil\u0101n a large\u00a0<em>ashraf\u012b<\/em>,<sup>*Perhaps from the Lod\u012b treasury. (<em>Cf<\/em>. J.A.S.B. Proceedings, 1883 ; Thomas, 423; Richardson&#8217;s Ar. &amp; Per. Diet.,\u00a0<em>s.v. sikka<\/em>\u00a0; Memoirs of the Mughal Empire, Jonathan Scott, 3 and 3 n.)<\/sup> which weighed three imperial <em>s\u012br<\/em>, that is, fifteen\u00a0<em>s\u012br<\/em> of Hind, for \u2026 &#8216;Asas.<sup>*Lit. a night-guard. The words preceding &#8216;Asas offer much difficulty. They may be read <em>ba &#8216;amm\u016b<\/em>,to the paternal uncle of &#8216;Asas. But the story is of &#8216;Asas, the night-guard and not of his uncle. Perhaps\u00a0<em>&#8216;amm\u016b<\/em>\u00a0is a clerical error for\u00a0<em>&#8216;amah<\/em>, bewilderment, misleading, and this would suit the story well. Mr. Beveridge has suggested to me to read\u00a0<em>&#8216;Umar\u012b<\/em>, i.e., an old servant of &#8216;Umar Shaikh. This, too, would be appropriate, for the victim of the hoax is clearly an old man. The title &#8216;Asas is applied several times by B\u0101bar. One &#8216;Asas was a boon companion and partook of B\u0101bar&#8217;s vow before the battle of Kh\u0101nwa. (Mems. 283 and 354 ; Firishta, Pers. Text, Briggs I. 449.) Gul-badan names one (206) as entrusted with the care of Babar&#8217;s tomb, Muh. &#8216;Al\u012b &#8216;Asas. I think he was brother to Ma\u0101ham Begam, and the governor of Ka\u0101bul whom Kamr\u0101n murdered in 1547.<\/sup> He said to the Khw\u0101ja: \u2018If &#8216;Asas asks you, \u201cWhat has the Emperor sent for me?\u201d say, \u201cOne <em>ashraf\u012b<\/em>,\u201d\u2019 as there really was only one. &#8216;Asas was amazed, and fretted about it for three days. His Majesty had ordered that a hole should be bored in the\u00a0<em>ashraf\u012b<\/em>, and that &#8216;Asas should be blindfolded and the\u00a0<em>ashraf\u012b<\/em>\u00a0hung round his neck, and that then he was to be sent into the\u00a0<em>\u1e25aram<\/em>. The hole was bored and the\u00a0<em>ashraf\u012b<\/em>\u00a0hung round his neck. He was quite helpless with surprise at its weight, and delighted and very, very happy. He took it in both hands, and wondered over it and said, \u2018No one shall get my\u00a0<em>ashraf\u012b<\/em>.\u2019 Each begam, too, gave (? him) ten or twelve\u00a0<em>ashraf\u012b<\/em>, so he had seventy or eighty. (11<em>a<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>After Khw\u0101ja Kil\u0101n Beg had started for K\u0101bul, the Emperor made gifts in Agra to his Majesty Hum\u0101y\u016bn and to all the m\u012brz\u0101s and Sult\u0324\u0101ns and am\u012brs. He sent letters in all directions, urgently saying, \u2018We shall take into full favour all who enter our service, and especially such as served our father and grandfather and ancestors. If such will come to us, they will receive fitting benefits. Whoever there may be of the families of\u00a0<em>\u1e62\u0101\u1e25ib-qir\u0101n<\/em>\u00a0and Ching\u012bz Kh\u0101n, let them turn towards our court. The most High has given us sovereignty in Hind\u016bst\u0101n; let them come that we may see prosperity together.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>Seven<sup>*Six only named.<\/sup>\u00a0daughters of Sult\u0324\u0101n Ab\u016b-sa&#8217;\u012bd came (to Hind\u016b-st\u0101n): G\u016bhar-sh\u0101d Begam, and Fakhr-jah\u0101n Begam, and Khad\u012bja Sult\u0324\u0101n Begam, and Bad\u012b&#8217;u-l-jam\u0101l Begam, and \u0100q Begam, and Sult\u0324\u0101n Bakht Begam.<\/p>\n<p>(Also) Zainab Sult\u0324\u0101n K\u1e25\u0101nam, daughter of his Majesty&#8217;s maternal uncle, Sult\u0324\u0101n Ma\u1e25m\u016bd Kh\u0101n, and Mu\u1e25ibb Sult\u0324\u0101n K\u1e25\u0101nam,<sup>*Wife of M\u012brz\u0101 \u1e24aidar\u00a0<em>Dughl\u0101t<\/em>, the historian.<\/sup>\u00a0daughter of\u00a0<em>Il\u0101cha<\/em>\u00a0Kh\u0101n (A\u1e25mad), his Majesty&#8217;s younger maternal uncle.<\/p>\n<p>In short, all the begams and kh\u0101nams went, ninety-six persons in all, and all received houses and lands and gifts to their heart&#8217;s desire. (11<em>b<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>All through the four years that (my father) was in \u0100gra he used to go on Fridays to see his paternal aunts. One day it was extremely hot, and her Highness my lady (<em>Ak\u0101m<\/em>) said, \u2018The wind is very hot, indeed; how would it be if you did not go this one Friday? The begams would not be vexed.\u2019 His Majesty said, \u2018M\u0101ham! it is astonishing that you should say such things! The daughters of Ab\u016b-sa&#8217;\u012bd Sult\u0324\u0101n M\u012brz\u0101, who have been deprived of father and brothers! If I do not cheer them, how will it be done?\u2019<\/p>\n<p>To the architect, Khw\u0101ja Q\u0101sim, his Majesty gave the following order: \u2018We command a piece of good service from you. It is this: whatever work, even if it be on a great scale, our paternal aunts may order done in their palace, give it precedence, and carry it out with might and main.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>He commanded buildings to be put up in \u0100gra on the other side of the river<sup>*<em>i.e.<\/em>, opposite the fort.<\/sup>\u00a0and a stone palace to be built for himself between the\u00a0<em>\u1e25aram<\/em>\u00a0and the garden. He also had one built in the audience court, with a reservoir in the middle and four chambers in the four towers. On the river&#8217;s bank he had a\u00a0<em>chaukand\u012b<\/em><sup>*&#8217;A building on the roof which has a door on each of the four sides.&#8217; Vullers, 602. B\u0101daon\u012b uses <em>ghurfa<\/em>, upper room, as an equivalent.\u00a0<em>Cf<\/em>. Elliot&#8217;s History of India, V. 347 and 503.<\/sup>\u00a0built. (12<em>a<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>He ordered a tank made in Dholp\u016br, ten by ten,<sup>*About 20 feet by 20 feet. (Mems. 398 n. .).<\/sup>\u00a0out of a single mass of rock, and used to say, \u2018When it is finished, I will fill it with wine.\u201d But as he had given up wine before the fight with R\u0101n\u0101 Sang\u0101, he filled it with lemonade.<\/p>\n<p>A year after Sult\u0324\u0101n Ibr\u0101h\u012bm&#8217;s death, the r\u0101n\u0101<sup>*This decisive battle was fought on March 16th, 1527, on the skirts of the hill of S\u012bkr\u012b, at Kh\u0101nwa. Akbar&#8217;s <em>pr\u00e6nomen<\/em>\u00a0of Fat\u1e25ip\u016br the City of Victory was given to S\u012bkr\u012b in 1573 to commemorate the Gujr\u0101t campaign.<\/sup> appeared from the Mand\u016b (or Hind\u016b) side with a countless host. Am\u012brs and r\u0101jas and r\u0101n\u0101s, every one of those who had come earlier and paid duty to his Majesty, now became an enemy and went and joined the r\u0101n\u0101, until K\u016bl-jal\u0101l\u012b and Sambhal and R\u0101pr\u012b\u2014every\u00a0<em>pargana<\/em>,\u2014and r\u0101&#8217;is and r\u0101jas and Afgh\u0101ns became hostile. Nearly two\u00a0<em>laks<\/em>\u00a0of cavalry assembled.<\/p>\n<p>At this time, Mu\u1e25ammad Shar\u012bf, the astrologer, said to the royal soldiers, \u2018It would be best for the Emperor not to fight, for the constellation\u00a0<em>Sakkiz Yildoz<\/em> (Eight Stars) is opposite.\u2019 Amazing perturbation fell upon the royal army. They became exceedingly anxious and troubled<sup>*When the fight had been won, B\u0101bar soundly rated Muhammad Shar\u012bf, gave him money, and dismissed him to the place from which he had emerged, apparently only to cause trouble. He had come to India with a royal kinsman from K\u0101bul, and to K\u0101bul in 1519 from Khost (M\u0101ham&#8217;s home).<\/sup>\u00a0and showed signs of cowardice. (12<em>b<\/em>) When his Majesty saw his army in this state, he thought over the whole position. As the enemy was close at hand, this device occurred to his blessed mind; he ordered the remnant of what remained over and above deserters and enemies, to gather together. One and all came\u2014am\u012brs and kh\u0101ns and Sult\u0324\u0101ns; plebeian and noble, low and high. Then he addressed them, and said: \u2018Do you not know that there lies a journey of some months between us and the land of our birth and our familiar city? If our side is defeated, (God preserve us from that day! God forbid it!) where are we? where is our birthplace? where our city? We have to do with strangers and foreigners. It is in every way best for each man to set resolutely before himself the two alterna\u00adtives: if we win, we are avengers of the cause of God; if we lose, we die martyrs. In either fate is our salvation; each is a step and upward stage in greatness.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>To this they all agreed. They swore by the divorce of their wives and on the Holy Book; they recited the\u00a0<em>f\u0101ti\u1e25a<\/em>, and said, \u2018O King! God willing, we will not spare our\u00adselves in sacrifice and devotion, so long as there are breath and life in our bodies.\u2019<sup>*Mr. Erskine thus gives B\u0101bar&#8217;s words: &#8216;Every man dies. God only survives unchangeable. He who conies to life&#8217;s feast must drink the parting cup of death. How much better to die with honour than to live with infamy!&#8217; Perhaps, as Gul-badan says, B\u0101bar touched also the thought of home, and this would be recorded by the woman. <\/sup>(13<em>a<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>Two days before the battle his Majesty renounced wine, and, indeed, he forswore all forbidden things. Following his example, 400 young men of name, who had given proof of manliness and one-mindedness and friendship, also renounced these things when he did. His Majesty broke up all forbidden utensils,\u2014vessels of gold and of silver, goblets and flasks, etc.; and he gave them to the poor and needy.<\/p>\n<p>He also sent abroad\u00a0<em>firm\u0101ns<\/em>\u00a0with the announcement: \u2018We exempt (you) from all dues and octroi and tithe on corn, and from all illegal imposts, so that no one, trader or other, may be hampered in his comings and goings, but all may move unmolested and free from interference.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>In the night<sup>*B\u0101bar says that Q\u0101sim had come earlier and with 500 men. Muh. Shar\u012bf, the &#8216;rascally fellow&#8217; and &#8216;evil-minded wretch,&#8217; was with him. (Mems., 352.)<\/sup>\u00a0before the battle word was brought that Q\u0101sim \u1e24usain Sult\u0324\u0101n,\u2014a grandson of Sult\u0324\u0101n \u1e24usain M\u012brz\u0101 through a daughter, &#8216;\u0100yisha Sult\u0324\u0101n Begam,\u2014had come to within ten\u00a0<em>k\u00f5s<\/em>\u00a0(of the royal camp) on his way from Khur\u0101s\u0101n. (13<em>b<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>This news delighted his Majesty greatly. He asked, \u2018How many men are with him?\u2019 When he heard \u2018thirty or forty,\u2019 he at once sent off 1,000 troopers, all armed and equipped, at midnight, so that they might march in again with Q\u0101sim \u1e24usain Sult\u0324\u0101n, and in this way the enemy and outsiders be let know that reinforcements had come in good time. Everyone who heard the plan thought it a good one.<\/p>\n<p>Next morning, which was March 16th, 1527 (Jum\u0101da II. [13th], 933H.), his Majesty arrayed battle against R\u0101n\u0101 Sang\u0101 on the skirts of the hill of S\u012bkr\u012b, where now Fat\u1e25p\u016br has been built<sup>*How beautifully built may, in small part, be seen by visiting the Oriental section of the South Kensington Museum and there examining the architectural reproductions, the drawings of Mr. W. B. Carpenter, the photographs, etc. The South Kensington Museum and the British Museum furnish numerous illustrations for Gul-badan Begam&#8217;s MS., and add to it the charm of life and reality.<\/sup> and peopled. By the Divine grace he was victorious and became an avenger of the cause of God.<sup>*<em>Gh\u0101zi<\/em>. B\u0101bar now assumed this title, because he had vanquished non-Mu\u1e25ammadans.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>A year later my lady (<em>ak\u0101m<\/em>), who was M\u0101ham Begam, came from K\u0101bul to Hind\u016bst\u0101n. I, this insignificant one, came with her in advance of my sisters, and paid my duty to my royal father. When my lady reached K\u016bl(-jal\u0101l\u012b\u2014<em>i.e.<\/em>, &#8216;Alighar), his Majesty had sent two litters with three horsemen. (14<em>a<\/em>) She went on post-haste from K\u016bl to \u0100gra. His Majesty had intended to go as far as K\u016bl-jal\u0101l\u012b to meet her. At evening-prayer time some one came and said to him: \u2018I have just passed her Highness on the road, four miles out.\u2019 My royal father did not wait for a horse to be saddled but set out on foot. He met her near the house of M\u0101ham&#8217;s\u00a0<em>nanacha<\/em><sup>*<em>dar pesh kh\u0101na nanacha M\u0101ham.<\/em>\u00a0This might read &#8216;in the advance camp.&#8217; M\u0101ham&#8217;s\u00a0<em>nanacha<\/em>\u00a0appears thrice in the MS.: here and at 186 and 26a. She is clearly of the innermost circle. The word may be rendered &#8216; dear little mother,&#8217; and is one of close affection.<\/sup> She wished to alight, but he would not wait, and fell into her train and walked to his own house.<sup>*<em>Cf<\/em>. Mems., 423.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>At the time of her meeting his Majesty, she desired me to come on by daylight and pay my respects to him.<\/p>\n<p>\u2026 <sup>*<em>t\u016bq\u016bz.<\/em> The T\u00fcrks made kings&#8217; gifts by nines and attached superstitious reverence to the number.\u00a0<\/sup>nine troopers, with two sets of nine horses and the two extra litters which the Emperor had sent, and one litter which had been brought from K\u0101bul, and about a hundred of my lady&#8217;s Mughal servants, mounted on fine (<em>tip\u016bch\u0101q<\/em>) horses,<sup>*<em>A tip\u016bc\u0101q<\/em>\u00a0horse, according to Shaw, is long-necked like a T\u00fcrkm\u0101n horse, and it seems also to be one with speed, beauty, and specially-trained paces. Vamb\u00e9ry says, &#8216;ein fettes, gutes Pferd.&#8217;<\/sup> all elegance and beauty.<sup>*The above passage is inserted without break in the text and suggests transcription from an imperfect MS. It may be an enumeration of the items of the cortege which followed M\u0101ham with Gul-badan.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>My royal father&#8217;s Khal\u012bfa<sup>*Sayyid or Khw\u0101ja Niz\u0324\u0101mu-d-d\u012bn &#8216;Al\u012b <em>Barl\u0101s<\/em>\u00a0and B\u0101bar&#8217;s\u00a0<em>vaz\u012br<\/em>. His brother, Junaid\u00a0<em>Barl\u0101s<\/em>, married Shahr-b\u0101n\u016b, a half-sister of B\u0101bar.<\/sup> with his wife Sult\u0324\u0101nam<sup>*Clearly an intimate. There were close relations, as has been said, between this <em>Barl\u0101s<\/em>\u00a0family and B\u0101bar.\u00a0<em>Cf<\/em>. Biographical Appendix, s.n. Sult\u0324\u0101nam.<\/sup> came as far as Naugr\u0101m<sup>*Some four miles from \u0100gra and on the east of the Jamna. The royal palace was not yet built on the western bank. <em>Cf<\/em>. R\u0101jp\u016bt\u0101na Gazetteer, III. 274.<\/sup>\u00a0to meet (us). My\u00a0<em>m\u0101m\u0101s<\/em><sup>*Steingass translates &#8216;mother,&#8217; &#8216;matron,&#8217; and &#8216;old women.&#8217; One <em>m\u0101m\u0101<\/em>\u00a0is named later, &#8216; &#8216;Fakhru-n-nis\u0101&#8217;, my m\u0101m\u0101.&#8217; (26<em>a<\/em>) She was the mother of Nad\u012bm Khw\u0101ja\u00a0<em>k\u016bka<\/em>. She is several times mentioned, and it appears from a MS. belonging to Colonel Hanna which Mr. Beveridge has examined, that she was mother-in-law of the celebrated Maham\u00a0<em>anaga<\/em>\u00a0who was Nad\u012bm&#8217;s wife.<\/sup>\u00a0had made me alight at the Little Garden, and having spread a small carpet, seated me on it. They instructed me to rise when Khal\u012bfa came in, and to embrace him. When he came, I rose and embraced him. Then his wife Sult\u0324\u0101nam came in too. (14<em>b<\/em>) I, not knowing, wished to get up, but Khal\u012bfa raised objections, and said: \u2018She is your old serving-woman. There is no need to rise for her. Your father has exalted this old servant (? himself) by giving such an order<sup>*(?) as that she should rise to greet him.<\/sup>\u00a0about him. So be it! what power have slaves?\u2019<\/p>\n<p>From Khal\u012bfa I accepted 6,000\u00a0<em>sh\u0101hrukh\u012bs<\/em>\u00a0and five horses, and Sult\u0324\u0101nam gave me 3,000 and three horses. Then she said: \u2018A hasty meal (<em>m\u0101 \u1e25a\u1e93ar\u012b<\/em>) is ready. If you will eat you will honour your servants.\u2019 I consented. There was a raised platform in a pleasant spot, and a pavilion of red cloth with lining of Gujr\u0101t\u012b brocade, and six canopies of cloth and brocade, each of a (differing) colour, and a square enclosure<sup>*Text, <em>chah\u0101r ch\u016bqa-i-sar\u0101parda.<\/em>\u00a0<em>Cf. Notices et Extraits<\/em>, Quatremere, XIV. 498.<\/sup>\u00a0of cloth with painted poles.<\/p>\n<p>I sat in Khal\u012bfa&#8217;s quarters. The meal drew out to almost fifty roast sheep,<sup>*The &#8216;fifty&#8217; sheep will not reduce by any reading I can suggest. <em>Cf. anglice<\/em>\u00a0&#8216;heaps of,&#8217; &#8216;hundreds of,&#8217; etc. Perhaps the flock is a product of childish weariness recalled half a century later. Possibly one should read\u00a0<em>panj\u0101h\u0101r<\/em>, five foods,\u00a0<em>i.e.<\/em>, courses, dishes. Gul-badan is now between five and six. Her doubt as to the reception due to Sult\u0324\u0101nam rings true, and Khal\u012bfa&#8217;s words suggest a little play-acting to please the small traveller; he treated her like a grown-up, and she tried to act one.<\/sup>\u00a0and bread and sherbet and much fruit. Having at length eaten my breakfast, I got into my litter and went and paid my duty to my royal father. (15<em>a<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>I fell at his feet; he asked me many questions, and took me for a time in his arms, and then this insignificant person felt such happiness that greater could not be imagined.<\/p>\n<p>When we had been in \u0100gra three months, the Emperor went to Dholp\u016br. Her Highness M\u0101ham Begam and this lowly person also went. A tank had been made there, ten (<em>gaz<\/em>) by ten, out of one piece (of rock). From Dholp\u016br his Majesty went on to S\u012bkr\u012b. He ordered a great platform made in the middle of the tank, and when it was ready, he used to go and sit on it, or to row about. This platform still exists.<\/p>\n<p>They also made a\u00a0<em>chaukand\u012b<\/em>\u00a0in the S\u012bkr\u012b garden, and my royal father put up in it a\u00a0<em>t\u016br-kh\u0101na<sup>*&#8221;Perhaps a space enclosed by a low railing.&#8221; (Mems., 202 n..) Possibly and suitably, a mosquito-room (taur, net).\u00a0Cf. Khw\u0101ndam\u012br, B.M. Or. 1,762, and Add. 30,774, ff. 25-114.<\/sup><\/em> where he used to sit and write his book.<sup>*&#8221;The <em>T\u016bz\u016bk-i-b\u0101bar\u012b<\/em>.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>I and Afgh\u0101n\u012b\u00a0<em>\u0101gh\u0101cha<\/em>\u00a0were sitting in the front of the lower storey when my lady went to prayers. I said to Afgh\u0101n\u012b\u00a0<em>\u0101gh\u0101cha<\/em>: \u2018Pull my hand.\u2019 She pulled, and my hand came out. My strength went and I cried. (15<em>b<\/em>) Then they brought the bone-setter and when he had bound up my hand, the Emperor went to \u0100gra.<\/p>\n<p>After his arrival, word was brought that the begams were on the way from K\u0101bul. My royal father went as far as Naugr\u0101m to give honourable reception to my dearest lady (<em>aka-j\u0101nam<\/em>),<sup>*Kh\u0101nz\u0101da Begam.<\/sup>\u00a0who was my oldest paternal aunt and my royal father&#8217;s eldest sister. All the begams who had come with her, paid their duty to the Emperor in her quarters. They were very happy and made the prostration of thanks, and then set off for \u0100gra. The Emperor gave houses to all the begams.<\/p>\n<p>A few days later he made an excursion to the Gold-scattering Garden (<em>B\u0101gh-i-zar-afsh\u0101n<\/em>). There was a place in it for ablution before prayers. When he saw it, he said: \u2018My heart is bowed down by ruling and reigning; I will retire to this garden. As for attendance, T\u0324\u0101hir the ewer-bearer will amply suffice. I will make over the kingdom to Hum\u0101y\u016bn.\u2019 On this my lady (<em>ak\u0101m<\/em>) and all his children broke down, and said with tears: \u2018God keep you in His own peace upon the throne many, many years, and may all your children after you reach a good old age!\u2019 (16<em>a<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>A few days later Alwar M\u012brz\u0101 fell ill. His illness led to an affection of the bowels, which grew worse and worse in spite of all that the doctors could do, and at last he passed from this transitory world to the eternal home. His Majesty was very sad and sorry, and Alwar&#8217;s mother, Dil-d\u0101r Begam, was wild with grief for the child, who was a rarity of the world and unique of the age. As her lamenta\u00adtion passed due bounds, his Majesty said to my lady and the begams: \u2018Come, let us make an excursion to Dholp\u016br.\u2019 He himself went comfortably and pleasantly by water, and the begams also begged to go by boat.<\/p>\n<p>Just then there came a letter from Maul\u0101n\u0101 Mu\u1e25ammad Fargh\u0101r\u012b (Pargh\u0101l\u012b) in Dihl\u012b, saying: \u2018Hum\u0101y\u016bn M\u012brz\u0101 is ill and in an extraordinary state. Her Highness the begam should come at once to Dihl\u012b, for the m\u012brz\u0101 is much prostrated.\u2019<sup>*<em>Cf<\/em>.\u00a0<em>B\u0101bar-n\u0101ma<\/em>, Ilminsky, 502\u00a0<em>et seq<\/em>., and P. de Courteille, II. 457\u00a0<em>et seq<\/em>., where is one of the supplementary fragments included in Kehr&#8217;s\u00a0<em>B\u0101bar-n\u0101ma<\/em>\u00a0(<em>T\u016bz\u016bk<\/em>) and possibly taken from the Bukhara MS. (<em>Cf<\/em>. Notes on the T\u016brk\u0101 texts of the\u00a0<em>B\u0101bar-n\u0101ma<\/em>, A. S. Beveridge. Journal of the Koyal Asiatic Society, July, 1900.) <\/sup>(16<em>b<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>My lady was very much upset on hearing this news, and started for Dihl\u012b, like one athirst who is far from the waters. They met in Mathura. To her experienced eye he seemed ten times weaker and more alarmingly ill than she had heard he was. From Mathura the two, mother and son, like Jesus and Mary, set out for \u0100gra. When they arrived, this insignificant one went with her own sisters to visit that royal angel of goodness.<\/p>\n<p>He was then growing weaker and weaker. Every time he came to his senses, his pearl-dropping tongue asked for us, and said: \u2018Sisters, you are welcome! Come, and let us embrace one another. I have not embraced you.\u2019 It might be three times that he raised his head and that his jewel-dropping tongue let fall these uplifting words.<\/p>\n<p>When his Majesty came and saw how it was, his light-revealing countenance at once became sad and pitiful, and he began more and more to show signs of dread. (17<em>a<\/em>) On this my lady said: \u2018Do not be troubled about my son. You are a king; what griefs have you? You have other sons. I sorrow because I have only this one.\u2019<sup>*All M\u0101ham&#8217;s other children died in childhood.<\/sup>\u00a0His Majesty rejoined: \u2018M\u0101ham! although I have other sons, I love none as I love your Hum\u0101y\u016bn. I crave that this cherished child may have his heart&#8217;s desire and live long, and I desire the kingdom for him and not for the others, because he has not his equal in distinction.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>During Hum\u0101y\u016bn&#8217;s illness<sup>*The account of B\u0101bar&#8217;s self-surrender which follows is somewhat puzzling to translate, but the sense is clear and the important statements are in accordance with other sources.<\/sup> his Majesty walked round him and turned his face (in intercession) to his Reverence, Murta\u1e93a &#8216;Al\u012b Kar\u012bmu-l-l\u0101h. He kept up that going-round from the Wednesday and made intercession from the Tuesday, in anxiety and deep dejection. The weather was extremely hot and his heart and liver burned. While going round he prayed, saying in effect: \u2018O God! if a life may be exchanged for a life, I who am B\u0101bar, I give my life and my being for Hum\u0101y\u016bn.\u2019<sup>*One of Kehr&#8217;s (Ilminsky&#8217;s) &#8216;fragments&#8217; (which, if it be not B\u0101bar&#8217;s own, it is not improbable was added to the <em>T\u016bz\u016bk<\/em>\u00a0by Jah\u0101ng\u012br) tells this story in B\u0101bar&#8217;s person. After rejection of the suggestion to sacrifice for Hum\u0101y\u016bn&#8217;s life the great diamond (? the\u00a0<em>Koh-i-n\u016br<\/em>), the narrative continues (P. de C., II. 460.) : &#8216; J&#8217;entrai dans la chambre o\u00f9 il se tenait, et je tournai trois fois autour de lui, en commencant par la t\u00eate et en disant, &#8221; J&#8217;assume sur moi tout ce que tu souffres.&#8221; En meme instant je me sentis tout alourdi, tandis que lui se trouvait l\u00e9ger et dispos. II se leva enpleine sant\u00e9, et moi je m&#8217;affaissai, accabl\u00e9 de malaise.&#8217; Faith in the rite of circumarnbulation still prevails in Persia. B\u0101bar, it is clear, believed his devotion to have borne fruit. (<em>Cf<\/em>. Hughes, Diet, of Isl\u0101m, s.v. Intercession. For Kar\u012bmu-l-l\u0101h, see Bad\u0101un\u012b,\u00a0<em>Bib. Ind.<\/em>\u00a0Text, III. 191.).<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>That very day he fell ill, and Hum\u0101y\u016bn poured water on his head, and came out and gave audience. (17<em>b<\/em>) Because of his illness, they carried my royal father within, and he kept his bed for two or three months.<\/p>\n<p>As he grew worse, a messenger was sent to summon his Majesty Hum\u0101y\u016bn, who had gone towards Kalinjar. He came post-haste, and on paying his duty to the Emperor, noticed that he was very feeble. Filled with compassion, he began to break down, and kept saying to the attendants: \u2018How has he come to such a lamentable pass all at once?\u2019 He sent for the doctors, and said to them: \u2018I left him well. What has happened all at once?\u2019 They said this and that in reply.<\/p>\n<p>The whole time my royal father kept repeating: \u2018Where is Hind\u0101l? What is he doing?\u2019 Just at this time some-one came in and said: \u2018M\u012br Bard\u012b Beg, the son of M\u012br Khurd Beg,<sup>*Hind\u0101l&#8217;s guardian from birth (1519-1530). He had previously been B\u0101bar&#8217;s <em>bak\u0101wal<\/em>\u00a0(house-steward). One of his sons, Khw\u0101ja T\u0324\u0101hir Mu\u1e25ammad, served under Hum\u0101y\u016bn and Akbar, and was\u00a0<em>m\u012br far\u0101ghat\u0324<\/em>\u00a0(master of comfort). He may be the M\u012br Bard\u012b (qy. a child&#8217;s sobriquet, Master Full-of-fun) of this episode. T\u0101hir&#8217;s son, B\u0101q\u012b, was a sewer, i.e., table-decker (<em>sufra-ch\u012b<\/em>,).<\/sup> conveys his obeisance.\u2019 My royal father, full of agitation, sent for him at once and asked: \u2018Where is Hind\u0101l? When will he come? What trouble waiting gives!\u2019 (18<em>a<\/em>) M\u012br Bard\u012b said: \u2018The fortunate prince has reached Dihl\u012b; he will wait on you to-day or to-morrow.\u2019 On this my royal father said to M\u012br Bard\u012b Beg: \u2018Ill-fated little fellow! I have heard that they married your sister in K\u0101bul, and you in L\u0101h\u014dr.<sup>*Hind\u0101l, with whom doubtless M\u012br Bard\u012b and his father were travelling, was on his way from Badakhsh\u0101n to the court.<\/sup> It is because of the wedding festivities that you have (not)<sup>*The text has no negative.<\/sup> sooner brought my son, and so my weary waiting has been very long.\u2019 He asked: \u2018How tall has Hind\u0101l M\u012brz\u0101 grown?\u2019 and \u2018What is he like?\u2019 As M\u012br Bard\u012b was wearing one of the m\u012brz\u0101&#8217;s dresses, he showed it and said: \u2018This is a robe of the prince which he bestowed on his servant.\u2019 His Majesty called him nearer and said: \u2018Let me see how tall and how big Hind\u0101l has grown.\u2019<sup>*Hind\u0101l was now about eleven years old, so M\u012br Bard\u012b must also have been a boy.<\/sup> He kept repeating, \u2018Alas! a thousand times alas! that I do not see Hind\u0101l,\u2019 and asking everyone who came in: \u2018When will Hind\u0101l come?\u2019<\/p>\n<p>During his illness, he laid a command on my lady, and said: \u2018Marriages ought to be arranged for Gul-rang Begam and Gul-chihra Begam. (18<em>b<\/em>) When the royal aunt, my elder sister,<sup>*Kh\u0101nz\u0101da Begam &#8211; <em>aka j\u0101nam<\/em>\u00a0&#8211; dearest lady.<\/sup> honours me with a visit, tell her that I say it has occurred to me to give Gul-rang to Is\u0101n-t\u012bm\u016br Sult\u0324\u0101n and Gul-chihra to T\u016bkhta-b\u016bgh\u0101 Sult\u0324\u0101n.\u2019<sup>*Is\u0101n (Ish\u0101n, or Yussun) was the ninth, and T\u016bkhta-b\u016bgh\u0101 the tenth, son of A\u1e25mad Kh\u0101n, B\u0101bar&#8217;s maternal uncle. They were uncles of Gul-badan&#8217;s own husband, Khiz\u0324r Khw\u0101ja.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>Dearest lady, the smiling one,<sup>*<em>tabassum kun\u0101n.<\/em><\/sup>\u00a0came, and they said to her: \u2018The Emperor spoke in this manner, and it has occurred to him in such a way. It now remains to know your pleasure. Let it be as you wish.\u2019 She said the same and, \u2018God grant blessing and peace! His idea is very good.\u2019 My\u00a0<em>ch\u012bcha<\/em><sup>*This T\u016brk\u012b word presents great difficulty. Vamb\u00e9ry has\u00a0<em>j\u012bcha<\/em>, Kirghiz, mother, and\u00a0<em>ch\u012bcha<\/em>, aunt (inferentially maternal); Shaw,\u00a0<em>ch\u012bcha<\/em>, Q\u0101zz\u0101q, mother. P. de Courteille, Diet.,\u00a0<em>ch\u012bcha<\/em>, an elder sister. The word has in Samarqand the meaning &#8216; maternal aunt.&#8217; It occurs again in the text (23<em>a<\/em>), and is used for Gul-badan&#8217;s sisters, the brides of this page (19<em>a<\/em>); so that it may be right (spite of the singular number) to read &#8216;my elder sisters themselves&#8217;\u00a0<em>i.e.<\/em>, the brides. But it might be &#8216;my mother.&#8217; The word occurs at least once in the Memoirs. (Ilm., 446; Ers., 387.) It is preceded by one which Ilminsky writes\u00a0<em>yanka<\/em>, and Erskine\u00a0<em>Bikeh<\/em>\u00a0(<em>Bega<\/em>). The letters of both words might be identical and the points only decisive. Shaw says\u00a0<em>yang\u0101<\/em>\u00a0is an elder brother&#8217;s wife; Vamb\u00e9ry,\u00a0<em>belle-s\u0153ur, Schwagerin<\/em>; and Erskine (208 n..),\u00a0<em>bridesmaid<\/em>, by which, I believe, is meant one who leads the bride to the bridegroom an exactly appropriate use here, since \u1e24ab\u012bba\u00a0<em>yang\u0101<\/em>\u00a0brings her daughter Ma&#8217;\u1e63\u016bma to marry B\u0101bar. (N.B. Shaw writes\u00a0<em>yang\u0101<\/em>\u00a0and\u00a0<em>ch\u012bcha<\/em>, where Vamb\u00e9ry and others have a final &#8217;round\u00a0<em>h\u0101<\/em>.&#8217;) But if the\u00a0<em>ch\u012bcha<\/em>\u00a0of Mems., 387, is to be read &#8216;elder sister,&#8217; B\u0101bar can apply it only to Kh\u0101nz\u0101da Begam (elsewhere called by him\u00a0<em>aulugh \u012bg\u0101ch\u012b<\/em>\u00a0(Ilm., 116.); and this would, I believe, make the reading of\u00a0<em>Bikeh<\/em>\u00a0(<em>Bega<\/em>) difficult, since Kh\u0101nz\u0101da could not be called anything less than\u00a0<em>Kh\u0101nam<\/em>. The same objection would apply to the reading of\u00a0<em>ch\u012bcha<\/em>\u00a0as mother or as maternal aunt. This inclines one to read\u00a0<em>yanka<\/em>, and not\u00a0<em>bikeh<\/em>, at Mems., 387 ; and the Zainab of the sentence may be granddaughter (<em>nab\u00efra<\/em>), through the female line, of the\u00a0<em>belle-s\u0153ur<\/em>, or\u00a0<em>bridesmaid<\/em>, of Kh\u0101nz\u0101da Begam. But nothing is clear as to the relationship.<\/sup> herself and Bad\u012b&#8217;u-l-jam\u0101l Begam and \u0100q Begam, both of whom were paternal aunts of his Majesty, were conducted into the hall. Having raised an estrade<sup>*Text, <em>\u1e63uf\u0101 d\u0101da<\/em>. Perhaps, content was given to all, but\u00a0<em>\u1e63uffa<\/em>, estrade, fits better with the following\u00a0<em>bas\u0101t\u0324<\/em>. <\/sup>and spread carpets and chosen a propitious hour, M\u0101ham&#8217;s\u00a0<em>nanacha<\/em>\u00a0made both\u00a0<em>Sult\u0324\u0101ns<\/em> bow the knee.<sup>*<em>Z\u0101n\u016b zan\u0101&#8217;\u012bnda<\/em>, literally, &#8216;striking the knee.&#8217; Mems., 204 n.<\/sup>\u00a0in order to exalt them to the rank of sons-in-law.<\/p>\n<p>Meantime his Majesty&#8217;s disorder of the bowels increased. The Emperor Hum\u0101y\u016bn broke down again when he saw his father&#8217;s condition worsen, and called the doctors, and said to them: \u2018Think it well over and find some remedy.\u2019 (19<em>a<\/em>) Having consulted together, they said: \u2018Small is our luck, for our remedies are of no avail. We hope that God, the most Holy, will soon give one from His invisible treasures.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>When they felt his Majesty&#8217;s pulse, they came to the opinion that there were symptoms of the same poison as that given him by Sult\u0324\u0101n Ibr\u0101h\u012bm&#8217;s mother. It was in this way: that ill-fated demon (the mother) gave a\u00a0<em>t\u014dla<\/em> of poison to one of her maids, and said: \u2018Take this and give it to A\u1e25mad the taster and tell him to put it in some way or other into the special dishes prepared for the Emperor.\u2019 And she promised him large rewards. The ill-fated demon did this although his Majesty used to call her \u201cmother,\u201d and had assigned her place and lands with every favour, and had been kindly pleased to say: \u2018Consider me as in the place of Sult\u0324\u0101n Ibr\u0101h\u012bm.\u2019<sup>*Her son, who died fighting B\u0101bar at P\u0101n\u012bpat.<\/sup>\u00a0But as ignorance prevails amongst those people, she did not regard his kindnesses. The (fitting) hemistich is well known:<\/p>\n<blockquote>\u2018Everything reverts to its original type,<br \/>\n(Whether pure gold, or silver, or tin).\u2019<sup>*Pers. and Hind. Proverbs, T. Eoebuck, Calcutta, 1824, p. 124, and Merns., 13.<\/sup><\/blockquote>\n<p>To cut short the story: the cook (Heaven having made him blind and deaf,) spread the poison which had been brought and given to him, on the Emperor&#8217;s bread only, and so little was eaten. But the symptoms of this illness were like that one&#8217;s, seeing that day by day he lost strength and became more and more emaciated. (19<em>b<\/em>) Every day the disorder increased and his blessed countenance changed.<\/p>\n<p>Next day<sup>*(?) after Hum\u0101y\u016bn&#8217;s arrival.<\/sup>\u00a0he called his chiefs together and spoke after this wise: \u2018For years it has been in my heart to make over my throne to Hum\u0101y\u016bn M\u012brz\u0101 and to retire to the Gold-scattering Garden. By the Divine grace I have obtained all things but the fulfilment of this wish in health of body. Now, when illness has laid me low, I charge you all to acknowledge Hum\u0101y\u016bn in my stead. Fail not in loyalty to him. Be of one heart and one mind with him. I hope to God that Hum\u0101y\u016bn also will bear himself well towards men.<\/p>\n<p>\u2018Moreover, Hum\u0101y\u016bn, I commit to God&#8217;s keeping you and your brothers and all my kinsfolk and your people and my people; and all of these I confide to you.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>At these words hearers and onlookers wept and lamented. His own blessed eyes also filled with tears.<\/p>\n<p>When his family and the people within the\u00a0<em>\u1e25aram<\/em>\u00a0heard of these occurrences, they were stupefied and overwhelmed, and cried and lamented.<\/p>\n<p>Three days later he passed from this transitory world to the eternal home. The death took place on Monday, December 26th, 1530 (Jum\u0101da I. 5th, 937H.). (20<em>a<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>They brought out our paternal aunt<sup>*Kh\u0101nz\u0101da Begam.<\/sup> and our mothers<sup>*B\u0101bar&#8217;s wives.<\/sup> on the pretence that the doctors were coming to look. All rose. They took all the begams and my mothers to the Great House.<sup>*Perhaps &#8216;palace,&#8217; and the sense may be that they did not go to their separate residences but remained nearer to the dead.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>Black fell the day for children and kinsfolk and all. They bewailed and lamented; voices were uplifted in weeping; there was utter dejection. Each passed that ill-fated day in a hidden corner.<\/p>\n<p>The death was kept concealed. After a time Araish Kh\u0101n,\u2014he was an am\u012br of Hind,\u2014said: \u2018It is not well to keep the death secret, because when such misfortunes befall kings in Hind\u016bst\u0101n, it is the custom of the\u00a0<em>b\u0101z\u0101r<\/em>\u00a0people to rob and steal; God forbid that the Mughals not knowing, they should come and loot the houses and dwelling-places. It would be best to dress someone in red, and to set him on an elephant, and to let him proclaim that the Emperor B\u0101bar has become a dervish and has given his throne to the Emperor Hum\u0101y\u016bn.\u2019 This his Majesty Hum\u0101y\u016bn ordered to be done. People were at once re\u00adassured by the proclamation, and all offered prayers for his welfare. On Friday, December 29th, 1530 (Jum\u0101da I. 9th, 937H.), the Emperor Hum\u0101y\u016bn mounted the throne, and everyone said: \u2018May all the world be blessed under his rule.\u2019 (20<em>b<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>After that he came to visit his mothers and sisters and his own people, and he made inquiry after their health and offered sympathy, and spoke with kindness and com\u00admiseration. He was pleased to order: \u2018Let each keep the office, and service, and lands, and residence which he has had, and let him serve in the old way.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>On the same day Hind\u0101l M\u012brz\u0101, having come from K\u0101bul, paid his homage to the Emperor, who received him with kindness, and was very happy, and bestowed on him many things from the treasures left by their father.<\/p>\n<p>After my royal father&#8217;s death, there were the good works and consecrated days of the first assembly<sup>*<em>ma&#8217;rka<\/em>. Raverty (Afghan Dict..) gives as the first meaning of this word &#8216;a party of ambassadors, or persons sent to make peace between two tribes&#8217;; and, secondly, as &#8216;the business of making peace, or an arrangement between two tribes.&#8217; Lane and other writers render it &#8216;battle-field&#8217; and &#8216;battle,&#8217; etc. Steingass adds &#8216;hubbub, turmoil&#8217; (modern colloquial). Gul-badan uses it for the common social assemblies she names, and here for the gathering of relations at a tomb.<\/sup> at his tomb.<sup>*B\u0101bar&#8217;s body was laid first in the R\u0101m or Ar\u0101m B\u0101gh (Garden of Rest), on the opposite side of the river from the present <em>T\u0101j-mah\u0101ll<\/em>. Later it was taken to K\u0101bul. Mr. Erskine (B. &amp; M., I. 517\u00a0<em>et seq<\/em>..) quotes a charming passage from Burns&#8217; &#8216;Travels in Bokhara&#8217; (IT. 121\u00a0<em>et seq<\/em>.), which describes B\u0101bar&#8217;s self-chosen resting-place. He follows this by an eloquent estimate of B\u0101bar&#8217;s character which makes clear his regret in bidding farewell to the great and vivid personality he has so admirably set before his readers.<\/sup>\u00a0His Majesty named Mu\u1e25ammad &#8216;Al\u012b\u00a0<em>&#8216;asas<\/em><sup>*<em>i.e.<\/em>, of the night-guard. I believe he was the brother of M\u0101ham Begam.<\/sup>\u00a0its guardian, and ordered the appointment of sixty good reciters of the whole Qur\u0101n and readers with good voices, so that the congregational prayers might be said five times daily and the whole Qur\u0101n recited, and prayer offered for the soul of the royal dweller in Paradise (<em>Firdaus-mak\u0101n\u012b<\/em>). (21<em>a<\/em>) The whole of S\u012bkr\u012b\u2014now known as Fat\u1e25p\u016br\u2014together with five\u00a0<em>laks<\/em>\u00a0charged on Bay\u0101na, was given as an endowment to the tomb, for the support of the men of learning (<em>&#8216;ulam\u0101<\/em>) and the reciters who were attached to it.<\/p>\n<p>My lady made an allowance of food twice daily: in the morning an ox and two sheep and five goats, and at after\u00adnoon prayer-time five goats. She gave this from her own estate during the two and a half years that she remained in the prison of this world.<\/p>\n<p>During my lady&#8217;s life I used to see his Majesty in her residence. When she fell into bad health, she said to me: \u2018It will be very hard that when I am gone, the Emperor B\u0101bar&#8217;s daughters should see their brother in B\u012bb\u012b Gul-barg&#8217;s<sup>*<em>Cf.post.<\/em>\u00a029<em>b<\/em>, and &#8216;Biographical Appendix,&#8217; s.n..<\/sup> house.\u2019 Just as though her words were in the royal heart and mind, his Majesty used always, so long as he was in Hind\u016bst\u0101n, to come to our house. He used to visit us and showed us kindness and affection and favour without stint. He used to come to the house of this insignificant one, and there would come Ma&#8217;\u1e63\u016bma Sult\u0324\u0101n Begam, and Gul-rang Begam, and Gul-chihra Begam<sup>*These three were her half and full sisters respectively.<\/sup>\u00a0etc. \u2014all the married ladies\u2014and pay their duty to him. (21<em>b<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>In short, after the death of my royal father and my lady, his Majesty, in the fulness of his affection, showed this broken one such favour, and spoke with such boundless compassion to this helpless one, that she did not know she was orphaned and headless.<sup>*Gul-badan was about eight at her father&#8217;s death. At three she had been adopted by M\u0101ham Begam.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>During the ten<sup>*Really about nine.<\/sup>\u00a0years after the death of his Majesty\u00a0<em>Firdaus-mak\u0101n\u012b<\/em>\u00a0that his Majesty\u00a0<em>Jannat-\u0101shy\u0101n\u012b<\/em> was in Hind, the people dwelt in repose and safety, and obedience and loyalty.<sup>*This rose-coloured picture accords neither with the facts nor with the narrative of Gul-badan. It may be that some limiting word has slipped out; e.g., &#8216;hi \u0100gra,&#8217; or &#8216;the people of the country,&#8217; in opposition to the dispossessed Afghans, conquerors of earlier date, or B\u0101bar&#8217;s people, <em>i.e.<\/em>, household.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>Six months after the death of his Majesty\u00a0<em>Firdaus<\/em>&#8211;<em>mak\u0101n\u012b<\/em>, Biban<sup>*Text, Bibban. Biban and B\u0101yaz\u012bd were two distinguished Afgh\u012bn chiefs and upporters of the fallen Lod\u012b dynasty. The defeat named here occurred at Daura, on the Gumt\u012b, 1531 (937 H.). All who love the story of an adventurous life, chequered through character of individuals in a marked degree, should fill out Gul-badan&#8217;s brief narrative from Mr. Erskine&#8217;s life of Hum\u0101y\u016bn.<\/sup> and B\u0101yaz\u012bd advanced from the direction of Gaur. On the news of this, his Majesty at once left \u0100gra and moved to meet them. He defeated them, and then went to Chan\u0101da (Chun\u0101r),<sup>*1532 (938H.). Taken from Sh\u012br Sh\u0101h late in 1532 (939H.).<\/sup>\u00a0took it, and thence returned to \u0100gra.<\/p>\n<p>My lady, who was M\u0101ham Begam, had a great longing and desire to see a son of Hum\u0101y\u016bn. Wherever there was a good-looking and nice girl, she used to bring her into his service. Maywa-j\u0101n, a daughter of Khadang (? Khazang), the chamberlain (<em>yas\u0101wal<\/em>),<sup>*An attendant on a man of rank, who carries a gold or silver staff (Johnson, Pers. Diet., <em>s.v.<\/em>.); chamberlain in the service of Kh\u0101ns of T\u016brkist\u0101n (Zenker,\u00a0<em>s.v.<\/em>.) Gul-badan&#8217;s use of the word (81<em>b<\/em>) would allow a more extended sense.<\/sup> was in my employ. One day (after) the death of his Majesty\u00a0<em>Firdaus-mak\u0101n\u012b<\/em>,<sup>*Text has also\u00a0<em>dar hay\u0101t khud<\/em>. This is not the only instance of a similar redundant expression.<\/sup> my lady said: \u2018Hum\u0101y\u016bn, Maywa-j\u0101n is not bad. Why do you not take her into your service?\u2019 So, at her word, Hum\u0101y\u016bn married and took her that very night. (22<em>a<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>Three days later Bega Begam<sup>*Bega had had one son, Al-am\u0101n. She is known in the later histories as H\u0101j\u012b Begam, but she made her pilgrimage in 972H. . She was captured at Chausa in 1539 (946H.) by Sh\u012br Sh\u0101h; and most writers give her at this date the brevet title of H\u0101j\u012b. It is probable that\u00a0<em>Bega<\/em>\u00a0was not her personal name. It is the title of a lady of rank, and answers to\u00a0<em>beg.<\/em><\/sup> came from K\u0101bul. She became in the family way. In due time<sup>*Text,\u00a0<em>b&#8217;ad az yak s\u0101l<\/em>, which, read literally, spoils the story.<\/sup>\u00a0she had a daughter, whom they named &#8216;Aq\u012bqa. Maywa-j\u0101n said to Lady (<em>Aka<\/em>) M\u0101ham Begam, \u2018I am in the family way, too.\u2019 Then my lady got ready two sets of weapons, and said: \u2018Whichever of you bears a son, I will give him good arms.\u2019 Then she packed up the arms, and got ready gold and silver walnuts. She procured also the (special) arms of a Mughal commander, and was very happy, and kept saying: \u2018Perhaps one of them will have a son.\u2019 She kept watch till Bega Begam&#8217;s &#8216;Aq\u012bqa was born. Then she kept an eye on Maywa-j\u0101n. Ten months went by. The eleventh also passed. Maywa-j\u0101n said: \u2018My maternal aunt was in M\u012brz\u0101 Ulugh Beg&#8217;s<sup>*This will be B\u0101bar&#8217;s paternal uncle, known as\u00a0<em>K\u0101bul\u012b<\/em>.<\/sup>\u00a0<em>\u1e25aram<\/em>. She had a son in the twelfth month; perhaps I am like her.\u2019 So they sewed tents and filled pillows.<sup>*<em>i.e.<\/em>, made all preparations. Perhaps\u00a0<em>khirg\u0101h\u0101 dohkta<\/em>\u00a0is not &#8216;sewed tents,&#8217; but &#8216;pitched tents.&#8217;\u00a0<em>Cf<\/em>.\u00a0<em>zam\u012bn-doz<\/em>.<\/sup> But in the end everyone knew she was a fraud.<\/p>\n<p>His Majesty who had gone towards Chan\u0101da (Chun\u0101r), returned safe and sound.<\/p>\n<p>My lady who was M\u0101ham Begam, gave a great feast. (22<em>b<\/em>) They lit up the b\u0101z\u0101rs.<sup>*I am very doubtful as to the meaning of the following paragraph. It can hardly be true that India waited for M\u0101ham to instruct it in the art of illumination or decoration. I have conjecturally read that, whereas formerly only\u00a0<em>b\u0101z\u0101rs<\/em>\u00a0were made to look festive, she had other houses adorned.<\/sup>\u00a0Before that time people used to illuminate the b\u0101z\u0101rs (only). Then she gave orders to the better class and to the soldiers also to decorate their places and make their quarters beautiful, and after this illumination became general in India.<\/p>\n<p>\u2026 a jewelled throne,<sup>*Here follows a list of arrangements, plenishing and gifts for the feast. There are here and at p. 123\u00a0<em>ff<\/em>. many difficult words in it.<\/sup>\u00a0ascended by four steps, and above it gold-embroidered hangings, and laid on it a cushion and pillows embroidered in gold.<\/p>\n<p>The covering of the pavilions and of the large audience tent was, inside, European brocade, and outside, Portu\u00adguese cloth. The tent-poles were gilded; that was very ornamental.<\/p>\n<p>(My lady) had prepared a tent-lining and a\u00a0<em>kannat<\/em><sup>*Ar., a pent over a doorway, a veil, an umbrella. Perhaps\u00a0<em>qan\u0101t<\/em>, .a screen, an enclosure for tents, the tent walls.<\/sup>\u00a0and\u00a0<em>sar-i-kannat<\/em>\u00a0of Gujr\u0101t\u012b cloth-of-gold, and a ewer for rose-water, and candlesticks, and drinking-vessels, and rose\u00adwater sprinklers,\u2014 all of jewelled gold.<\/p>\n<p>With all her stores of plenishing, she made an excellent and splendid feast.<\/p>\n<p>\u2026 twelve strings of camels, and twelve of mules, and seventy\u00a0<em>tip\u016bch\u0101q<\/em> horses, and one hundred baggage horses. She gave special robes of honour to 7,000 persons. The festivities lasted several days.<sup>*The feast here credited to M\u0101ham Begam may be that of the first anniversary of Hum\u0101y\u016bn&#8217;s accession. Of this Gul-badan gives an account, minus such details as are set down here, at 24<em>a et seq<\/em>.. At the &#8216;accession feast,&#8217; held December 19th, 1531, and thus not quite a year after the accession, it is said by Niz\u0324\u0101mu-d-d\u012bn Ahmad that 12,000 robes were bestowed, 2,000 of these being &#8216; special.&#8217; For details as to\u00a0<em>khil&#8217;at<\/em>,\u00a0<em>Cf<\/em>. Memoirs, 274 n.. Lists are dull reading, unless each item calls up an image. It is easy to add splendour and beauty to Gul-badan&#8217;s few poor words by looking at actual things of the kinds she names, as may be done in the Oriental Section of the South Kensington Museum. The links between Persia and India in her day and earlier and later were many and close. Many Persians born and bred in Persia or by descent formed part of the Mughal court. Persian art and manufacture were at their highest development, experts say, in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The uncritical eye doubts if the products of those centuries, as exhibited in the examples England possesses, can be excelled for splendour and satisfying charm. With such things, the personages of our begam&#8217;s book surrounded themselves.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>At this time came news that Mu\u1e25ammad-zam\u0101n M\u012brz\u0101<sup>*Son of Bad\u012b&#8217;u-z-zam\u0101n M\u012brz\u0101, and grandson of Sult\u0324\u0101n \u1e24usain M\u012brz\u0101 <em>B\u0101yqr\u0101<\/em>, and husband of Ma&#8217;\u1e63\u016bma, a daughter of B\u0101bar. He was drowned in the Ganges at the rout of Chausa.<\/sup>\u00a0had killed the father of \u1e24\u0101j\u012b Mu\u1e25ammad Kh\u0101n\u00a0<em>k\u016bk\u012b<\/em>,<sup>*<em>Cf<\/em>. B. &amp; H., II.,\u00a0<em>s.n.<\/em><\/sup>\u00a0and was meditating rebellion. (23<em>a<\/em>) His Majesty sent to summon them<sup>*<em>Sic<\/em>; apparently the names of his fellow-rebels are omitted. They occur below.<\/sup> to the presence, and having laid hands on them, imprisoned them in Bay\u0101na, in charge of Uncle Y\u0101dg\u0101r. Uncle Y\u0101dg\u0101r&#8217;s men sided with Mu\u1e25ammad-zam\u0101n M\u012brz\u0101, and let him escape (1533\u2014940H.). At this time it was ordered that Sult\u0324\u0101n Mu\u1e25ammad M\u012brz\u0101<sup>*Grandson, through a daughter, of Sult\u0324\u0101n \u1e24usain M\u012brz\u0101\u00a0<em>B\u0101yqr\u0101<\/em>. and thus, a cousin of Mu\u1e25ammad-zam\u0101n.<\/sup> and Nai<sup>*Called both Nai and Wal\u012b in the histories.<\/sup> (Wal\u012b) Kh\u016bb Sult\u0324\u0101n M\u012brz\u0101 should both be blinded. Nai Kh\u016bb Sult\u0324\u0101n lost his sight, but the man who had the blinding of Mu\u1e25ammad Sult\u0324\u0101n did not injure his eyes.<sup>*See Mr. Erskine&#8217;s interesting note on blinding. (B. &amp; H., II. 14 n.).<\/sup>\u00a0Mu\u1e25ammad-zam\u0101n M\u012brz\u0101 and Mu\u1e25ammad Sult\u0324\u0101n M\u012brz\u0101, with his sons, Ulugh M\u012brz\u0101 and Sh\u0101h M\u012brz\u0101, made their escape a few days later.<\/p>\n<p>There was perpetual disturbance from these people during the years we were in Hind.<\/p>\n<p>When his Majesty returned from the campaign against Biban and B\u0101yaz\u012bd, he was in \u0100gra<sup>*&#8217;Occupied in dreamy speculations of false sciences&#8217;\u00a0<em>i.e.<\/em>, astrology. (B. &amp; H., II. 14.) The date is 1534 (941H.).<\/sup> for about a year. He said to my lady: \u2018I am sad at heart in these days. If you approved, I would go with you to Gu\u0101l\u012b\u0101r.\u2019<sup>*The histories tell us that the Gu\u0101l\u012b\u0101r expedition was a military demonstration against Bah\u0101dur Sh\u0101h of Gujr\u0101t. Khw\u0101nd-am\u012br fixes its date as Sha&#8217;b\u0101n 939H. (February, 1533).<\/sup> Her Highness my lady, and my mother (<em>\u0101jam<\/em>),<sup>*Taken as it is written, this name might be charmingly translated as &#8216;Ma desir\u00e9e,&#8217; but considered with other words in this text after which the enclitic\u00a0<em>am<\/em>\u00a0(my) is incorrectly written, it seems that prosaic &#8216;my mother,&#8217; T\u016brk\u012b,\u00a0<em>ach\u0101m<\/em>, is safer. In favour, however, of reading \u0101jam, desire, is the wording on 256 (No. 48 of the guest-list),\u00a0<em>\u0101jam w\u0101lida-i-m\u0101<\/em>, our mother.\u00a0<em>\u0100jam<\/em>\u00a0occurs also at 29.<\/sup> and my sisters Ma&#8217;\u1e63\u016bma<sup>*Her husband, Mu\u1e25ammad-zam\u0101n, is the rebel of this name just spoken of.<\/sup> Sult\u0324\u0101n Begam, whom we used to call Elder sister<sup>*<em>Ch\u012bcha<\/em>; which I have rendered &#8216; elder sister &#8216; to suit the actual relationship between Gul-badan and her two sisters. Cf. 186 n.<\/sup> Moon, and Gul-rang Begam, whom we used to call Elder sister Rose,\u2014we all were in Gu\u0101l\u012b\u0101r in attendance on the beneficent ladies.<sup>*The aunts, presumably.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>As Gul-chihra Begam was in Oude, and her husband, T\u016bkht\u0101-b\u016bgh\u0101 Sult\u0324\u0101n, went to the mercy of God, her attendants wrote to his Majesty from Oude and said: \u2018T\u016bkht\u0101-b\u016bgh\u0101 Sult\u0324\u0101n is dead. (23<em>b<\/em>) What is the order about the begam?\u2019 His Majesty said to M\u012br Z\u0101ycha:<sup>*The Chief Astrologer.<\/sup>\u00a0\u2018Go and bring the begam to \u0100gra. We also are going there.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>At this time her Highness my lady said: \u2018If you approve, I will send for Bega Begam and \u2018Aq\u012bqa, so that they also may see Gu\u0101l\u012b\u0101r.\u2019 She despatched Nauk\u0101r<sup>*B\u0101bar names this man as being sent from India in charge of gifts to K\u0101bul (Mems., 337.), and Gul-badan names him again (67<em>b<\/em>) as guardian of the begams&#8217; doorway in the citadel of K\u0101bul.<\/sup>\u00a0and Khw\u0101ja Kab\u012br, who brought them from \u0100gra.<\/p>\n<p>They let two months slip by in one another&#8217;s company in Gu\u0101l\u012b\u0101r, and then set out for \u0100gra, which they reached in February, 1534 (Sha&#8217;b\u0101n, 940 H.).<sup>*This date cannot be right. The following are approximately correct for this time : Visit to Gu\u0101l\u012b\u0101r undertaken, Sha&#8217;b\u0101n, 939H. (February, 1533). Return to \u0100gra and M\u0101ham&#8217;s illness, Shaww\u0101l (April). Death of M\u0101ham, 13th Shaww\u0101l (May 8, 1533). Forty days of mourning carries on the time to late in \u1e94\u016b&#8217;l-qa&#8217;da (June). Start for Dihl\u012b, beginning of \u1e94\u016b&#8217;l-\u1e25ijja, after June 24. The building of D\u012bnpan\u0101 was begun Mu\u1e25arram, 940H. (July, 1533).<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>In April (Shaww\u0101l) my lady was attacked by a disorder of the bowels. On the 27th of the same month (13th Shaww\u0101l) she passed from this transitory life to the eternal home.<\/p>\n<p>The stamp of orphanhood was set anew on my royal father&#8217;s children, and especially on me, for whom she herself had cared. I felt lonely and helpless and in great affliction. Day and night I wept and mourned and grieved. His Majesty came several times to comfort me, and showed me sympathy and kindness. I was two years old when her Highness my lady took me into her own house and cared for me, and I was ten when she departed from this life. (24<em>a<\/em>) I remained one year more in her house.<sup>*M\u0101ham had also adopted Hind\u0101l. B\u0101bar details the circumstances, but the abbreviation, as it seems, of the Persian text, has led to an error. (Mems., 250.) Those children of B\u0101bar who died young, were not born in &#8216;this year&#8217; (925H.), as will be seen in the fuller rendering of Ilminsky, 281, and of P. de C., II. 44: &#8216; Apr\u00e8s Hum\u0101y\u016bn (b. 913H.) j&#8217;eus encore plusieurs enfants, n\u00e9s de la m\u00eame m\u00e8re que lui, mais qui ne v\u00e9curent pas.&#8217; We know from Gul-badan that these were B\u0101rb\u016bl, Mihr-jah\u0101n, and Ish\u0101n-daulat. &#8216;Hind\u0101l n&#8217;etait pas encore venu dans le monde. Comme j&#8217;\u00e9tais dans ces parages [Kehra\u0101j, in Mandesh, and on his way to India], il m&#8217;arriva une lettre de M\u0101ham, dans laquelle elle me disait, \u201cSera-ce un fils ou une fille? Prononcez vous-m\u00eame sur la part que me r\u00e9serve la fortune; \u00e0 moi de mettre l&#8217;enfant dans le monde [Erskine, &#8216;I will regard the child as mine&#8217;] et de l&#8217;\u00e9lever.&#8221; Le vendredi, 26 du mois, toujours \u00e0 ce meme campement, j&#8217;adjugeai Hind\u0101l \u00e0 M\u0101ham [before birth], et je lui \u00e9crivis \u00e0 ce sujet une lettre qui lui f\u00fbt port\u00e9e K\u0101bul par Y\u016bsuf &#8216;Ali\u00a0<em>rik\u0101b-d\u0101r<\/em>\u00a0[courier] quoique Hind\u0101l ne f\u00fbt pas encore n\u00e9.&#8217;.) A passage now follows which, as is noted by P. de C., is neither in the Persian version of the Memoirs nor in the English translation: &#8216;Pour bien comprendre tout ce qui \u00e0 \u00e9t\u00e9 dit plus haut, il faut savoir que jusqu&#8217;\u00e0 cette \u00e9poque, de tout les enfants n\u00e9s de la m\u00eame m\u00e8re que Hum\u0101y\u016bn, soit un fils [<em>i.e.<\/em>, B\u0101rb\u016bl], cadet par rapport \u00e0 lui, l&#8217;ain\u00e9 par rapport \u00e0 mes autres enfants et trois filles, dont l&#8217;une etait Mihrj\u0101n, il n&#8217;y en avait pas un qui ne f\u00fbt mort en bas age. Je souhaitais vivement de lui voir na\u00eetre un fr\u00e8re ou une s\u0153ur. [<em>i.e.<\/em>, a child of M\u0101ham. There were other children of other wives.]\u00a0&#8216;Pr\u00e9cis\u00e9ment a cette epoque Dil-d\u0101r\u00a0<em>\u0101gh\u0101cha<\/em>\u00a0se trouvait enceinte. Je ne cessais de r\u00e9p\u00e9ter, &#8220;Pl\u00fbt \u00e0 Dieu que l&#8217;enfant qui va na\u00eetre, sort\u00eet du m\u00eame sein que Hum\u0101y\u016bn!&#8221; A quoi ma m\u00e9re [<em>sic<\/em>. T\u016brk\u012b text, Ilminsky, 271,\u00a0<em>\u1e25az\u0324rat w\u0101lida<\/em>] me r\u00e9pondait, &#8220;Si Dil-dar\u00a0<em>\u0101gh\u0101cha<\/em>\u00a0met au monde un fils, ne pourrais-je pas le prendre et m&#8217;en charger?&#8221; &#8220;Rien de mieux,&#8221; faisais-je \u00e0 mon tour. &#8216;D&#8217;ordinaire les femmes ont la mani\u00e8re suivante de consulter le sort, quand elles veulent savoir si elles auront un fils ou une fille. Elles prennent deux morceaux de papier; sur l&#8217;un elles \u00e9crivent, &#8216;Al\u012b ou \u1e24asan, sur l&#8217;autre F\u0101t\u0324ima; puis elles les placent dans deux boules de limon qu&#8217;elles inettent dans une coupe d&#8217;eau. Celles des deux qui s&#8217;ouvre la premi\u00e8re, leur sert \u00e0 prognostiquer l&#8217;avenir; si elle renferme le nom d&#8217;un gar\u00e7on, il y aura un gar\u00e7on; si c&#8217;est celui d&#8217;une fille, il y aura une fille, disent-elles. On employa cette m\u00e9thode ; ce f\u00fbt un enfant m\u00e2le qui en sortit. En recevant cette bonne nouvelle, j&#8217;\u00e9crivis aussit\u00f4t pour en faire part \u00e0 ma m\u00e8re [<em>sic<\/em>]. Quelques jours plus tard, effectivement Dieu me donna un gar\u00e7on. Trois jours apr\u00e8s sa naissance et avant de l&#8217;annoncer, on enleva Fenfant, bon gr\u00e9, mal gr\u00e9, \u00e0 sa m\u00e8re et on l&#8217;apporta chez moi o\u00f9 on le garda. Lorsque j&#8217;en donnai avis \u00e0 ma m\u00e8re [<em>sic<\/em>], celle-ci apprenant qu&#8217;elle avait obtenu l&#8217;objet de ses v\u0153ux, donna au jeune prince le nom de Hind\u0101l, qui etait pour nous de bon augure. Par cet. arrangement cet \u00e9nfant f\u00fbt pour moi [? nous] \u00e0 la fois un fr\u00e8re cadet (for que l&#8217;enfant qui va na\u00eetre, sort\u00eet du m\u00eame sein que Hum\u0101y\u016bn) et un fils (for M\u0101ham and himself). The words\u00a0<em>\u1e25az\u0324rat w\u0101lida<\/em>\u00a0cannot mean the mother of B\u0101bar She had been dead some fourteen years. They may be equivalent to\u00a0<em>Sult\u0324\u0101n-w\u0101lida<\/em>\u00a0&#8211; i.e., the mother of the heir-apparent. Certainly it was M\u0101ham who adopted Hind\u0101l. This initial misconception as to the identity of\u00a0<em>\u1e24az\u0324rat w\u0101lida<\/em> runs through the whole translation of this most interesting passage. According to Gul-badan, F\u0101r\u016bq (born in 932H.) was M\u0101ham&#8217;s son. B\u0101bar names the birth. (Mems., 343.).<\/sup> When I was eleven, and his Majesty went to Dholp\u016br, I accompanied my mother.<sup>*<em>i.e.<\/em>, returned to her own mother&#8217;s charge i.e., Dil-d\u0101r&#8217;s.<\/sup> This will have been before he went to Gu\u0101l\u012b\u0101r and began to build.<sup>*An obscure passage. Hum\u0101y\u016bn was building about this time. (Elliot, V. 126.).<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>At the end of the mourning for my lady, his Majesty went to Dihl\u012b<sup>*Beginning of \u1e94\u016b&#8217;l-hijja, 939H. (June July, 1533).<\/sup> and began to build the fort of D\u012bn-pan\u0101.<sup>*<em>Hum\u0101y\u016bn-n\u0101ma<\/em>, Khw\u0101nd-am\u012br.<\/sup> He then returned to \u0100gra.<\/p>\n<p>Dearest lady<sup>*<em>Cf<\/em>. 156 n.<\/sup>\u00a0(Kh\u0101nz\u0101da Begam) said to his Majesty: \u2018When will you make M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l&#8217;s marriage feast?\u2019 His Majesty replied: \u2018<em>B&#8217;ismu-l-l\u0101h<\/em>.\u2019 When M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l was married, my lady (M\u0101ham) was living, but there was delay in arranging the feast. (Kh\u0101nz\u0101da Begam) said: \u2018The things for the Mystic Feast are also ready. Let us first celebrate this, and afterwards M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l&#8217;s.\u2019 His Majesty said: \u2018Let whatever my royal aunt wishes be done.\u2019 She replied: \u2018May God bless it and make it good.\u2019<\/p>\nDESCRIPTION OF THE HOUSE OF FEASTING WHICH WAS SET UP ON THE RIVER&#8217;S BANK, AND WHICH WAS CALLED THE MYSTIC<sup><i>*Tilism<\/i>; Greek,\u00a0<i>\u03c4\u03ad\u03bb\u03b5\u03c3\u03bc\u03b1<\/i>, talisman. Perhaps an epithet drifted from astrological phraseology. This feast commemorated the accession of Humayun.\u00a0<i>Cf<\/i>.\u00a0<i>Hum\u0101y\u016bn-n\u0101ma<\/i>, trs. Sada-s\u016bkh La&#8217;l (B.M. Add. 30,774, p. 76.): &#8216;talismanic palace,&#8217; which may be the building named by Gul-badan.\u00a0<i>Cf<\/i>. &#8216;samite, mystic,&#8217; of Tennyson. Khw\u0101nd-am\u012br speaks at length of this feast in his\u00a0<i>Hum\u0101y\u016bn-n\u0101ma<\/i>, and calls the building in which it was held\u00a0<i>&#8216;im\u0101rat-i-\u1e6dilism.<\/i><\/sup>\u00a0HOUSE:\n<p>First there was a large octagonal room with an octa\u00adgonal tank in the centre, and again, in the middle of the reservoir, an octagonal platform on which were spread Persian (<em>wil\u0101yat\u012b<\/em>) carpets. (24<em>b<\/em>) Young men and pretty girls and elegant women and musicians and sweet-voiced reciters were ordered to sit in the tank.<sup>*The sequel to this order follows later.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>The jewelled throne which my lady had given for the feast was placed in the fore-court of the house, and a gold-embroidered divan<sup>*<em>t\u016bsh\u0101k<\/em>, (?)\u00a0<em>anglice<\/em>, squab.<\/sup>\u00a0was laid in front of it, (on which) his Majesty and dearest lady sat together.<\/p>\n<p>On her right sat her paternal aunts, the daughters of Sult\u0324\u0101n Ab\u016b-sa&#8217;\u012bd M\u012brz\u0101:<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>1.<sup>Translator&#8217;s numbering. For details as to each woman\u00a0<i>Cf<\/i>. Appendix s.n.<\/sup>\u00a0Fakhr-jah\u0101n Begam.<\/p>\n<p>2. Bad\u012b&#8217;u-l-jam\u0101l Begam.<\/p>\n<p>3. \u0100q<sup>*This epithet, the Fair, is given to several persons, not all women; and in some instances the true name is also known\u00a0<em>e.g.<\/em>, Yas\u012bn-daulat Sult\u0324\u0101n, K\u0101mr\u0101n&#8217;s son-in-law, and Sal\u012bqa, daughter of Sult\u0324\u0101n A\u1e25mad M\u012brz\u0101.<\/sup>\u00a0Begam.<\/p>\n<p>4. Sult\u0324\u0101n Bakht Begam.<\/p>\n<p>5. G\u016bhar-sh\u0101d Begam.<\/p>\n<p>6. Khad\u012bja Sult\u0324\u0101n Begam.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>Upon another cushion sat our paternal aunts, the sisters of his Majesty,\u00a0<em>Firdaus-mak\u0101n\u012b<\/em>:<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>7. Shahr-b\u0101n\u016b Begam.<\/p>\n<p>8. Y\u0101dg\u0101r Sult\u0324\u0101n Begam.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>(N.B.\u2014Other guests of the right follow).<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>9. &#8216;\u0100yisha Sult\u0324\u0101n Begam, daughter of Sult\u0324\u0101n \u1e24usain M\u012brz\u0101.<\/p>\n<p>10. Ulugh Begam, daughter of Zainab Sult\u0324\u0101n Begam, a paternal aunt of his Majesty.<\/p>\n<p>11. &#8216;\u0100yisha Sult\u0324\u0101n Begam.<\/p>\n<p>12. Sult\u0324\u0101n\u012b Begam, daughter of Sult\u0324\u0101n A\u1e25mad M\u012brz\u0101, paternal (great-) uncle of his Majesty<sup>*The words used of Sult\u0324\u0101n\u012b do not grammatically apply to &#8216;\u0100yisha, but I believe she is also a daughter of Sult\u0324\u0101n A\u1e25mad M\u012brz\u0101 and is B\u0101bar&#8217;s first wife, who left him under the influence of an elder sister, perhaps Sal\u012bqa Sult\u0324\u0101n (\u0100q Begam). Sal\u012bqa married a son of Sult\u0324\u0101n Ma\u1e25m\u016bd M\u012brz\u0101, and may have acted under the evil impulses of the family quarrels which did so much to embitter, if also to stimulate, B\u0101bar&#8217;s early ambitions.<\/sup>\u00a0and mother of Kil\u0101n Kh\u0101n Begam. (25<em>a<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>13. Bega Sult\u0324\u0101n Begam, daughter of Sult\u0324\u0101n Khal\u012bl M\u012brz\u0101, paternal (grand-)uncle of his Majesty.<\/p>\n<p>14. M\u0101ham Begam.<sup>*This is not &#8216;my lady,&#8217; whose death has been already recorded.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>15. Beg\u012b Begam, daughter of Ulugh Beg M\u012brz\u0101\u00a0<em>K\u0101bul\u012b<\/em>, paternal (grand-)uncle of his Majesty.<\/p>\n<p>16. Kh\u0101nz\u0101da Begam, daughter of Sult\u0324\u0101n Mas&#8217;\u016bd M\u012brz\u0101; on her mother&#8217;s side, grand-daughter of Payanda Mu\u1e25am-mad Sult\u0324\u0101n Begam, paternal (grand-)aunt of his Majesty.<\/p>\n<p>17. Sh\u0101h Kh\u0101nam, daughter of Bad\u012b&#8217;u-l-jam\u0101l Begam (No. 2.).<\/p>\n<p>18. Kh\u0101nam Begam, daughter of \u0100q Begam (No. 3.).<\/p>\n<p>19. Zainab Sult\u0324\u0101n Kh\u0101nam, daughter of Sult\u0324\u0101n Ma\u1e25m\u016bd Kh\u0101n, eldest maternal (grand-)uncle of his Majesty.<\/p>\n<p>20. Mu\u1e25ibb Sult\u0324\u0101n Kh\u0101nam, daughter of Sult\u0324\u0101n A\u1e25mad Kh\u0101n, \u2014 known as Il\u0101cha Kh\u0101n, the younger maternal uncle of the elder<sup>*<em>kil\u0101n<\/em>; perhaps, great.<\/sup>\u00a0Emperor (B\u0101bar).<\/p>\n<p>21. Kh\u0101nish, sister of M\u012brz\u0101 \u1e24aidar and daughter of (a) maternal (great-)aunt of his Majesty.<\/p>\n<p>22. Bega Kil\u0101n Begam.<sup>*Probably the daughter of Sult\u0324\u0101n Ma\u1e25m\u016bd M\u012brz\u0101 and mother of Sh\u0101d Begam (No. 28.) by a son, \u1e24aidar, of Sult\u0324\u0101n \u1e24usain M\u012brz\u0101.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>23. K\u012bchak Begam.<\/p>\n<p>24. Sh\u0101h Begam, mother of Dil-sh\u0101d Begam, and daughter of Fakhr-jah\u0101n Begam (No. 1.), paternal (great-) aunt of his Majesty.<\/p>\n<p>25. K\u012bchakna Begam.<\/p>\n<p>26. Ap\u0101q (\u0100f\u0101q) Begam, daughter of Sult\u0324\u0101n Bakht Begam (No. 4.).<\/p>\n<p>27. Mihr-l\u012bq (? Mihr-b\u0101n\u016b) Begam, paternal aunt of his Majesty.<\/p>\n<p>28. Sh\u0101d Begam, grand-daughter of Sult\u0324\u0101n Husain M\u012brz\u0101, and daughter of a paternal aunt of his Majesty (? No. 22.).<\/p>\n<p>29. Mihr-angez Begam, daughter of Muz\u0324affar (\u1e24usain) M\u012brz\u0101, and grandchild of Sult\u0324\u0101n \u1e24usain M\u012brz\u0101. (25<em>b<\/em>) They had great friendship for one another (? Sh\u0101d and Mihr-angez), and they used to wear men&#8217;s clothes and were adorned by varied accomplishments, such as the making of thumb-rings<sup>*Text\u00a0<em>zih-g\u012br\u012b tar\u0101sh\u012b<\/em>, which might be experimentally rendered carving thumb-rings, a gentle art of the day. But if\u00a0<em>wa<\/em>\u00a0be inserted, each word would represent a separate accomplishment of the well-bred in knightly arts. These would be congenial to a lady who played polo (<em>chaug\u0101n<\/em>).\u00a0<em>Cf<\/em>. B\u0101bar&#8217;s account of \u1e24aidar&#8217;s accomplishments (Ilminsky, 14, Merns., 13, P. de C., 22.), and Haidar&#8217;s own recital in his prologue to the\u00a0<em>T\u0101r\u012bkh-i-rash\u012bd\u012b<\/em>. I suggest to take\u00a0<em>tar\u0101sh\u012b<\/em>\u00a0(a word not used by Babar or \u1e24aidar) as equivalent to the fletchery (<em>auq<\/em>), or the &#8216;making arrow-heads&#8217; (<em>paik\u0101n<\/em>), of B\u0101bar. Another possible reading has been suggested to me by Mr. Beveridge (a)<em>z hik\u012br\u012b tar\u0101sh\u012b<\/em>, &#8216;by cutting arrows.&#8217;\u00a0<em>Hik\u012br\u012b<\/em>\u00a0is a Hind\u012b name for cultivated reeds grown on low marshy grounds. (Wilson&#8217;s Glossary,\u00a0<em>s.v.<\/em>, and Platt&#8217;s Hindust\u0101n\u012b Dict..) There is nothing improbable in Gul-badan&#8217;s use of a Hind\u012b word. Arrows were fashioned from these reeds and men-at-arms practised the art. Gujr\u0101t reeds were exported for arrows to Persia. The omission of the\u00a0<em>alif<\/em>\u00a0of\u00a0<em>az<\/em> is not infrequent in the MS. A few words on the\u00a0<em>zih-g\u012br<\/em>\u00a0find fit insertion here. It is a thumb-ring worn on the right hand as a protection against the fret of the bow-string both in drawing and release. Persians, like the Japanese and Mongols and Chinese, drew with the thumb. The\u00a0<em>zih-g\u012br<\/em>\u00a0is of eccentric thickness and unequal width, elongating on one side into a tongue. This elongation lies along the inner side of the thumb, and points towards the thumb-tip. In drawing, the thumb crooks round the string which pulls against the\u00a0<em>zih-g\u012br<\/em>. The arrow is released by straightening the thumb, and the string then flies over the hard surface of the ring. The\u00a0<em>zih-g\u012br<\/em>\u00a0is of jade, crystal, ivory, brass, gold, etc.. Some are chased and carved, and some are jewelled. In December, 1898, a remarkable one was offered for sale at an auction in Edinburgh of Lord Dalhousie&#8217;s collections and the jewels of his daughter, Lady S. G. Brown (Connemara). It is cut from a single emerald, and inscribed: &#8216;<em>Jihat zihg\u012br sh\u0101h-i-sh\u0101h\u0101n N\u0101dir \u1e63\u0101\u1e25ib-qir\u0101n bar taskh\u012br-i-hind az jaw\u0101har-kh\u0101na intikh\u0101b shud<\/em>&#8216; (&#8216;Selected for a thumb-ring for the king of kings and lord of happy conjunction N\u0101dir, from the jewel-room on the conquest of Hind&#8217;). An interesting account of Persian archery is included in the &#8216;Book of Archery,&#8217; G. Agar Hansard (Lond., 1840.). It, however, calls the\u00a0<em>zih-g\u012br<\/em>,\u00a0<em>safn<\/em>.\u00a0<em>safn<\/em>\u00a0is the rough skin of a fish or lizard which is used to smooth the arrow-shafts. (<em>Cf<\/em>. Lane&#8217;s Ar. Diet..)<\/sup> and arrows, playing polo, and shooting with the bow and arrow. They also played many musical instruments.<\/p>\n<p>30. Gul Begam.<\/p>\n<p>31. Fauq Begam.<\/p>\n<p>32. Kh\u0101n (? J\u0101n) Begam.<\/p>\n<p>33. \u0100froz-b\u0101n\u016b Begam.<\/p>\n<p>34. \u0100gha Begam.<\/p>\n<p>35. F\u012broza Begam.<\/p>\n<p>36. Barl\u0101s Begam.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>There were other begams, very many, adding up altogether to ninety-six stipendiaries. There were also some others.<\/p>\n<p>After the Mystic Feast (938 H.) came M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l&#8217;s wedding-feast (Jauhar, 944 H.). Some of the begams already named went away,<sup>*<em>Ba wil\u0101yat\u012b<\/em>. (?) to Kabul and other outside places.<\/sup>\u00a0and (of those) some had sat at the right hand in that assembly (<em>i.e.<\/em>, the Mystic Feast).<sup>*Perhaps this is an explanation of the paucity of right-hand wedding-guests.<\/sup><\/p>\n<blockquote><p>Of our begams:<\/p>\n<p>37. \u0100gha (<em>\u0100gh\u0101,\u2014passim, \u0101gha<\/em>), Sult\u0324\u0101n\u00a0<em>\u0101gh\u0101cha<\/em>, mother of Y\u0101dg\u0101r Sult\u0324\u0101n Begam.<\/p>\n<p>38.\u00a0<em>\u0100t\u016bn m\u0101m\u0101<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>39. Sal\u012bma.<\/p>\n<p>40. Sak\u012bna.<\/p>\n<p>41. B\u012bb\u012b \u1e24ab\u012bba.<\/p>\n<p>42. \u1e24an\u012bfa Bega.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>And the others who had sat<sup>*(?) At the Mystic Feast. Its left-hand guests have not been specified. There are no repetitions of names, although the list seems to give the guests at both feasts. Perhaps down to and including No. 36 the names are of begams who were at the first feast, and then went away. Then come &#8216; our begams &#8216; of the right, whose home was near Hum\u0101y\u016bn, and who were at both feasts.<\/sup> at the Emperor&#8217;s left on embroidered divans.<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>43. Ma&#8217;\u1e63\u016bma Sult\u0324\u0101n Begam.<\/p>\n<p>44. Gul-rang Begam.<\/p>\n<p>45. Gul-chihra Begam.<\/p>\n<p>46. This insignificant one, the broken Gul-badan.<\/p>\n<p>47. &#8216;Aq\u012bqa Sult\u0324\u0101n Begam.<\/p>\n<p>48. \u0100jam, our mother, who was Dil-d\u0101r Begam.<sup>*<em>Cf<\/em>. 236 n.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>49. Gul-barg Begam.<\/p>\n<p>50. Bega Begam. (26<em>a<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>51. M\u0101ham&#8217;s\u00a0<em>nanacha<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>52. Sult\u0324\u0101nam, the wife of Am\u012br (Niz\u0324\u0101mu-d-d\u012bn)\u00a0<em>Khal\u012bfa<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>53. Al\u016bsh Begam.<\/p>\n<p>54. N\u0101h\u012bd Begam.<\/p>\n<p>55. Khursh\u012bd\u00a0<em>k\u016bka<\/em>, and the children of my royal father&#8217;s foster-brothers.<\/p>\n<p>56. Afgh\u0101n\u012b\u00a0<em>\u0101gh\u0101cha<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>57.<sup>*Nos. 57 and 58 are, perhaps, the two Circassians whom Shah Tahmasp sent as a gift to B\u0101bar (Mems., 347.). Gul-n\u0101r is named in Ab\u016b &#8216;l-fazl&#8217;s list of pilgrims who went with Gul-badan to Makka in 983H., and as being of B\u0101bar&#8217;s household. They (Nos. 57 and 58) are named also by Firishta.<\/sup>\u00a0Gul-n\u0101r\u00a0<em>\u0101gh\u0101cha<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>58. N\u0101z-gul\u00a0<em>\u0101gh\u0101cha<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>59. Makhd\u016bma\u00a0<em>\u0101gha<\/em>, the wife of Hind\u016b Beg.<\/p>\n<p>60. Fat\u012bma Sult\u0324\u0101n\u00a0<em>anaga<\/em>, the mother of Raushan\u00a0<em>k\u016bka<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>61. Fakhru-n-nis\u0101&#8217;\u00a0<em>anaga<\/em>, the mother of Nad\u012bm\u00a0<em>k\u016bka<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>62. The wife of Mu\u1e25ammad\u012b\u00a0<em>k\u016bka<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>63. The wife of Mu&#8217;yid Beg.<\/p>\n<p>64. The\u00a0<em>k\u016bkas<\/em>\u00a0of his Majesty: Khursh\u012bd\u00a0<em>k\u016bka<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>65. Shar\u012bfu-n-nis\u0101&#8217;\u00a0<em>k\u016bka<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>66. Fat\u1e25\u00a0<em>k\u016bka<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>67. Rab\u012b&#8217;a Sult\u0324\u0101n\u00a0<em>k\u016bka<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>68. M\u0101h-liq\u0101\u00a0<em>k\u016bka<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>69. Our nurses (<em>anaga<\/em>).<\/p>\n<p>70. Our\u00a0<em>k\u016bkas<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>71. The begams&#8217; people and the wives of the am\u012brs.<\/p>\n<p>Those who were on the right.<\/p>\n<p>73. Sal\u012bma Bega.<\/p>\n<p>74. B\u012bb\u012b Neka.<\/p>\n<p>75. Kh\u0101nam\u00a0<em>\u0101gha<\/em>, daughter of Khw\u0101ja &#8216;Abdu-l-l\u0101h\u00a0<em>Marw\u0101r\u012bd<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>76. Nig\u0101r\u00a0<em>\u0101gha<\/em>, mother of Mughal Beg.<\/p>\n<p>77. N\u0101r Sult\u0324\u0101n\u00a0<em>\u0101gha<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>78. \u0100gha\u00a0<em>k\u016bka<\/em>, wife of Mu&#8217;nim Kh\u0101n.<\/p>\n<p>79. Daughter of M\u012br Sh\u0101h \u1e24usain, (illegible) Bega.<\/p>\n<p>80. K\u012bsak M\u0101ham.<\/p>\n<p>81. K\u0101bul\u012b M\u0101ham.<\/p>\n<p>82. Beg\u012b\u00a0<em>\u0101gha<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>83. Kh\u0101nam\u00a0<em>\u0101gha<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>84. Sa&#8217;\u0101dat Sult\u0324\u0101n\u00a0<em>\u0101gha<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>85. B\u012bb\u012b Daulat-bakht.<\/p>\n<p>86. Na\u1e63\u012bb\u00a0<em>\u0101gha<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>87. (Illegible) K\u0101bul\u012b.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>Other begas and \u0101ghas, the wives of the am\u012brs, sat on this hand, and all were present at the marriage feast. (26<em>b<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>This was the fashion of the Mystic House: (there was) a large octagonal room in which they gave the feast, over against this a small room, also octagonal. In both every sort of profusion and splendour appeared. In the large octagonal hall was set the jewelled throne, and above and below it were spread out hangings (<em>ad\u1e63aqah\u0101\u012b<\/em>) embroidered with gold, and wonderful strings of pearls (<em>shadh\u012bh\u0101<\/em>) hung, each 1 1\/2 yards (<em>gaz<\/em>) in length. At the end of each string (<em>lar\u012b<\/em>) were two glass globes. There had been made and hung some thirty or forty strings.<\/p>\n<p>In the small room, in an alcove, were set a gilded bed\u00adstead and\u00a0<em>p\u0101n<\/em>-dishes,<sup>*This word excites curiosity as to the time when Gul-badan&#8217;s people learned to eat\u00a0<em>p\u0101n<\/em>.<\/sup>\u00a0and water-vessels and jewelled drinking-vessels, and utensils of pure gold and silver.<\/p>\n<p>Facing west (was) the audience hall; facing east, the garden; on the third side and facing south, the large octagon; and on the side facing north, the small one. In these three houses were three upper rooms. One they named the House of Dominion,<sup>*As to this threefold classification, Elliot and Dowson, V., 119, may be consulted.<\/sup> and in it were nine military appurtenances, such as a jewelled scimitar and gilded armour, a broad dagger and a curved dagger, and a quiver, all gilt, and a gold-embroidered overmantle.<sup>*Six articles only are separately named, but the\u00a0<em>q\u016br<\/em>\u00a0(translated armour) may be taken in the sense given to it in the\u00a0<em>\u0100\u012bn<\/em>\u00a0(Blochmann, 109.), and include four weapons, which makes the total the mystic nine.\u00a0<em>Cf<\/em>.\u00a0<em>\u0100\u012bn<\/em>,\u00a0<em>l.c.<\/em>, and plates. (N.B. The numbering of the weapons [<em>l.c.<\/em>\u00a0p. 110.] does not agree with that of the plates. Plate X. should be consulted.)<\/sup> (27<em>a<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>In the second room, called the House of Good Fortune, an oratory had been arranged, and books placed, and gilded pen-cases,<sup>*<em>qalam-d\u0101n<\/em>. Several such are to be seen at the S. K. M. They are boxes damascened or painted with pictures, about 10 inches by 3 inches, and contain writing implements. &#8216;Gilded &#8216; does not seem an appropriate epithet. Perhaps the dictionaries define imperfectly.<\/sup> and splendid portfolios,<sup>*<em>juz-d\u0101n.<\/em>\u00a0Perhaps the beautiful book-covers of the day. Those having flaps might be called portfolios.<\/sup> and entertaining picture-books written in beautiful character.<sup>*<em>muraqqa&#8217;.<\/em><\/sup><\/p>\n<p>In the third room, which they called the House of Pleasure, were set out a gilded bedstead and a coffer of sandal-wood, and all imaginable pillows. Then in front were spread specially choice coverlets,<sup>*<em>nih\u0101lcha<\/em>. Placed, I presume, over carpets.<\/sup>\u00a0and before these table-cloths, all of gold brocade. Various fruits and beverages had been got ready, and everything for merri\u00adment and comfort and pleasure.<\/p>\n<p>On the feast-day of the Mystic House, his Majesty ordered all the m\u012brz\u0101s and begams to bring gifts,<sup>*<em>s\u0101chaq<\/em>. This word appears to have a special meaning of wedding-gifts, but Gul-badan uses it elsewhere more widely.<\/sup>\u00a0and everyone did so. He said: \u2018Divide the gifts into three heaps.\u2019 They made three trays of\u00a0<em>ashraf\u012bs<\/em>\u00a0and six of\u00a0<em>sh\u0101hrukh\u012bs<\/em>. One of\u00a0<em>ashraf\u012bs<\/em>\u00a0and two of\u00a0<em>sh\u0101hrukh\u012bs<\/em>\u00a0he gave to Hind\u016b Beg and said: \u2018This is the share of Dominion; give it to the m\u012brz\u0101s and chiefs and vaz\u012brs and soldiers.\u2019 (27<em>b<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>He gave in the same way to Mull\u0101 Mu\u1e25ammad Fargh\u0101r\u012b (Pargh\u0101l\u012b) and said: \u2018This is the share of Good Fortune. Give it to those who are eminent and respectable, and to theologians and religious men, to ascetics and graybeards, and dervishes and devotees, and the poor and the needy.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>Concerning one tray of\u00a0<em>ashraf\u012bs<\/em>\u00a0and two of\u00a0<em>sh\u0101hrukh\u012bs<\/em>\u00a0he said: \u2018This is the portion of Pleasure. This is mine. Bring it forward.\u2019 They did so. He said: \u2018What need is there to count?\u2019 First he himself vouchsafed his blessed hand and said: \u2018Let them take to the begams on one small tray\u00a0<em>ashraf\u012bs<\/em>\u00a0and on another\u00a0<em>sh\u0101hrukh\u012bs<\/em>. Let each person take her hands full.\u2019 What was left, that is two trays of\u00a0<em>sh\u0101h-rukh\u012bs\u00a0<\/em>,\u2014which may have been 10,000,\u2014and all the\u00a0<em>ashraf\u012bs<\/em>, \u2014about 2,000\u2014he gave in largesse, and scattered<sup>*<em>ni\u1e63\u0101r<\/em>. Again a word which, like\u00a0<em>s\u0101chaq<\/em>, would seem to fit the marriage feast better than the accession.<\/sup> first be\u00adfore the <em>wal\u012b &#8216;u-n-ni&#8217; mat\u0101n<\/em>\u00a0(beneficent seniors), and then to those present at the entertainment. No one received less than 100 or 150, and those in the tank especially received very much. (28<em>a<\/em>) His Majesty was pleased to say: \u2018Dearest lady! if you approved, they might put water in the tank.\u2019 She replied: \u2018Very good,\u2019 and went herself and sat at the top of the steps. People were taking no notice, when all at once (?) the tap was turned and water came. (28<em>a<\/em>) The young people got very much excited. His Majesty said: \u2018There is no harm; each of you will eat a pellet of anise<sup>*<em>sh\u012bt<\/em>. The text has no points and would yield\u00a0<em>seb<\/em>, apple ; but anise is the better remedy against cold.<\/sup> and a bit of comfit<sup>*<em>ma&#8217;j\u016bn<\/em>\u00a0any medical confection, but commonly an intoxicant. Here it may be some preventive of chill.<\/sup>\u00a0and come out of there.\u2019 Upon this, everyone who would eat the comfit came out quickly. The water was as high as their ankles. To end the story, everyone ate the comfit and all came out.<\/p>\n<p>Then the viands of the feast were set forth, and robes of honour were put on,<sup>*It was now that 12,000\u00a0<em>khil&#8217;ats<\/em>\u00a0are said to have been distributed. In this passage Gul-badan twice uses the expression\u00a0<em>sar u-p\u0101\u012b<\/em>. Perhaps one might say that the &#8216;young people&#8217; were given new clothes from head to foot, and so shake off the fetters of the rigid\u00a0<em>khil&#8217;at<\/em>,\u00a0<em>sar u-p\u0101\u012b<\/em>, and &#8216;honorary dresses.&#8217;<\/sup>\u00a0and gifts bestowed, and head-to-foot dresses given to the comfit-eaters and others.<\/p>\n<p>On the margin of the tank was a room (<em>t\u0101l\u0101r<\/em>)<sup>*The dictionaries I have seen, explain\u00a0<em>t\u0101l\u0101r<\/em>\u00a0as a saloon built of wood and supported on four columns, and this is appropriate here. Le Strange and Haggard (Vaz\u012br of Lonkur\u0101n) say, &#8216; Alcove or chamber in which a ruler sits to give public audience and hear suitors.&#8217; It is raised above the level of the (<em>e.g<\/em>.) courtyard, so that petitioners are below the\u00a0<em>hak\u012bm<\/em>. Approaching this meaning is the &#8216;throne&#8217; of the dictionaries.<\/sup> fitted with talc windows, and young people sat in the room and players made music. Also a woman&#8217;s b\u0101z\u0101r<sup>*<em>Cf<\/em>.\u00a0<em>\u0100\u012bn<\/em>, Blochmann, 276 ;\u00a0<em>Khushroz<\/em>, or Day of Fancy B\u0101z\u0101rs.<\/sup>\u00a0had been arranged, and boats had been decorated. In one boat was made (?) the semblance of six people (<em>kas\u012b<\/em>) and six alcoves (<em>kanj<\/em>); in (another) an upper room, and below it a garden with amaranthus and cockscombs and larkspurs<sup>*<em>n\u0101-firm\u0101n<\/em>, stubborn, (?) because they will break and not bend. Balfour (Cyclopaedia) and Forbes (Hind. Dict.) give larkspur ; Fallen, poppy. An account of the boats, etc., may be read in B.M. MS. Add. 30,774, where is a translation by Sir H. Elliott&#8217;s\u00a0<em>munsh\u012b<\/em>\u00a0from\u00a0<em>Khw\u0101nd-am\u012br<\/em>.<\/sup> and tulips. In one place there were eight boats, so that there were eight pieces.<sup>*<em>parcha<\/em>. Perhaps flower-gardens; perhaps Fr.\u00a0<em>pi\u00e8ce<\/em>.\u00a0<em>Cf. Un appartement de deux, trois pi\u00e8ces<\/em>.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>In short, everyone was astonished and amazed who beheld what gift of contrivance the great God had bestowed on the blessed mind of his Majesty. (28<em>b<\/em>)<\/p>\nTHE DESCRIPTION OF M\u012aRZ\u0100 HIND\u0100L&#8217;S (MARRIAGE) FEAST IS AS FOLLOWS:<sup>*Jauhar&#8217;s date for this is 944H. (1537).<\/sup>\n<p>Sult\u0324\u0101nam Begam (<em>i.e.<\/em>, the bride) was a sister of Mahd\u012b Khw\u0101ja.<sup>*Many difficulties gather round this name. <em>Cf<\/em>. Appendix\u00a0<em>s.n<\/em>. Mahd\u012b Khw\u0101ja.<\/sup><sup>\u00a0<\/sup>My father&#8217;s brother-in law (<em>yazna<\/em>) had no child except Ja&#8217;far Khw\u0101ja, and there was no child (?) of Kh\u0101n-z\u0101da Begam).<sup>*The copyist has perhaps omitted one\u00a0<em>\u0101ka-jan\u0101m<\/em>.<\/sup>\u00a0Dearest lady had taken care of Sult\u0324\u0101nam as though she were her child. Sult\u0324\u0101nam was two years old when Kh\u0101nz\u0101da Begam took charge of her. She (Kh\u0101nz\u0101da) loved her very much, and thought of her as a brother&#8217;s child of her own. She made a most entertaining and splendid feast.<\/p>\n<p>A\u00a0<em>k\u016bshka<\/em><sup>*M. Quatrem\u00e8re uses this word twice with perhaps two meanings. (Notices et Extraits, XIV. 324, 325 and 406-8.) At p. 408 he translates it <em>kiosques<\/em>, and it seems to be a building. At pp. 324 and 406 he leaves it untranslated. (Here it may have the sense given by Gul-badan.) It is named amongst items prepared for ambassadors at a post-house. These are: &#8216;<em>kat<\/em>, tr\u00f4ne;\u00a0<em>bastar<\/em>, estrade; &#8230;\u00a0<em>kushka<\/em>;\u00a0<em>jinlik<\/em>;\u00a0<em>sandal\u012b<\/em>, si\u00e9ge,&#8217; etc. Gul-badan might intend to name a canopy or screen for a sleeping-place in a large room or a movable kiosk with sleeping comforts.<\/sup>\u00a0and hangings (<em>ad\u1e63aqa<\/em>)<sup>*<em>Cf<\/em>. 226.<\/sup>\u00a0and five divans and five pillows for the head (<em>y\u012bst\u016bq<\/em>), and one large pillow and two round ones (<em>gal\u016bla<\/em>); and girdles (<em>q\u016bshqa<\/em>) and veils (<em>naq\u0101b<\/em>), together with a tent<sup>*A word follows tent which I cannot make out. It resembles\u00a0<em>j-(h,ch)-l-gh<\/em>\u00a0(no vowels).<\/sup>\u00a0\u2026 with three gold-embroidered cushions and head-to-foot dresses for a prince, with collar and bordering of gold embroidery, and bath-wrappers (<em>faut\u0324a<\/em>) and napkins (<em>r\u016bp\u0101k<\/em>) and embroidered towels (<em>r\u016bm\u0101l<\/em>) and an embroidered mantle (<em>q\u016brposh<\/em>) to be worn over the armour.<\/p>\n<p>For Sult\u0324\u0101nam Begam: nine jackets (<em>n\u012bm-tana<\/em>)<sup>*<em>n\u012bm-tana<\/em>, i.e., demi-corps. Like many of Gul-badan&#8217;s words, this is marked by Steingass as &#8216;modern colloquial.&#8217; Apropos of this, Dr. Fritz Rosen says in the preface of his Modern Persian Colloquial Grammar, that the Persian of Iran differs &#8216;in every respect &#8216; from the Persian of India. The Persian of Gul-badan allows one to feel at home with the vaz\u012br of Lonkur\u0101n, and with Dr. Rosen&#8217;s own book. Perhaps the difference he indicates is between the literary and colloquial. Gul-badan&#8217;s Persian, however, is presumably that of contemporary Ir\u0101n, and her teachers were probably Persian born. Dr. Rosen&#8217;s remark appears to require some restriction.<\/sup> with garniture of jewelled balls,<sup><em>*tukma<\/em>\u00a0(<em>d\u0101r<\/em>), usually translated buttons; but the button is so associated with the button-hole as to suggest a fastening. A dressmaker might say &#8216;ball-trimming.&#8217; Globular buttons were and are placed round the neck and hem of a boddice. The vazir of Lonkur\u0101n ordered a jacket with garniture of twenty-four gold buttons, smaller than a hen&#8217;s and larger than a pigeon&#8217;s. Vests trimmed with &#8216;buttons&#8217; (Mems.) are repeatedly named by B\u0101bar as gifts.<\/sup>\u00a0one of ruby, one of cornelian, one of emerald, one of turquoise, one of topaz, and one of cat&#8217;s-eye.<\/p>\n<p>Again: of necklaces, nine; and one embroidered collar and bordering, and four short jackets<sup>*<em>ch\u0101r qart\u012bj\u012b<\/em>; a suggested rendering only. Johnson gives\u00a0<em>kart\u012b<\/em>\u00a0(<em>qart\u012b<\/em>) as a short boddice reaching to the hips, and the\u00a0<em>qar<\/em>\u00a0recurs in other words, having the sense of a body garment;\u00a0<em>e.g.<\/em>,\u00a0<em>qart\u0324aq<\/em>, a short-sleeved jacket;\u00a0<em>qarza<\/em>, a woman&#8217;s vest.<\/sup>\u00a0with ball-trimming (<em>tukma-d\u0101r<\/em>), and one pair of ruby earrings and another of pearls, three fans,<sup>*<em>pankha.<\/em><\/sup> and one royal umbrella.<\/p>\n<p>One\u00a0<em>dirakht<\/em>\u00a0and two\u00a0<em>khu\u1e6db<\/em><sup>*I find no help as to these words in the dictionaries. My only suggestion as to their possible meaning is too slightly based to be of value. It is this: In the South Kensington Museum, Oriental Section, I have seen tall lamp-stands so shaped that they recall the\u00a0<em>Qut\u0324b<\/em>\u00a0pillar outside Dihl\u012b. That such stands would be a part of good household furnishing the South Kensington Museum allows us to suppose. We have our &#8216;tall lamps,&#8217; our &#8216;pillar lamps,&#8217; and also our &#8216;branched candlesticks,&#8217; which may be a term parallel to\u00a0<em>dirakht<\/em>, a tree.<\/sup> and other furniture and effects, and household goods and chattels and workshops<sup>*<em>k\u0101r-kh\u0101nah\u0101<\/em>. These may be the kitchen and its plenishing; the goldsmith&#8217;s, with his tools, furnaces, and appliances; the perfumer&#8217;s, etc..\u00a0<em>Cf<\/em>.\u00a0<em>\u0100in<\/em>, Blochmann, and\u00a0<em>T\u0101r. Rash.<\/em>, E. &amp; E., 470.<\/sup>\u00a0of all sorts. (29<em>a<\/em>) Kh\u0101nz\u0101da Begam gave everything she had collected, and she arranged a feast such as had not been made for any other child of my royal father. She planned it all and carried it all out.<\/p>\n<p>\u2026 nine\u00a0<em>tip\u016bch\u0101q<\/em> horses, with jewelled and gold-em\u00adbroidered saddles and bridles; and gold and silver vessels and slaves,<sup>*<em>ghul\u0101m\u0101n<\/em>, which I have rendered slaves, because they were a gift. But I know no warrant for such servitude as is thus implied.<\/sup>\u00a0T\u016brk\u012b and Circassian and Ar\u016bs (? R\u016bs) and Abyssinian,\u2014of each (race) a royal gift of nine.<\/p>\n<p>What my royal father&#8217;s brother-in-law<sup>*<em>yazna<\/em>, which is explained by Vamb\u00e9ry and Steingass as &#8216;husband of the king&#8217;s sister.&#8217;\u00a0<em>Niz\u0324\u0101mu-d-d\u012bn<\/em>\u00a0Ahmad styles Mahdi Khwaja damdd, which Meninsky and Steingass explain as &#8216;husband of the king&#8217;s sister&#8217; and &#8216; son-in-law.&#8217; I do not find\u00a0<em>yazna<\/em>\u00a0rendered son-in-law by any of the dictionaries. To read\u00a0<em>yazna<\/em>\u00a0brother-in-law of the king &#8216;agrees with the detailed statement of Mahd\u012b&#8217;s relation to B\u0101bar made by B\u0101yaz\u012bd\u00a0<em>b\u012by\u0101t<\/em>.\u00a0<em>Cf<\/em>. Appendix,\u00a0<em>s.n.<\/em>\u00a0Kh\u0101nz\u0101da.<\/sup>\u00a0(Mahd\u012b Khw\u0101ja) gave to the m\u012brz\u0101 was a set of nine\u00a0<em>tip\u016bch\u0101q<\/em>\u00a0horses, with jewelled and gold-embroidered saddles and bridles; and gold and silver vessels, and two other sets of nine horses, baggage animals, with velvet saddles and bridles; and brocade and Portuguese cloth, and T\u016brk\u012b and \u1e24absh\u012b and Hind\u012b slaves,\u2014in all, three sets of nine; and three head of elephants.<\/p>\n<p>In his Majesty&#8217;s leisure after the feast came news that the vaz\u012br of Sult\u0324\u0101n Bah\u0101dur, Khur\u0101s\u0101n Kh\u0101n by name, had attacked Bay\u0101na. His Majesty despatched M\u012brz\u0101 &#8216;Askar\u012b, with several am\u012brs, M\u012br Faqr-&#8216;ali Beg and M\u012br Tard\u012b Beg, etc.. These went to Bay\u0101na and fought and defeated Khur\u0101s\u0101n Kh\u0101n.<sup>*M\u012brz\u0101 Muq\u012bm, Khur\u0101s\u0101n Kh\u0101n.<\/sup>\u00a0(29<em>b<\/em>) The Emperor set out for Gujr\u0101t shortly afterwards, in prosperity and safety. It was on the 15th of the revered Rajab 941H.<sup>*January 29th, 1535. Abu&#8217;l-faz\u0324l gives Jum\u0101da I., 941H. (November, 1534) as the time for collecting the troops. Perhaps the begam&#8217;s date is that of departure, a day liable to postponement when Hum\u0101y\u016bn was in pleasant quarters.<\/sup>\u00a0that he quite decided to go himself to Gujr\u0101t. He set up his advance camp in the Gold-scattering Garden, and there spent a month while the forces were gathering in.<\/p>\n<p>On court days, which were Sundays and Tuesdays, he used to go to the other side of the river. During his stay in the garden,\u00a0<em>\u0101jam<\/em>\u00a0(Dil-d\u0101r Begam) and my sisters and the ladies (<em>\u1e25aram\u0101n<\/em>) were often in his company. Of all the tents, Ma&#8217;\u1e63\u016bma Sult\u0324\u0101n Begam&#8217;s was at the top of the row. Next came Gul-rang Begam&#8217;s, and\u00a0<em>\u0101jam&#8217;s<\/em> was in the same place. Then the tent of my mother,<sup>*It may be that the copyist has transferred the words &#8216;my mother&#8217; from a quite usual place, preceding or following the\u00a0<em>\u0101jam<\/em>\u00a0of the previous sentence. They are inappropriate to Gul-barg Begam; at least, I have never seen them used to describe a brother&#8217;s wife, and such I believe this Gul-barg to be. We know of a &#8216;B\u012bb\u012b Gul-barg,&#8217; mentioned somewhat condescendingly (21<em>a<\/em>) by M\u0101ham Begam ; I incline to take Gul-barg there and here as Khal\u012bfa&#8217;s daughter, and the former wife of M\u012br Sh\u0101h \u1e24usain\u00a0<em>Argh\u016bn<\/em>.\u00a0<em>Cf<\/em>. Appendix,\u00a0<em>s.n.<\/em>. Gul-barg.<\/sup> Gul-barg Begam and of Bega Begam<sup>*This is, I think, Hum\u0101y\u016bn&#8217;s wife and the mother of &#8216;Aq\u012bqa. The object of Gul-badan&#8217;s enumeration of the tents seems to be desire to show that B\u0101bar&#8217;s daughters and widow had places of honour higher than Hum\u0101y\u016bn&#8217;s family.<\/sup>\u00a0and the others.<\/p>\n<p>They set up the offices (<em>k\u0101r-kh\u0101nah\u0101<\/em>) and got them into order. When they had put up the pavilions (<em>khaima<\/em>) and tents (<em>khar-g\u0101h<\/em>) and the audience tent (<em>b\u0101r-g\u0101h<\/em>), the Emperor came to see the camp and the splendid set-out, and visited the begams and his sisters. As he had dismounted some\u00adwhat near Ma&#8217;\u1e63\u016bma Sult\u0324\u0101n Begam&#8217;s (tent), he honoured her with a visit. All of us, the begams and my sisters, were in his society. (30<em>a<\/em>) When he went to any begam&#8217;s or sister&#8217;s quarters, all the begams and all his sisters used to go with him. Next day he came to the tent<sup>*<em>kh\u0101na<\/em>, lit., house.<\/sup> of this lowly person, and the entertainment lasted till the third watch<sup>*<em>pahr<\/em>. Gul-badan names the Hind\u016bstan\u012b division of time into watches on which her father had commented as being a novelty to himself. (Mems., 331.)<\/sup>\u00a0of the night. Many begams were there, and his sisters, and ladies of rank (<em>begah\u0101<\/em>) and of position (<em>\u0101gh\u0101h\u0101<\/em>), and other ladies (<em>\u0101gh\u0101chah\u0101<\/em>), and musicians and reciters. After the third watch his Majesty was pleased to command repose. His sisters and the begams made resting-places (<em>tak\u012ba<\/em>) in his presence.<sup>*It seems, as again later on, that they fell asleep where they were seated, on mattresses and provided with pillows.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>Bega Begam woke (us) up, and said: \u2018It is time for prayers.\u2019<sup>*The early morning prayers, about which the opinion is expressed that prayer is better than sleep.<\/sup> His Majesty ordered water for ablution<sup>*<em>waz\u0324\u016b<\/em>\u00a0ablution before prayers.\u00a0<em>Cf<\/em>. Hughes, Dict, of Isl\u0101m.<\/sup> made ready where he was, and so the begam knew that he was awake. She began a complaint, and said to him: \u2018For several days now you have been paying visits in this garden, and on no one day have you been to our<sup>*From what follows, Gul-barg would seem to be the fellow -sufferer.<\/sup> house. Thorns have not been planted in the way to it. We hope you will deign to visit our quarters also, and to have a party and a sociable gathering there, too. How long will you think it right to show all these disfavours to us help\u00adless ones? We too have hearts. Three times you have honoured other places by visits, and you have run day and night into one in amusement and conversation.\u2019 (30<em>b<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>When she had finished, his Majesty said nothing, and went to prayers. At the first watch of the day he came out and sent for his sisters and the begams, and for Dil-d\u0101r Begam, and Afgh\u0101n\u012b\u00a0<em>\u0101gh\u0101cha<\/em>, and Gul-n\u0101r\u00a0<em>\u0101gh\u0101cha<\/em>, and Meywa-j\u0101n and \u0100gh\u0101-j\u0101n, and the nurses (<em>anagah\u0101<\/em>). We all went, and he said not a word, so everyone knew he was angry. Then after a little he began: \u2018B\u012bb\u012b, what ill\u00adtreatment at my hands did you complain of this morning?\u2019 and: \u2018That was not the place to make a complaint. You all (<em>shum\u0101<\/em>) know that I have been to the quarters of the elder relations (<em>wal\u012b&#8217;u-n-ni&#8217;mat\u0101n<\/em>) of you all (<em>shum\u0101y\u0101n<\/em>). It is a necessity laid on me to make them happy. Nevertheless, I am ashamed before them because I see them so rarely. It has long been in my mind to ask from you all a signed declaration (<em>sijl\u012b<\/em>), and it is as well that you have brought me to the speaking-point. I am an opium-eater. If there should be delay in my comings and goings, do not be angry with me. Rather, write me a letter, and say: \u201cWhether it please you to come or whether it please you not to come, we are content and are thankful to you.\u201d\u2019<\/p>\n<p>Gul-barg Begam wrote to this effect at once, and he settled it with her.<sup>*<em>ba Gul-barg Begam dary\u0101ftand.<\/em><\/sup> Bega Begam insisted a little, saying: \u2018The excuse looked worse than the fault.<sup>*A familiar proverb.\u00a0<em>Cf<\/em>. Steingass, 840,\u00a0<em>s.v. &#8216;azr<\/em>.<\/sup>\u00a0(31<em>a<\/em>) We com\u00adplained in order that your Majesty might lift up our heads by your favour. Your Majesty has carried the matter to this point! What remedy have we? You are Emperor.\u2019 She wrote a letter and gave it to him, and he made it up<sup>*<em>dary\u0101ftand<\/em>. Gul-badan frequently uses this word as meaning to embrace and to greet, a sense not mentioned by Johnson or Steingass. The\u00a0<em>ba<\/em>\u00a0of the earlier instance (note 1.) induced me to give it the notion of coming to an understanding.\u00a0<em>Cf<\/em>. 16<em>b<\/em>.<\/sup>\u00a0with her also.<\/p>\n<p>On February 18th, 1534 (Sha&#8217;b\u0101n 14th, 941 H.), he set out from the Gold-scattering Garden and marched for Gujr\u0101t, to fall upon Sult\u0324\u0101n Bah\u0101dur. They confronted one another at Man\u1e25as\u016br (Mands\u016br); a battle was fought, and Sult\u0324\u0101n Bah\u0101dur, on his defeat, fled to Champ\u0101n\u012br. Then his Majesty resolved to pursue him. Sult\u0324\u0101n Bah\u0101dur left Champ\u0101n\u012br and went towards A\u1e25mad\u0101b\u0101d.<sup>*Taking his treasure with him, Sult\u0324\u0101n Bah\u0101dur fled before Hum\u0101y\u016bn to Champ\u0101n\u012br, Ahmad\u0101b\u0101d, Cambay and Diu.<\/sup> His Majesty took the country of A\u1e25mad\u0101b\u0101d also, and portioned out the whole of Gujr\u0101t to his men. A\u1e25mad\u0101b\u0101d he bestowed on M\u012brz\u0101 &#8216;Askar\u012b,<sup>*Hum\u0101y\u016bn&#8217;s half-brother.<\/sup> Bahr\u016bch on Q\u0101sim \u1e24usain Sult\u0324\u0101n,<sup>*Grandson, through a daughter, of Sult\u0324\u0101n \u1e24usain M\u012brz\u0101\u00a0<em>B\u0101yqr\u0101<\/em>; on his father&#8217;s side an Uzbeg.<\/sup> and Patan on Y\u0101dg\u0101r-n\u0101\u1e63ir M\u012brz\u0101.<sup>*Hum\u0101y\u016bn&#8217;s first cousin, the son of B\u0101bar&#8217;s half-brother N\u0101\u1e63ir. He was a posthumous child. Mr. Beveridge has drawn my attention to the fact, of which there are other examples, that he is called Y\u0101dg\u0101r, a souvenir, of N\u0101\u1e63ir, his father.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>He himself, with a small following, went from Champ\u0101n\u012br to visit Kanb\u0101yat<sup>*This excursion preceded the allotment of fiefs. Gul-badan&#8217;s way of putting the pursuit of Bah\u0101dur is borne out by some other writers. This was Hum\u0101y\u016bn&#8217;s first sight of the sea, and the spectacle seems to have been more in her mind than was Bah\u0101dur. \u0100kbar&#8217;s first sight of the sea is also commemorated in the histories.<\/sup> (Cambay). A few days later there came a woman with news, and said: \u2018Why are you sitting here? The men of Kanb\u0101yat have gathered, and will fall upon you unless your Majesty rides off.\u2019 The royal am\u012brs attacked the rabble,<sup>*Ab\u016b&#8217;l-fazl calls them Bhils and Gaw\u0101rs. (H.B. I. 309.) They were rude tribesmen acting in Bah\u0101dur&#8217;s interests. Maternal affection saved the small royal camp. The &#8216;woman&#8217; had a son a slave in it, and she purchased his freedom by revealing the designs of her fellow-tribesmen. Although Cambay had not furnished the assailants, it paid in fire and pillage for the attack. It lay near, was an enemy&#8217;s town, and such an incident as the onslaught of the Bhils would not allow of fine distinction of race and person.<\/sup>\u00a0and got them into their hands and cut them in pieces. (31<em>b<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>His Majesty then went to Baroda, and from there towards Champ\u0101n\u012br.<sup>*Behind this dull statement is a stirring episode. Hum\u0101y\u016bn took Champ\u0101n\u012br after a four months&#8217; blockade, by night escalade of a rock so nearly perpendicular that seventy or eighty iron spikes had to be driven in to allow ascent. Thirty-nine men climbed up. Bair\u0101m Kh\u0101n was the fortieth, Hum\u0101y\u016bn the forty-first of the three hundred who mounted. Such a B\u0101bar-like episode makes regret the keener that Humayun&#8217;s life was ruined and stained by his slavery to a drug. The loot of Champ\u0101n\u012br was enormous; it had been regarded as impregnable, and was full of treasure. It was taken in 1536 (943 H.). Hum\u0101y\u016bn now relapsed into an evil mood of feasting and indolence. He remained near Champ\u0101n\u012br, and affairs entered on a recurrent phase. There was complete relaxation of discipline. Gul-badan&#8217;s &#8216;we had settled down&#8217; (<em>nishista bud\u012bm<\/em>) allows the inference that she and other ladies had joined the camp. A later instance will be found of the inopportune presence of women and children with the army. But it may mean merely &#8216;we were comfortably awaiting events&#8217; in \u0100gra.<\/sup> We had settled down, when there was a tumult, and M\u012brz\u0101 &#8216;Askar\u012b&#8217;s people left A\u1e25mad\u0101b\u0101d and came to the Emperor. They represented to him that M\u012brz\u0101 &#8216;Askar\u012b<sup>*He was thinking of having the\u00a0<em>khut\u0324ba<\/em>\u00a0read in his own name in \u0100gra. Such an aspiration in Hum\u0101y\u016bn&#8217;s brothers was encouraged by his own abdications of sovereignty.<\/sup> and Y\u0101dg\u0101r-n\u0101\u1e63ir M\u012brz\u0101 had conspired, and wished to go to \u0100gra. On hearing this, he himself was forced to go; he left the important affairs of Gujr\u0101t [(?) its pacification], and turned away and went to \u0100gra. Here he spent as much as a year.<sup>*A fatal year which allowed Sh\u012br Kh\u0101n to gather force. Gul-badan&#8217;s recital of the historical events of this time has no value.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>He then went to Chan\u0101da (Chun\u0101r), and took it,<sup>*Sh\u012br Kh\u0101n.<\/sup> and also Benares. Sh\u012br Kh\u0101n was in Charkanda,<sup>*Jh\u0101rkand.<\/sup>\u00a0and made an offer of service, saying: \u2018I am your old servant. Give me a place with a fixed boundary in which I may establish myself.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>His Majesty was considering this, when the king of Gaur Bang\u0101la<sup>*Sayyid Ma\u1e25m\u016bd Sh\u0101h. He had been defeated by Sh\u012br Kh\u0101n. (<em>Cf<\/em>. Erskine&#8217;s notes on Stewart&#8217;s Jauhar, B. M. Add. 26,608, p. 12.)<\/sup> came wounded and a fugitive. For this reason he gave no attention (to Sh\u012br Kh\u0101n), but marched towards Gaur Bang\u0101la. Sh\u012br Kh\u0101n knew that his Majesty had gone there, and went himself also with a large detachment of horse, and joined his son (Jil\u0101l Kh\u0101n), who was in Gaur with his servant Khaw\u0101\u1e63 Kh\u0101n. Sh\u012br Kh\u0101n sent them out, and said: \u2018Go and fortify Garh\u012b.\u2019<sup>*&#8217;The gate of Bengal,&#8217; a pass between it and Bih\u0101r, and which has a hill on one hand and the Ganges on the other. It is the Teria garh\u012b or Tilia gulley of our maps.<\/sup>\u00a0(32<em>a<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>Both came and occupied Garh\u012b. His Majesty had written to Jah\u0101ng\u012br Beg: \u2018Advance a stage, and go up to Garh\u012b.\u2019 There was fighting, and Jah\u0101ng\u012br Beg was wounded and many men were slain.<\/p>\n<p>When the Emperor had spent three or four days in Kohlg\u0101n\u016b (Colgong), it became advisable for him to march on and halt near Garh\u012b. He marched forward, and when he came near Garh\u012b, Sh\u012br Kh\u0101n and Khaw\u0101\u1e63 Kh\u0101n fled by night, and he entered Garh\u012b next day. Thence he went to Gaur Bang\u0101la, and took it.<\/p>\n<p>He was nine months in the far-away country of Gaur, and named it Jannat\u0101b\u0101d.<sup>*City of Paradise. The demoralizing effects of life in Gaur were felt under Akbar. Hum\u0101y\u016bn, with his empire crumbling around him, was now (as Jauhar testifies) &#8216;so much devoted to pleasure and sensual enjoyment that, after the first month, he was never seen, as he was always shut up in a private apartment of the palace.&#8217; Naturally, Gul-badan&#8217;s next item of narrative is of rebellion, this time by her own brother, Hind\u0101l.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>He was comfortably and safely in Gaur, when news came that some of the am\u012brs had deserted and joined M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l.<sup>*He was only nineteen, and the crown may well have seemed at anyone&#8217;s service. The date is 1538 (945H.). Hum\u0101y\u016bn in Gaur was cut off from his capital by Sh\u012br Kh\u0101n.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>Khusrau Beg<sup>*B\u0101bar first names him in 1507-8 as coming from Har\u0101t. There are two men named Khusrau\u00a0<em>k\u016bkalt\u0101sh<\/em>by B\u0101bar, but they were not contemporaries. One died in 1502-3, before the other came upon the scene.<\/sup>\u00a0(<em>k\u016bkalt\u0101sh<\/em>) and Zah\u012bd Beg<sup>*Husband of the sister of Bega Begam, Hum\u0101y\u016bn&#8217;s wife. He was put to death by M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n at Ghazn\u012b in 1547.<\/sup>\u00a0and Sayy\u012bd Am\u012br<sup>*Sayyid N\u016bru-d-d\u012bn M\u012brz\u0101, the father of Sal\u012bma Sult\u0324\u0101n Begam, and the husband of a daughter of B\u0101bar.\u00a0<i>Cf<\/i>. App.\u00a0<i>s.n.<\/i>. Gul-rang.<\/sup>\u00a0paid their respects to the m\u012brz\u0101, and said: \u2018The Emperor has gone comfortably far away, and the m\u012brz\u0101s, Mu\u1e25ammad Sult\u0324\u0101n M\u012brz\u0101 and his sons, Ulugh M\u012brz\u0101 and Sh\u0101h M\u012brz\u0101, have again raised their heads,<sup>*Hind\u0101l had recently defeated them. (Erskine, II. 89\u00a0<i>et seq<\/i>..) For causes of Hind\u0101l&#8217;s rebellion, and for Bega Begam&#8217;s part in it, see Erskine&#8217;s Jauhar,\u00a0<i>l.c.<\/i>, p. 13.<\/sup>\u00a0and continually keep showing themselves in company.\u2019 (32<em>b<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>Just at this time the asylum of shaikhs, the servitor(<em>bandag\u012b<\/em>) Shaikh Bahl\u016bl, hid<sup>*Some words seem to be omitted,\u00a0<i>e.g.<\/i>, &#8216;was accused of.&#8217; Gul-badan cannot have believed the accusation. Perhaps, however, her long friendship with N\u016bru-d-d\u012bn&#8217;s daughter Sal\u012bma would make her pen discreet in blaming his murder of the shaikh.<\/sup>\u00a0armour and horse-accoutre\u00adments and military stores in an underground place, and would have loaded them on carts and sent them to Sh\u012br Kh\u0101n and the m\u012brz\u0101s.<sup>*The rebels mentioned on p. 23<i>b<\/i>.<\/sup>\u00a0M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l would not believe it, so M\u012brz\u0101 N\u016bru-d-d\u012bn Mu\u1e25ammad was sent to inquire into the matter. He found the armour and accoutrements, and had\u00a0<em>Bandag\u012b<\/em>\u00a0Shaikh Bahl\u016bl killed.<sup>*For the probable facts,\u00a0<i>Cf<\/i>\u00a0B. &amp; H., II. 162 et\u00a0<i>seq.<\/i><\/sup>\u00a0The Emperor, on hearing news of it, set out for \u0100gra.<\/p>\n<p>He was coming by that side of the Ganges (<em>i.e.<\/em>, the left bank) opposite Mung\u012br, when his am\u012brs represented: \u2018You are a great king! Return by the way you came, lest Sh\u012br Kh\u0101n should say: \u201cForsaking his road of advance, he took another of retreat.\u201d\u2019<sup>*It was Mu&#8217;yid Beg\u00a0<i>Duladai Barl\u0101s<\/i>\u00a0who urged this foolish point of honour, and who thus led to the disaster at Chausa. He was a cruel man as well as one ignorant in military matters. He was a favourite of Hum\u0101y\u016bn, but the Emperor&#8217;s followers rejoiced when he died.<\/sup>\u00a0The Emperor returned to Mung\u012br, and brought many of his people and his family by boat up the river as far as \u1e24aj\u012bp\u016br-Patna.<\/p>\n<p>When he went (to Bengal) he had left Q\u0101sim (\u1e24usain Sult\u0324\u0101n Uzbeg) there. Now came news of Sh\u012br Kh\u0101n&#8217;s approach. Whenever there was fighting, the royal troops won.<\/p>\n<p>Just now B\u0101b\u0101 Beg (<em>Jal\u0101\u012br<\/em>) came from Jaunp\u016br and M\u012brak Beg from Chan\u0101da (Chun\u0101r), and Mughal Beg from Oude. (33<em>a<\/em>) As these three am\u012brs joined the Emperor, corn became dear.<\/p>\n<p>Then,\u2014such was God&#8217;s will,\u2014they had halted without precaution, when Sh\u012br Kh\u0101n came and fell upon them. The army was defeated, and many kinsmen and followers remained in captivity. His Majesty&#8217;s own blessed hand was wounded. Three days he remained in Chun\u0101r, and then came to Ara\u012bl.<sup>*Gul-badan&#8217;s brevity (natural enough even if she were more historic in method) is somewhat misleading. Mr. Erskine allows one to follow the misadventures which culminated in the defeat. This the rout at Chausa occurred near to where the S\u014dn falls into the Ganges and at Ch\u016bpat Ghat, on June 27th, 1539 (\u1e63afar 9th, 946H.). The statement of Hum\u0101y\u016bn&#8217;s visit to Ch\u016bnar, I do not find elsewhere. Ch\u016bnar was then held by royalists. The Ara\u012bl named is presumably that near All\u0101h\u0101b\u0101d.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>When his Majesty reached the river&#8217;s bank, he stopped, bewildered as to the crossing, and said: \u2018How to cross without boats!\u2019 Then came the r\u0101ja (B\u012brbah\u0101n) with five or six horsemen and led him through a ford. For four or five days his people were without food or drink. At last the r\u0101ja started a b\u0101z\u0101r, so that the people of the army lived some days in comfort and repose. The horses also were rested. Many men who were on foot bought fresh mounts. In short, the r\u0101ja rendered fitting and dutiful services. Later on his Majesty gave him leave to go, and at the hour of mid-day prayer came himself, safely and comfortably, to the bank of the Jamna. The army crossed at a ford they had found. A few days later they came to Karra, where corn and grass were plentiful, because it was his Majesty&#8217;s own country. (33<em>b<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>When his people were rested, he went on to Kalp\u012b, and then marched on to \u0100gra.<\/p>\n<p>Before his arrival in \u0100gra, he heard news that Sh\u012br Kh\u0101n was coming (from) the direction of Chausa. Great anxiety fell upon his people.<\/p>\n<p>Of many who were in that rout (at Chausa) there was never heard, in any way soever, news or sign. Amongst them were &#8216;\u0100yisha Sult\u0324\u0101n Begam, daughter of Sult\u0324\u0101n \u1e24usain M\u012brz\u0101<sup>*Wife of Q\u0101sim \u1e24usain Sult\u0324\u0101n\u00a0<i>Uzbeg<\/i>, whose timely arrival gave B\u0101bar so much satisfaction. (13<i>a<\/i>.) Q\u0101sim had been Governor of Patna (326), but, from the circumstance of his wife&#8217;s being at Chausa, would seem to have left it with Hum\u0101y\u016bn.<\/sup>\u00a0(<em>B\u0101yqr\u0101<\/em>); and Bachaka, who was a\u00a0<em>khal\u012bfa<\/em>\u00a0of my royal father;<sup>*A Bachaka, who was a\u00a0<i>khal\u012bfa<\/i>\u00a0of Babar&#8217;s household, escaped with him from Samarqand in 1501 (907H.), some thirty-eight years before the Chausa episode.\u00a0<i>Khal\u012bfa<\/i>, as applied to a woman, denotes a servant or slave who exercises surveillance over other women-servants, and has charge of rooms, an upper maid- servant.<\/sup>\u00a0and Bega-j\u0101n\u00a0<em>k\u016bka<\/em>; and &#8216;Aq\u012bqa Begam;<sup>*Bega Begam&#8217;s daughter, who will have been about eight years old.<\/sup>\u00a0and Ch\u0101nd B\u012bb\u012b, who was seven months with child, and Sh\u0101d B\u012bb\u012b, all three<sup>*Perhaps the copyist has omitted a name; perhaps, as a child of Hum\u0101y\u016bn, &#8216;Aq\u012bqa is &#8216;of the\u00a0<i>\u1e25aram<\/i>.&#8217;<\/sup>\u00a0(<em>sic<\/em>) of whom were of his Majesty&#8217;s\u00a0<em>\u1e25aram<\/em>. Of these several people, he never heard even a word, as to whether they were drowned or what became of them. In spite of all possible inquiry and search, what had become of them was never found out.<\/p>\n<p>His own illness<sup>*From his wound or from distress of mind. The &#8216;forty days&#8217; suggest the ceremonial term of mourning.<\/sup>\u00a0dragged on for forty days, and he then grew better.<\/p>\n<p>At this time, when Khusrau Beg (<em>k\u016bkult\u0101sh<\/em>), and Diw\u0101na Beg, and Zah\u012bd Beg, and Sayyid Am\u012br, had come on in advance of his Majesty, news again arrived that the m\u012brz\u0101s, Mu\u1e25ammad Sult\u0324\u0101n M\u012brz\u0101 and his sons, had come to Kanauj. (34<em>a<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>After Shaikh Bahl\u016bl&#8217;s murder, M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l went to Dihl\u012b. He took with him M\u012br Faqr-&#8216;al\u012b and other well-wishers to frustrate and disperse the m\u012brz\u0101s. The m\u012brz\u0101s fled, and came into the Kanauj quarter. M\u012br Faqr-&#8216;al\u012b brought M\u012brz\u0101 Y\u0101dg\u0101r-n\u0101\u1e63ir to Dihl\u012b. As there was neither friendliness nor confidence between M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l and M\u012brz\u0101 Y\u0101dg\u0101r-n\u0101\u1e63ir, M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l, when M\u012br Faqr-&#8216;al\u012b made this mistake, sat down out of sheer annoyance and besieged Dihl\u012b.<sup>*The whole of the above paragraph it would be safest to hide with Hind\u0101l under his sister&#8217;s charitable cloak. For a historical account of the time, see B. &amp; H., II., Book IV., Cap. IV.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>When M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n heard these things, there arose in him also a desire of sovereignty. With 12,000 fully equipped horsemen he went to Dihl\u012b. M\u012br Faqr-&#8216;al\u012b and M\u012brz\u0101 Y\u0101dg\u0101r-n\u0101\u1e63ir closed the city gates on his approach. Two or three days later, M\u012br Faqr-&#8216;al\u012b, having made an agreement, went and saw M\u012bzr\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n. He represented: \u2018The news heard of his Majesty and Sh\u012br Kh\u0101n may be so and so.<sup>*Clearly the ill news of the rout at Chausa.<\/sup>\u00a0M\u012brz\u0101 Y\u0101dg\u0101r-n\u0101\u1e63ir, from thought of his own interest, does not wait on you. The advisable course at this crisis is, that you should lay hands on M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l, go to \u0100gra, and not think of establishing yourself in Dihl\u012b.\u2019 (34<em>b<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n gave heed to M\u012br Faqr-&#8216;al\u012b&#8217;s words, and bestowed on him a head-to-foot dress. He then seized M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l and came to \u0100gra. He visited the tomb of\u00a0<em>Firdaus-mak\u0101n\u012b<\/em>,<sup>*B\u0101bar&#8217;s remains then had not been conveyed to Kabul in 1539.<\/sup>\u00a0saw his mother and sisters, and halted in the Rose-scattering<sup>*(?) Gold-scattering. Mr. Erskine calls it so, and it is likely to be that already mentioned by Gul-badan more than once.<\/sup>\u00a0Garden.<\/p>\n<p>At this time N\u016br Beg brought word of his Majesty&#8217;s coming.<sup>*Retreating from Chausa.<\/sup>\u00a0As M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l was excluded from the presence because of the murder of Shaikh Bahl\u016bl, he went to Alwar.<sup>*His own\u00a0<i>j\u0101g\u012br<\/i>.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>A few days after his Majesty&#8217;s arrival, M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n came from the Rose-scattering Garden and paid his respects to him. We paid our respects on the evening of the day he came. He took notice of this insignificant one, and was kindly pleased to say: \u2018I did not know you at first, because when I led the army (whose footprints are victorious)<sup>*<i>z\u0324afr-az\u0324ar<\/i>. This, after Chausa, can only be a precative of Gul-badan&#8217;s.<\/sup>\u00a0to Gaur Bang\u0101la, you wore the high cap (<em>t\u0324\u0101q<\/em>), and now when I saw the muslin coif<sup>*This change appears to indicate that Gul-badan, who is about eighteen or nineteen years old, has been married. The Persian has\u00a0<i>lachaq qa\u1e63\u0101ba<\/i>, without conjunction. Steingass and Johnson describe the\u00a0<i>lachaq<\/i>\u00a0as a square mantle worn by women, doubled into a triangle, but here the description given in the\u00a0<i>Burh\u0101n-i-q\u0101t\u012b&#8217;<\/i>\u00a0is more apropos,\u00a0<i>i.e.<\/i>, a square of stuff folded cornerwise and put upon the head so that the corners tie under the chin. It is often (<i>l.c.<\/i>) elaborately embroidered in gold.\u00a0<i>Qa\u1e63\u0101ba<\/i>\u00a0appears to have the same meaning as\u00a0<i>lachaq<\/i>.\u00a0<\/sup>I did not recognise you. And oh, my Gul-badan, I used very often to think of you, and was sometimes sorry, and said: \u201cI do wish I had brought her!\u201d But at the time of the disaster (<em>fit\u0324r\u0101t<\/em>) I was thankful I had not, and I said: (35<em>a<\/em>) \u201cThank God I did not bring Gul-badan!\u201d For although &#8216;Aq\u012bqa<sup>*<i>Cf<\/i>. p. 33<i>b<\/i>.<\/sup>\u00a0was young, I have been consumed by a hundred thousand regrets and cares, and have said: \u201cWhy did I take her with the army?\u201d\u2019<\/p>\n<p>A few days later he came to see my mother. He had with him the Holy Book. He commanded the attendants to retire<sup>*<i>kin\u0101ra kardand<\/i>. This metaphor recalls the arrangement of carpets in Persian rooms, with the carpet proper in the centre, an upper end (<i>sar-and\u0101z<\/i>) and borders (<i>kin\u0101ra<\/i>). &#8216;Go aside &#8216; might be a good rendering.<\/sup>\u00a0for awhile, and they rose and there was privacy. Then he said to\u00a0<em>\u0101jam<\/em>\u00a0(Dil-d\u0101r Begam) and this insignificant one, and to Afgh\u0101n\u012b\u00a0<em>\u0101gh\u0101cha<\/em>, and Gul-n\u0101r\u00a0<em>\u0101gh\u0101cha<\/em>, and N\u0101r-gul\u00a0<em>\u0101gh\u0101cha<\/em>, and my nurse (<em>anaga<\/em>): \u2018Hind\u0101l is my strength<sup>*<i>q\u016bl<\/i>, Mongolian, main body of an army.<\/sup>\u00a0and my spear;<sup>*Ar.\u00a0<i>qan\u0101t<\/i>.<\/sup>\u00a0the desirable light of my eyes, the might of my arm, the desired, the beloved. May what I do be right! What shall I say to M\u012brz\u0101 Mu\u1e25ammad Hind\u0101l about the affair of my<sup>*Here and in the apostrophe to Gul-badan I have allowed the man to indicate the affection Hum\u0101y\u016bn had for his half-sister and for the revered shaikh. It might be, however (as at &#8216;Now there is no anger,&#8217;\u00a0<i>Cf<\/i>. text), the simple first person.<\/sup>\u00a0Shaikh Bahl\u016bl? What was to be has been! Now there is no anger in my heart against Hind\u0101l. If you do not believe it\u2019 \u2026 He had lifted up the Holy Book when her Highness my mother, Dil-d\u0101r Begam, and this poor thing snatched it from his hand. All cried, \u2018May what you do be right! Why do you say such things?\u2019<\/p>\n<p>Then again he spoke: \u2018How would it be, Gul-badan, if you went yourself and fetched your brother, Mu\u1e25ammad Hind\u0101l M\u012brz\u0101?\u2019 (35<em>b<\/em>) Her Highness, my mother, said: \u2018This girlie (<em>dukhtarak<\/em>) is young. She has never made a journey (alone). If you approved, I would go.\u2019 His Majesty said: \u2018If I give you this trouble, it is because it is clearly incumbent on fathers and mothers to feel for their chil\u00addren. If you would honour him with a visit, it would be a healing-balm applied for us all.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>Then he sent M\u012br Ab\u016b&#8217;l-baq\u0101<sup>*B. &amp; H., IL.\u00a0<i>s.n.<\/i>.<\/sup>\u00a0with her Highness my mother, to fetch M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l. At once on hearing this news: \u2018She has come to see me!\u2019 Mu\u1e25ammad Hind\u0101l M\u012brz\u0101 made his mother happy by giving her honourable meeting. He came with her from Alwar, and paid his duty to his Majesty.<sup>*Hind\u0101l was received in the presence of K\u0101mr\u0101n and other kinsmen. Hum\u0101y\u016bn said to K\u0101mr\u0101n: &#8216;You know who is to blame! Why did Hind\u0101l rebel ?&#8217; K\u0101mr\u0101n passed on the question to Hind\u0101l himself, who, with profound shame, pleaded that being young he had listened to bad advice, and begged forgiveness. (Erskine&#8217;s notes on Stewart&#8217;s Jauhar, B. M. Add. 26,608.)<\/sup>\u00a0About Shaikh Bahl\u016bl he said: \u2018He used to send arms and military appurtenances to Sh\u012br Kh\u0101n. When this was ascertained, I killed the shaikh on account of it.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>To put it briefly: in a short time came news that Sh\u012br Kh\u0101n had come near Lakhnau.<\/p>\n<p>In those days his Majesty had a certain servant, a water-carrier. (36<em>a<\/em>) As he had been parted from his horse in the river at Chausa and this servant betook himself to his help and got him safe and sound out of the current, his Majesty now seated him on the throne. The name of that menial person we did not hear, some said Niz\u0324\u0101m, some said Sambal. But to cut the story short, his Majesty made the water-carrier servant sit on the throne, and ordered all the am\u012brs to make obeisance to him. The servant gave everyone what he wished, and made appoint\u00adments. For as much as two days the Emperor gave royal power to that menial. M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l was not present at his court;<sup>*Lit., in that assembly.<\/sup>\u00a0he had taken leave, and had again gone to Alwar with the intention of getting arms ready. Neither did M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n appear. He was ill, and sent to say to his Majesty: \u2018Gifts and favours of some other kind ought to be the servant&#8217;s reward. What propriety is there in setting him on the throne? At a time when Sh\u012br Kh\u0101n is near, what kind of affair is this to engage your Majesty?\u2019<\/p>\n<p>In those days M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n&#8217;s illness increased amaz\u00adingly. He became weak and so thin that his face was not in the least his own, and there was no hope of his life. (36<em>b<\/em>) By the Divine mercy he grew better. He suspected that the Emperor&#8217;s mothers,<sup>*<i>i.e.<\/i>, Babar&#8217;s widows.<\/sup>\u00a0by his Majesty&#8217;s advice, had given him poison. His Majesty came to hear of this, and instantly went to see the m\u012brz\u0101 and swore that he had never had such a thought, nor given such an order to any one. Nevertheless, M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n&#8217;s heart was not purged. Afterwards he got worse, day after day, and he lost power of speech.<\/p>\n<p>When news came that Sh\u012br Kh\u0101n had left Lakhnau, the Emperor marched towards Kanauj, and left M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n in \u0100gra to act for him. In a few days the m\u012brz\u0101 heard that he had made a bridge of boats and crossed the Ganges. On this, he himself marched out of \u0100gra towards L\u0101h\u014dr.<sup>*A treacherous defection.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>We had settled down<sup>*The royal family, after the Emperor&#8217;s and the m\u012brz\u0101&#8217;s departure.<\/sup>\u00a0when he sent<sup>*Perhaps from his first halting-place outside the city.<\/sup>\u00a0a\u00a0<em>farm\u0101n<\/em>\u00a0like a king&#8217;s, and said: \u2018You<sup>*Clearly Gul-badan.<\/sup>\u00a0are commanded to go with me to L\u0101h\u014dr.\u2019 He must have said<sup>*Before either brother left Agra.<\/sup>\u00a0to his Majesty about me something of this sort: \u2018I am very ill and very miserable and lonely, and I have no one<sup>*<i>i.e.<\/i>, of his kinsfolk, and especially of his women kinsfolk.<\/sup>\u00a0to sympathize with me. (37<em>a<\/em>) If you will order Gul-badan Begam to go with me to L\u0101h\u014dr, it will be a real favour and kindness.\u2019 For his sake his Majesty will have said: \u2018She shall go.\u2019 Two or three days after the Emperor had gone towards Lakhnau, the m\u012brz\u0101 sent a\u00a0<em>farm\u0101n<\/em>,<sup>*This, I think, is the one already named.<\/sup>\u00a0in royal style, to the effect: \u2018Most assuredly you will come with me.\u2019 Then my mother must have said: \u2018She has never travelled apart from us.\u2019 He replied:<sup>*<i>\u012bsh\u0101n farmudand<\/i>. This seems to mean Hum\u0101y\u016bn, and to refer the following speech back to the earliest discussion of the project of Gul-badan&#8217; s journey at the time Hum\u0101y\u016bn was still in \u0100gra. The whole episode is confused in narrative.<\/sup>\u00a0\u2018If she has not travelled alone, do you also go with her.\u2019 He sent as many as 500 troopers and trusty grooms, and both his foster-father and his foster-brother, and said (to my mother): \u2018If she may not go with me (to L\u0101h\u014dr), come all of you one stage.\u2019 When one stage was reached, he began to declare, on his oath: \u2018I will not let you go.\u2019 Then he took me by main force, with a hundred weepings and complaints and laments, away from my mothers, and my own mother and my sisters, and my father&#8217;s people, and my brothers, and parted us who had all grown up together from infancy.<sup>*It must be remembered that Gul-badan&#8217;s husband, Khiz\u0324r Khw\u0101ja, was a brother of \u0100q Sult\u0324\u0101n (Yas\u012bn-daulat), K\u0101mr\u0101n&#8217;s son-in-law, and Kamran may have had other motives than affection for desiring her presence,\u00a0<i>e.g.<\/i>, the attraction of her husband&#8217;s ontingent.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>I saw that the Emperor&#8217;s command also was in the affair. I was helpless. (37<em>b<\/em>) I wrote a suppliant letter, saying: \u2018I never expected your Majesty to cut off this in\u00adsignificant one from your service, and to give her to M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n.\u2019 To this humble note he sent a compassionate answer (<em>sal\u0101m-n\u0101ma<\/em>), to this effect: \u2018I had no heart to part with you, but the m\u012brz\u0101 persisted, and was miserable, and begged very hard, and I was obliged to trust you to him. For just now there is important work<sup>*The opposition of Sh\u012br Kh\u0101n, soon to be closed at Kanauj. Gul-badan&#8217;s enforced departure with K\u0101mr\u0101n saved her a painful and hazardous flight.<\/sup>\u00a0on hand. God willing, I will send for you when it is settled.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>When the m\u012brz\u0101 was starting, many people, am\u012brs and traders and so on, made preparation with the intention of letting their wives and families march under his escort to L\u0101h\u014dr. When we reached (the city) news came of a battle on the Ganges, and that defeat had befallen the royal army.<sup>*May 17th, 1540 (Mu\u1e25arram 10th, 947H.). M\u012brz\u0101 \u1e24aidar gives an admirable account of it as &#8216;the battle of the Ganges.&#8217; Gul-badan&#8217;s full brother, Hind\u0101l, led the van at Kanauj, and defeated Sh\u012br Kh\u0101n&#8217;s son, Jal\u0101l. Hind\u0101l was a successful general. &#8216;Askar\u012b, K\u0101mr\u0101n&#8217;s full brother, was defeated by Khaw\u0101s Kh\u0101n.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>At least there was this limit to misfortune,\u2014his Majesty and his brothers came safely through the peril.<sup>*As at Chausa, so at Kanauj, Hum\u0101y\u016bn was nearly drowned. Here he was saved by Shamsu-d-d\u012bn Mu\u1e25ammad of Ghazn\u012b, whose wife, under the sobriquet of J\u012b-j\u012b\u00a0<i>anaga<\/i>, became a nurse of Akbar.<\/sup>\u00a0Our other relations<sup>*They were convoyed by Hind\u0101l. See\u00a0<i>infra<\/i>.<\/sup>\u00a0came from \u0100gra by way of Alwar to L\u0101h\u014dr. (38<em>a<\/em>) Just now the Emperor said to M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l: \u2018&#8217;Aq\u012bqa Begam disappeared in that first interregnum (<em>fitrat<\/em>)<sup>*<i>i.e.<\/i>, battle of Chausa.\u00a0<i>Fitna<\/i>\u00a0would read more easily here. Perhaps behind\u00a0<i>fitrat<\/i>\u00a0is the notion of relaxation in effort, or of an interval between two periods of good fortune.<\/sup>\u00a0and I repented extremely, and said: \u201cWhy did I not kill her in my own presence?\u201d Now, again, it is difficult to convey women with us.\u2019 M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l answered: \u2018What it would be to your Majesty to kill a mother and a sister, speaks for itself! So long as there is life in me, I will fight in their service. I have hope in the most high God, that,\u2014poor fellow as I am,\u2014I may pour out my life&#8217;s blood for my mother and my sisters.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>Then the Emperor set out for Fat\u1e25ip\u016br (S\u012bkr\u012b) with M\u012brz\u0101 &#8216;Askar\u012b and Y\u0101dg\u0101r-n\u0101\u1e63ir M\u012brza and the am\u012brs who had come safely off the battlefield.<sup>*Amongst them was \u1e24aidar M\u012brz\u0101, who describes the fugitives as &#8216; broken and dispirited, and in a state heartrending to tell.&#8217; S\u012bkr\u012b must have rubbed salt into their wounds, since it recalls B\u0101bar&#8217;s triumph. Their halting-place there was his garden, a token of his genius for living.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l sent on before him<sup>*The known enemy, Sh\u012br Kh\u0101n, was in the rear. With Hind\u0101l&#8217;s marriage-feast fresh in mind, one may give a thought to Sult\u0324\u0101nam. She was probably of this party, since her husband&#8217;s contingent was with Hum\u0101y\u016bn, and he was not on his\u00a0<i>j\u0101g\u012br<\/i>\u00a0of Alwar.<\/sup>\u00a0her Highness his mother, who was Dil-d\u0101r Begam, and his own sister, Gul-chihra Begam, and Afgh\u0101n\u012b\u00a0<em>\u0101gh\u0101cha<\/em>, and Gul-n\u0101r\u00a0<em>\u0101gh\u0101cha<\/em>, and N\u0101r-gul\u00a0<em>\u0101gh\u0101cha<\/em>, and the am\u012brs&#8217; wives and families, etc.. He was marching along when the Gaw\u0101rs pursued him in great numbers. (38<em>b<\/em>) Some of his troopers charged and defeated them. An arrow struck his horse.<sup>*<i>Asp i-mub\u0101rik<\/i>, (?) the horse which had the happiness to bear him. Perhaps\u00a0<i>asp<\/i>\u00a0is a mistake for some word to which &#8216;blessed&#8217; would be a more fit adjective.<\/sup>\u00a0There was much fighting and confusion. Having saved the helpless women from the bond of the Gaw\u0101rs, he sent on (to L\u0101h\u014dr) his mother and sister, and many of the am\u012brs&#8217; people, etc., and went to Alwar. Here he got together tents and pavilions and numerous requisites, and then started for L\u0101h\u014dr. He arrived in a few days, and brought what was wanted for the princes and the am\u012brs.<\/p>\n<p>His Majesty alighted in Khw\u0101ja Gh\u0101z\u012b&#8217;s garden near B\u012bb\u012b \u1e24\u0101j-t\u0101j.<a href=\"https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20191116004640\/http:\/\/www.fas.nus.edu.sg\/hist\/eia\/documents_archive\/humayun.php#\">*<\/a><sup>Ab\u016b&#8217;l-fazl says that Hind\u0101l&#8217;s quarters were in Khw\u0101ja Gh\u0101z\u012b&#8217;s garden, and Hum\u0101y\u016bn&#8217;s in Khw\u0101ja Dost\u00a0<i>munsh\u012b&#8217;s<\/i>. B\u012bb\u012b Haj, B\u012bb\u012b T\u0101j, B\u012bb\u012b N\u0101r, B\u012bb\u012b \u1e24\u016br, B\u012bb\u012b G\u016bhar, and B\u012bb\u012b Sh\u0101baz are said to have been daughters of &#8216;Aq\u012bl, brother of &#8216;Al\u012b (Mu\u1e25ammad&#8217;s son-in law). They were famous for piety and asceticism. After the murder of Im\u0101m \u1e24usain at Kerbela, these ladies left Syria for India in obedience to a secret intimation. They alighted outside L\u0101h\u014dr at the place named by Gul-badan and where their shrine now is. They converted many of the townspeople to their faith, and thus angered the, presumably Hind\u016b, governor. He sent his son to command their departure, but the son fell under their influence, and remained near them. This still more angered his father, who went out against them and their followers with an armed force. The ladies prayed that their honour might be preserved, and they not be seen by strange men. Immediately the earth opened and swallowed them. (<i>Khaz\u012bna&#8217;u-l-a\u1e63fiy\u0101<\/i>, II. 407.)<\/sup>\u00a0Every day there was news of Sh\u012br Kh\u0101n; and during the three months that the Emperor was in L\u0101h\u014dr word was brought day after day: \u2018Sh\u012br Kh\u0101n has advanced four miles,\u2019 \u2018six miles,\u2019 till he was near Sirhind.<\/p>\n<p>One of the am\u012brs was named Muz\u0324affar Beg. He was a T\u016brkm\u0101n. The Emperor sent him with Q\u0101z\u012b &#8216;Abdu-l-l\u0101h to Sh\u012br Kh\u0101n to say: \u2018What justice is there in this? I have left you the whole of Hind\u016bst\u0101n. Leave L\u0101h\u014dr alone, and let Sirhind, where you are, be a boundary between you and me.\u201d (39<em>a<\/em>) But that unjust man, fearless of God, did not consent, and answered: \u2018I have left you K\u0101bul. You should go there.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>Muz\u0324affar Beg marched at once, and sent on an express to say: \u2018A move must be made.\u2019 As soon as this message came, his Majesty set off. It was like the Day of Resurrec\u00adtion. People left their decorated places and furniture just as they were, but took with them whatever money they had. There was thankfulness to God, because mercifully a ford was found across the L\u0101h\u014dr water (R\u0101v\u012b) where every\u00adone crossed. His Majesty halted a few days on the river&#8217;s bank. Then an ambassador came from Sh\u012br Kh\u0101n. The Emperor had decided to see him next morning, when M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n made a petition, saying: \u2018To-morrow there will be an entertainment, and Sh\u012br Kh\u0101n&#8217;s envoy will be present. If I may sit on a corner of your Majesty&#8217;s carpet, so that there may be distinction between me and my brothers, it will be a cause of my exaltation.\u2019<sup>*For an account of K\u0101mr\u0101n&#8217;s odious and fruitless treachery see B. &amp; H., II. 200\u00a0<i>et seq<\/i>.. The meaning of his message to Hum\u0101y\u016bn is not clear to me. Perhaps he wished to show the envoy that he was not on the level of Hind\u0101l and &#8216;Askar\u012b, but able to claim recognition as a ruler and as Hum\u0101y\u016bn&#8217;s equal. Perhaps it was a hint to Hum\u0101y\u016bn that he must recognise K\u0101mr\u0101n&#8217;s equality in the lands in which the latter had been supreme while he himself ruled in Dihl\u012b. At this time Hum\u0101y\u016bn was strongly advised to put K\u0101mr\u0101n to death. He refused, but later on and after a dreary waste of good nature, his filial piety had to yield to the common-sense of his victimized followers and allow the blinding.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>\u1e24am\u012bda-b\u0101n\u016b Begam says it was his Majesty who wrote and sent the following verse to the m\u012brz\u0101.<sup>*At the time when the verse was written Ham\u012bda was not married. The discussion in 1587 (circa) of a &#8216;point&#8217; between the ladies is a living touch to the old MS.. Which was likely to be right, Ham\u012bda who might later have heard the story from her husband, or Gul-badan who was in L\u0101h\u014dr? Gul-badan puts the difference of opinion gently but does not surrender, and leaves her readers to draw their own inferences.<\/sup>\u00a0I had heard that he sent it to Sh\u012br Kh\u0101n by the envoy. This is the verse:<\/p>\n<blockquote>\u2018Although one&#8217;s image be shown in the mirror,<br \/>\nIt remains always apart from one&#8217;s self.\u2019 (39<em>b<\/em>)<br \/>\n\u2018It is wonderful to see one&#8217;s self in another form:<br \/>\nThis marvel will be the work of God.\u2019<\/blockquote>\n<p>When Sh\u012br Kh\u0101n&#8217;s ambassador arrived he paid his respects.<\/p>\n<p>The Emperor&#8217;s blessed heart was cast down. He fell asleep in a sad mood, and saw in a dream a venerable man, dressed in green from head to foot and carrying a staff, who said: \u2018Be of good cheer; do not grieve;\u2019 and gave his staff into the royal hand. \u2018The most high God will give you a son who shall be named Jal\u0101lu-d-d\u012bn Mu\u1e25ammad Akbar.\u2019 The Emperor asked: \u2018What is your honourable name?\u2019 He answered: \u2018The Terrible Elephant,<sup>*<i>Zinda-f\u012bl<\/i>.<\/sup>\u00a0A\u1e25mad of J\u0101m;\u2019 and added: \u2018Your son will be of my lineage.\u2019<sup>*Hum\u0101y\u016bn was of the lineage of A\u1e25mad of J\u0101m through his mother M\u0101ham. (A. N., Bib. Ind., ed. 1. 121.) To give force to the prophecy, however, the coming child&#8217;s mother had to be of the same descent, since Hum\u0101y\u016bn&#8217;s claim to rank as of the saint&#8217;s lineage required no prophetic announcement. Indeed this story seems to cast doubt on that claim. Akbar&#8217;s mother, \u1e24am\u012bda, was of the line of A\u1e25mad of J\u0101m. So, too, was Bega (\u1e24\u0101j\u012b) Begam. Another of the same family was B\u0101b\u016b or B\u0101n\u016b agha, wife of Shih\u0101bu-d-d\u012bn A\u1e25mad of Nish\u0101p\u016br.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>In those days B\u012bb\u012b G\u016bnwar<sup>*To give value to Ahmad&#8217;s prophecy, B\u012bb\u012b G\u016bnwar ought also to have traced back to him. She does not seem to have been a woman of rank. The girl now born was at least the third child of Hum\u0101y\u016bn, there having been Al-aman and &#8216;Aq\u012bqa, children of Bega Begam and now both dead.<\/sup>\u00a0was with child. Everyone said: \u2018A son will be born.\u2019 In that same garden of Dost\u00a0<em>munsh\u012b<\/em>\u00a0and in the month of Jum\u0101da&#8217;u-l-awwal, a daughter was born whom they named Bakhsh\u012b-b\u0101n\u016b.<\/p>\n<p>At this time his Majesty appointed M\u012brz\u0101 \u1e24aidar to take Kashm\u012br. Meantime, news was brought that Sh\u012br Kh\u0101n was there. A wonderful confusion followed, and the Emperor decided to march off next morning. (40<em>a<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>While the brothers were in L\u0101h\u014dr, they conferred and took counsel and asked advice, but they did not settle on any single thing. At last the news was: \u2018Sh\u012br Kh\u0101n is here.\u2019 Then, as there was no help for it, they marched off at the first watch of the day (9 a.m.).<\/p>\n<p>The Emperor&#8217;s wish was to go to Kashm\u012br, where he had sent M\u012brz\u0101 \u1e24aidar\u00a0<em>K\u0101shghar\u012b<\/em>; but news of the m\u012brz\u0101&#8217;s success had not yet come, and people counselled: \u2018If your Majesty were to go to Kashm\u012br, and the country was not conquered at once, it would\u2014with Sh\u012br Kh\u0101n in L\u0101h\u014dr\u2014be a very difficult time.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>Khw\u0101ja Kil\u0101n Beg<a href=\"https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20191116004640\/http:\/\/www.fas.nus.edu.sg\/hist\/eia\/documents_archive\/humayun.php#\">*<\/a><sup>The well-known old servant of B\u0101bar and now one of K\u0101mr\u0101n&#8217;s chief am\u012brs.\u00a0<\/sup>was in S\u012b\u0101lk\u014dt, and disposed to serve his Majesty. With him was M\u016b&#8217;yid Beg, who wrote: \u2018The khw\u0101ja greatly wishes to serve you and would come, but he has M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n to consider. If your Majesty would come quickly, his help would be made easy in an excellent way.\u2019 The Emperor at once took arms and equipment, and set out to go to the khw\u0101ja, and joined company with him and brought him along.<sup>*The begam&#8217;s story here does not agree with that of Mr. Erskine&#8217;s authorities. M\u016b&#8217;yid Beg is the ill-adviser of the march from Bengal to Chausa.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>The Emperor was pleased to say: \u2018With my brothers&#8217; concurrence, I shall go to Badakhsh\u0101n. (40<em>b<\/em>) Let K\u0101bul remain the fief of M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n.\u2019 But M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n would not consent to (his Majesty&#8217;s) going to K\u0101bul,<sup>*K\u0101mr\u0101n may well have feared that Hum\u0101y\u016bn would get no further than K\u0101bul on his way to Badakhsh\u0101n.<\/sup>\u00a0and said: \u2018In his lifetime the Emperor\u00a0<em>Firdaus-mak\u0101n\u012b<\/em>\u00a0gave K\u0101bul to my mother (Gulrukh Begam). It is not right (for you) to go to K\u0101bul.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>Then said his Majesty: \u2018As for K\u0101bul, his Majesty\u00a0<em>Firdaus-mak\u0101n\u012b<\/em>\u00a0often used to say, \u201cMy K\u0101bul I will give to no one; far from it! Let none of my sons covet it. There God gave me all my children, and many victories followed its capture.\u201d Moreover, this expression of opinion is recorded many times in his\u00a0<em>W\u0101qi&#8217;a-n\u0101ma<\/em>. What was the good of my showing kindness to the m\u012brz\u0101 from civility and brotherliness, if he now keep on talking in this way!\u2019<\/p>\n<p>Let his Majesty talk as he would, pacifying and con\u00adciliating, the m\u012brz\u0101 resisted more and more. When he saw that there was a large following with M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n, and that the m\u012brz\u0101 was in no way willing for him to go to K\u0101bul, he had no resource but to move towards Bhakkar and Mult\u0101n. Having arrived in Mult\u0101n, he halted one day. (41<em>a<\/em>) A small quantity of corn was obtained in the fort and having divided that little amongst his men, he marched on till he came to the bank of a river which was seven rivers in one.<sup>*<i>i.e.<\/i>, the Indus. The begam&#8217;s &#8216; seven &#8216; is interesting.\u00a0<i>Cf<\/i>. &#8216;Sketch of the Hind\u016bst\u0101n\u012b Language,&#8217; C. J. Lyall, p.l n.. &#8216;Hindo represents an earlier\u00a0<i>Hindau<\/i>, being the modern Persian for the ancient Hendava,\u00a0<i>i.e.<\/i>, a dweller in the country of the\u00a0<i>sapta hind\u016b<\/i>\u00a0(Sk.\u00a0<i>sapta sindhu<\/i>), or &#8220;seven rivers,&#8221; now called, with the omission of two (probably the Saraswati and Drishadwati or Ghaggar) the Panj-\u0101b.&#8217;<\/sup>\u00a0He stood distracted. There were no boats, and he had a large camp with him. Then there came word that Khaw\u0101\u1e63 Kh\u0101n,<sup>*A follower of Sh\u012br Kh\u0101n.<\/sup>\u00a0with several am\u012brs, was coming up behind.<\/p>\n<p>There was a Bal\u016bch\u012b named Bakhsh\u016b (<em>sic<\/em>) who had forts and many men. His Majesty sent him a banner and kettledrums, and a horse, and a head-to-foot suit, and asked for boats and also for corn. After a time Bakhsh\u016b\u00a0<em>Bal\u016bch\u012b<\/em>\u00a0got together and sent about a hundred boats, full of corn too, for the royal service,\u2014a proper attention which pleased the Emperor very much. He divided the corn amongst his people, and crossed the water<a href=\"https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20191116004640\/http:\/\/www.fas.nus.edu.sg\/hist\/eia\/documents_archive\/humayun.php#\">*The G\u0101r\u0101, near Uch.<\/a>\u00a0safe and sound. May mercy be shown to Bakhsh\u016b for his dutiful service!<\/p>\n<p>After a weary journey, they reached Bhakkar at last. The fort is in the middle of the river and very strong. The governor, Sult\u0324\u0101n Ma\u1e25m\u016bd (<em>Bhakkar\u012b<\/em>),<a href=\"https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20191116004640\/http:\/\/www.fas.nus.edu.sg\/hist\/eia\/documents_archive\/humayun.php#\">*<\/a><sup>Foster-brother of Sh\u0101h \u1e24usain\u00a0<i>Argh\u016bn<\/i>, and the man for whom Sidi &#8216;Al\u012b\u00a0<i>Reis<\/i>\u00a0negotiated terms with Hum\u0101y\u016bn in 1555.<\/sup>\u00a0had fortified himself in it. (41<em>b<\/em>) The Emperor alighted safe and well over against the fort, near which was a garden<sup>*A delightful garden, the\u00a0<i>Ch\u0101r-b\u0101gh<\/i>\u00a0of R\u016bhr\u012b (L\u016bhr\u012b), on the left bank of the Indus. Sh\u0101h \u1e24usain felt no anxiety as to military operations after hearing that Hum\u0101y\u016bn had camped here.\u00a0<i>Ch\u0101r-b\u0101gh<\/i>\u00a0seems to denote a royal and private garden.\u00a0<\/sup>made by M\u012brz\u0101 Sh\u0101h \u1e24usain\u00a0<em>Samandar<\/em>.<sup>*&#8217;A place in Hind\u016bst\u0101n from which aloes are brought.&#8217; (Steingass, s.v..)\u00a0<i>Cf<\/i>.\u00a0<i>Samand\u016br\u012b<\/i>, aloe-wood, of the\u00a0<i>\u0100in<\/i>. (Blochmann 80.) Samandar seems an equivalent for Sind.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>At length his Majesty sent M\u012br Samandar to Sh\u0101h \u1e24usain M\u012brz\u0101 with this message: \u2018We have come into your territory under compulsion. May your country be blessed to you! We shall not take possession of it. Would to Heaven you would yourself come and pay us your respects, and do us the service which is our due! We intend to go to Gujr\u0101t, and should leave you your own country.\u2019 By tricks and wiles, Sh\u0101h \u1e24usain kept his Majesty as much as five months in Samandar; then he sent a person to wait on him, and to say: \u2018I am arranging my daughter&#8217;s wedding-feast, and I send (someone) to wait on you. I shall come (later).\u2019 His Majesty believed him, and waited still three months. Sometimes there was corn to be had, sometimes not. The soldiers killed and ate their horses and camels. Then his Majesty sent again, by Shaikh &#8216;Abdu-l-ghaf\u016br,<sup>*Hum\u0101y\u016bn&#8217;s treasurer (<i>m\u012br-i-m\u0101l<\/i>) whose official functions must now have been of the least pressing.<\/sup>\u00a0to ask: \u2018How much longer will you be? What prevents you from coming? (42<em>a<\/em>) Things have come to such a pass that there is inconvenience, and many of my men are deserting.\u2019 The reply was: \u2018My daughter<sup>*The admirable M\u0101h-ch\u016bchak who insisted upon accompanying the blinded K\u0101mr\u0101n to Makka. As her peer in compassion may be commemorated Chilma Beg\u00a0<i>k\u016bka<\/i>. (B. &amp; H., II., 418.)<\/sup>\u00a0is promised to M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n, and a meeting with me is impossible. I could not wait on you.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>As at this time M\u012brz\u0101 Mu\u1e25ammad Hind\u0101l crossed the river, some said he might be going to Qandah\u0101r.<sup>*He encamped at P\u0101t (text, Pa\u1e6dr), about twenty miles west of the Indus and about forty miles north of Sehw\u0101n. P\u0101t is in the\u00a0<i>sark\u0101r<\/i>\u00a0of S\u012bw\u012bst\u0101n, a little to the east of the highroad to Hyder\u0101b\u0101d, and not far north of Me\u0101n\u012b, the scene of Napier&#8217;s victory of 1843. I am indebted to Major-General Malcolm R. Haig for the information that P\u0101t is &#8216;now a ruin, having been destroyed in the latter part of the eighteenth century when two Kalhora chiefs of Sind called in the Afgh\u0101ns to quell domestic troubles.&#8217;<\/sup>\u00a0On hearing this his Majesty sent several people after him to make inquiry and to say: \u2018It is reported that you plan going to Qandah\u0101r.\u2019 When questioned, the m\u012brz\u0101 said: \u2018People have given a wrong impression.\u2019 On this the Emperor came<sup>*Leaving his troops to prosecute the siege of Bhakkar, and passing through D\u0101rbila where was his cousin, Y\u0101dg\u0101r-n\u0101\u1e63ir. From the wording it might be supposed that Gul-badan was with her mother in P\u0101t, but I believe she was in K\u0101bul at this time.<\/sup>\u00a0to see her Highness my mother.<\/p>\n<p>The m\u012brz\u0101&#8217;s\u00a0<em>\u1e25aram<\/em>\u00a0and all his people paid their respects to his Majesty at this meeting. Concerning \u1e24am\u012bda-b\u0101n\u016b Begam, his Majesty asked: \u2018Who is this?\u2019 They said: \u2018The daughter of M\u012br B\u0101b\u0101 Dost.\u2019 Khw\u0101ja Mu&#8217;az\u0324z\u0324am<sup>*<i>Cf<\/i>. Appendix,\u00a0<i>s.n<\/i>. \u1e24am\u012bda-b\u0101n\u016b.<\/sup>\u00a0was standing opposite his Majesty, who said: \u2018This boy will be one of my kinsmen (too?).\u2019<sup>*(?) interrogative, but the preceding verb is\u00a0<i>guftand<\/i>, and not\u00a0<i>purs\u012b-dand<\/i>.<\/sup>\u00a0Of \u1e24am\u012bda-b\u0101n\u016b he said: \u2018She, too, is related to me.\u2019 (42<em>b<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>In those days \u1e24am\u012bda-b\u0101n\u016b Begam was often in the m\u012brz\u0101&#8217;s residence (<em>ma\u1e25all<\/em>). Another day when his Majesty came to see her Highness my mother, he remarked: \u2018M\u012br B\u0101b\u0101 Dost is related to us. It is fitting that you should give me his daughter in marriage.\u2019 M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l kept on making objections, and said: \u2018I look on this girl as a sister and child of my own. Your Majesty is a king. Heaven forbid there should not be a proper alimony, and that so a cause of annoyance should arise.\u2019<sup>*This looks like a side-glance at the wasted fortunes of royalty. No kingdom ! No revenues ! Whence then the dowry ? It is clear from the sequel that the important point was being pressed. Jauhar says that \u1e24am\u012bda had been already asked in marriage, but not betrothed or perhaps promised. Her objections to marry Humayun seem personal, and may indicate preference for another and dislike for him. She is said to have been fourteen years old and Hum\u0101y\u016bn was thirty-three, an opium-eater, and much married already. Her objections, whatever their true basis, must have been strong or they could hardly have survived, for Gul-badan to record, through the many years of prosperity and proud motherhood which her husband&#8217;s renewed sovereignty in India and her son&#8217;s distinction secured to her. Behind Gul-badan&#8217; s story of the wooing of \u1e24am\u012bda there were doubtless many talks over &#8216;old times&#8217; when the royal authoress was freshening her memory for her literary task, begun (it seems probable) when she was about sixty-five and \u1e24am\u012bda some few years younger.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>His Majesty got angry, and rose and went away. Then my mother wrote and sent a letter, saying: \u2018The girl&#8217;s mother has even before this been using persuasion.<sup>*M\u0101dar-i-dukhtar az \u012bn ham peshtar n\u0101z m\u012bkanad. Perhaps, &#8216;caressed the idea.&#8217;<\/sup>\u00a0It is astonishing that you should go away in anger over a few words.\u2019 He wrote in reply: \u2018Your story is very welcome to me. Whatever persuasion you may use, by my head and eyes, I will agree to it. As for what they have written about alimony, please Heaven, what they ask will be done. My waiting eye is on the road.\u2019 My mother fetched his Majesty, and on that day she gave a party. When it was over, he went to his own quarters. (43<em>a<\/em>) On another day he came to my mother, and said: \u2018Send someone to call \u1e24am\u012bd\u0101-b\u0101n\u016b Begam here.\u2019 When she sent, the begam did not come, but said: \u2018If it is to pay my respects, I was exalted by paying my respects the other day. Why should I come again?\u2019 Another time his Majesty sent Sub\u1e25\u0101n Qul\u012b, and said: \u2018Go to M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l, and tell him to send the begam.\u2019 The m\u012brz\u0101 said: \u2018Whatever I may say, she will not go. Go yourself and tell her.\u2019 When Sub\u1e25\u0101n Qul\u012b went and spoke, the begam replied: \u2018To see kings once is lawful; a second time it is forbidden. I shall not come.\u2019 On this Sub\u1e25\u0101n Qul\u012b went and represented what she had said. His Majesty remarked: \u2018If she is not a consort (<em>n\u0101 ma\u1e25ram<\/em>), we will make her a consort (<em>ma\u1e25ram<\/em>).\u2019<\/p>\n<p>To cut the story short: For forty days the begam resisted and discussed and disagreed. At last her highness my mother, Dil-d\u0101r Begam, advised her, saying: \u2018After all you will marry someone. Better than a king, who is there?\u2019 The begam said: \u2018Oh yes, I shall marry some\u00adone; but he shall be a man whose collar my hand can touch, and not one whose skirt it does not reach.\u2019 Then my mother again gave her much advice. (43<em>b<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>At last, after forty days (discussion), at mid-day on Monday (fault) Jum\u012bdu-l-awwal (<em>sic<\/em>) 948H. (September, 1541), and in P\u0101tr (<em>sic<\/em>), his Majesty took the astrolabe into his own blessed hand and, having chosen a propitious hour, summoned M\u012br Ab\u016b&#8217;l-baq\u0101 and ordered him to make fast the marriage bond. He gave the m\u012br two laks of ready money for the dower<sup>*Perhaps the ladies romance a little here. Hum\u0101y\u016bn was certainly at a loss for money now and later.<\/sup>(<em>nik\u0101\u1e25\u0101na<\/em>), and having stayed three days after the wedding in P\u0101tr, he set out and went by boat to Bhakkar.<\/p>\n<p>He spent a month at Bhakkar and he sent M\u012br Ab\u016b&#8217;l-baq\u0101 to Sult\u0324\u0101n\u00a0<em>Bhakkar\u012b<\/em>. The m\u012br fell ill while away, and went to the mercy of God.<sup>*This is not a historic account of the death. He was sent to Y\u0101dg\u0101r-n\u0101\u1e63ir and was shot while crossing the river on his return to R\u016bhr\u012b by adherents of Sh\u0101h \u1e24usain. His death caused great grief to Hum\u0101y\u016bn. (B. &amp; H., II., 222.)<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>His Majesty then gave M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l leave to go to Qandah\u0101r, and he dismissed M\u012brz\u0101 Y\u0101dg\u0101r-n\u0101\u1e63ir to his own place, L\u0101r. He himself went towards Se\u0101w\u0101n<sup>*At the end of September, 1541. \u1e24ind\u0101l&#8217;s leave is a sisterly gloss on his acceptance of an invitation to Qandah\u0101r given by its governor, Qar\u0101cha Kh\u0101n.<\/sup>(Sehw\u0101n), which is six or seven days&#8217; journey from Tatta.<sup>*Semblance of relevance can be given to this statement only by reference to other writers. Hum\u0101y\u016bn had intended to go to Tatta at this time, and was diverted from the journey by a slight success of arms. He then besieged Sehw\u0101n.\u00a0<\/sup>Sehw\u0101n has a strong fort, in which was M\u012br &#8216;Al\u012bka, a servant of his Majesty the Emperor.<sup>*Certainly not so, for &#8216;Al\u012bka was an Argh\u016bn and follower of Sh\u0101h \u1e24usain. Perhaps Gul-badan wrote or intended to convey that &#8216;Al\u012bka had served B\u0101bar as once all the Argh\u016bns had done. Perhaps she has confused the import of the story that Mir &#8216;Al\u012bka when sent by Shah \u1e24usain to take command of Sehw\u0101n, actually passed through Hum\u0101y\u016bn&#8217;s lines and the b\u0101z\u0101r without recognition as an enemy.<\/sup>\u00a0There were several cannon, so no one could possibly go near. Some of the royal soldiers made trenches, and got near and gave him (&#8216;Al\u012bka) advice, and said: (44<em>a<\/em>) \u2018Disloyalty is not well at such a time,\u2019 but M\u012br &#8216;Al\u012bka did not agree with them. Then they made a mine and cast down a tower, but they could not take the fort. Corn became dear and many men deserted. The Emperor spent six or seven months there.<\/p>\n<p>M\u012brz\u0101 Sh\u0101h \u1e24usain treacherously laid hands on the royal soldiers in all directions, and made them over to his people, and said: \u2018Take them and throw them into the salt sea.\u2019 Three<sup>*Text, thirty\u00a0<i>s\u012b\u1e63ad<\/i>. No wonder Hum\u0101y\u016bn&#8217;s force vanished! He is said to have left Hind\u016bst\u0101n,\u00a0<i>i.e.<\/i>, L\u0101hor, with a following of 200,000. This presumably included K\u0101mr\u0101n&#8217;s party, and was made up of soldiers and women, children, traders, servants, etc.. At this time Hum\u0101y\u016bn had lost both Hind\u0101l&#8217;s and Y\u0101dg\u0101r-n\u0101\u1e63ir&#8217;s troops.<\/sup>\u00a0or four hundred would be gathered into one place and flung into boats and thrown into the sea, till as many as 10,000 were cast forth.<\/p>\n<p><sup>*The narrative becomes much confused here.<\/sup>\u00a0As after this there were few men even with the Emperor, (? Sh\u0101h \u1e24usain) filled several boats with cannon and muskets, and came from Tatta against him. Sehw\u0101n is near the river. (? M\u012br &#8216;Al\u012bka) hindered the coming of the royal boats and provisions, and sent to say: \u2018(?) I am maintaining my loyalty. March off quickly.\u2019 Having no remedy, the Emperor turned to Bhakkar.<\/p>\n<p>When he came near and before he could reach it, M\u012br Sh\u0101h) \u1e24usain\u00a0<em>Samandar<\/em>\u00a0had sent word to M\u012brz\u0101 Y\u0101dg\u0101r-\u00adn\u0101\u1e63ir:(44<em>b<\/em>) \u2018If the Emperor, when he is retreating, should come near Bhakkar,<a href=\"https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20191116004640\/http:\/\/www.fas.nus.edu.sg\/hist\/eia\/documents_archive\/humayun.php#\">*<\/a><sup>The m\u012brz\u0101 was at R\u016bhr\u012b and had not possession of the fort.\u00a0<i>Cf<\/i>. B. &amp; H., II., 226, for a good account of his treachery and credulity.<\/sup>\u00a0do not let him in. Bhakkar may remain your holding. I am with you; I will give you my own daughter.\u2019 The m\u012brz\u0101 believed him and did not allow the Emperor to enter the fort, but wished to make him go on, either by force or fraud.<\/p>\n<p>His Majesty sent a messenger to say: \u2018B\u0101b\u0101,<sup>*(?) &#8216; My dear boy &#8216; the Persian word of endearment. The relative position and ages of Hum\u0101y\u016bn and Y\u0101dg\u0101r-n\u0101\u1e63ir make &#8216;father&#8217; inappropriate.<\/sup>\u00a0you are as a son to me. I left you in my stead, so that you might help me in case of need. What you are doing is done by the evil counsel of your servants. Those faithless servants will be faithless to you also.\u2019 Whatever his Majesty urged had no effect.<sup>*In this extremity Hum\u0101y\u016bn turned his thoughts towards Makka.\u00a0<\/sup>Then he said: \u2018Very well! I shall go to R\u0101ja M\u0101ldeo.<sup>*R\u0101ja of J\u016bdp\u016br (M\u0101rw\u0101r), who had proffered help.<\/sup>\u00a0I have bestowed this country on you, but Sh\u0101h \u1e24usain will not let you keep it. You will remember my words.\u2019 Having said this to the m\u012brz\u0101, the Emperor marched away by way of J\u012bsalm\u012br, towards M\u0101ldeo. He reached Fort Dil\u0101war (Dir\u0101wal), on the r\u0101ja&#8217;s frontier, a few days later. (45<em>a<\/em>) He stayed there two days. Neither corn nor grass was to be had. He then went to J\u012bsalm\u012br, and on his approach the r\u0101ja sent out troops to occupy the road, and there was fighting. The Emperor and some others went aside off the road. Several men were wounded: Al\u016bsh<sup>*Var., L\u016bsh and Tarsh, all three names of such disagreeable import as to suggest that they are either nicknames or were bestowed to ward off evil influences. Perhaps\u00a0<i>\u016bl\u016bs<\/i>\u00a0should be read.\u00a0<i>Cf<\/i>. App.\u00a0<i>s.n.<\/i>.<\/sup>\u00a0Beg, brother of Sh\u0101ha\u1e43\u00a0<em>Jal\u0101\u012br<\/em>\u00a0and P\u012br Mu\u1e25ammad the equerry, and Raushang the wardrobe-keeper, and some others.<sup>*Muq\u012bm\u00a0<i>Har\u0101w\u012b<\/i>, father of Niz\u0324\u0101mu-d-d\u012bn A\u1e25mad, took part in this engagement.<\/sup>\u00a0At length the royal troops won and the infidels fled into the fort. That day the Emperor travelled 60\u00a0<em>kos (cir.<\/em>\u00a0120 miles), and then halted on the bank of a reservoir.<\/p>\n<p>Next he came into S\u012btalm\u012br, where he was harassed all day till he reached Pahl\u016bd\u012b, a\u00a0<em>pargana<\/em>\u00a0of M\u0101ldeo. The r\u0101ja was in Jodhp\u016br, and sent armour and a camel&#8217;s-load of\u00a0<em>ashraf\u012bs<\/em>, and greatly comforted his Majesty by saying: \u2018You are welcome! I give you B\u012bkan\u012br.\u2019 The Emperor halted with an easy mind, and despatched\u00a0<em>Atka<\/em>\u00a0Kh\u0101n (Shamsu-d-d\u012bn\u00a0<em>Ghaznar\u012b<\/em>) to M\u0101ldeo, and said: \u2018What will his answer be?\u2019<sup>*Presumably to\u00a0<i>Atka<\/i>\u00a0Kh\u0101n&#8217;s message from Hum\u0101y\u016bn.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>In the downfall and desolation in Hind, Mull\u0101 Surkh, the librarian, had gone to M\u0101ldeo, and had entered his service. (45<em>b<\/em>) He now wrote: \u2018Beware, a thousand times beware of advancing. March at once from wherever you are, for M\u0101ldeo intends to make you prisoner. Put no trust in his words. There came here an envoy from Sh\u012br Kh\u0101n who brought a letter to say: \u201cBy whatever means you know and can use, capture that king. If you will do this, I will give you Nag\u014dr and Alwar and whatever place you ask for.\u201d\u2019\u00a0<em>Atka<\/em>\u00a0Kh\u0101n also said when he came: \u2018This is no time for standing.\u2019 So at afternoon prayer-time the Emperor marched off. When he was mounting, they captured two spies and brought them bound before him. He was questioning them when suddenly they got their hands free, and one snatched a sword from the belt of Mu\u1e25ammad\u00a0<em>Gird-b\u0101z<\/em><sup>*(?)\u00a0<i>gird-b\u0101z\u016b<\/i>, strong-limbed.<\/sup>\u00a0and struck him with it, and then wounded B\u0101q\u012b\u00a0<em>Gu\u0101l\u012b\u0101r\u012b<\/em>. The other at once unsheathed<sup>*Doubtful translation;\u00a0<i>az may\u0101n yak kash\u012bda.<\/i><\/sup>\u00a0a dagger and faced the bystanders, wounded several and killed the Emperor&#8217;s riding-horse. They did much mischief before they were killed. (46<em>a<\/em>) Just then there was a cry, \u2018M\u0101ldeo is here!\u2019 The Emperor had no horse fit for \u1e24am\u012bda-b\u0101n\u016b Begam. He may have asked for one for her from Tard\u012b Beg,<sup>*This excellent officer is frequently a scapegoat. Our begam, however, imputes her blame tentatively. For estimate of his character see B. &amp; EL, I. and II.,\u00a0<i>s.n.<\/i>. Jauhar brings Eaushan Beg into a similar story of this terrible journey.\u00a0<\/sup>who apparently did not give it. He then said: \u2018Let the camel of Jauhar, the ewer-bearer, be got ready for me. I will ride it, and the begam may have my horse.\u2019 It would seem that Nad\u012bm<sup>*The husband of M\u0101ham\u00a0<i>anaga<\/i>, Akbar&#8217;s celebrated nurse. (E.A.S.J., January, 1899, art. M\u0101ham\u00a0<i>anaga<\/i>, H. Beveridge.) His mother was Fakhru-n-nis\u0101&#8217;.\u00a0<i>Cf<\/i>. Gul-badan, 26<i>a<\/i>\u00a0and 71<i>a<\/i>.<\/sup>\u00a0Beg heard that his Majesty was giving his horse to the begam and thinking of riding a camel, for he mounted his own mother on a camel and gave her horse to the Emperor.<\/p>\n<p>His Majesty took a guide from this place, and mounted and rode for &#8216;Umrk\u014dt. It was extremely hot; horses and (other) quadrupeds<a href=\"https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20191116004640\/http:\/\/www.fas.nus.edu.sg\/hist\/eia\/documents_archive\/humayun.php#\">*<\/a><sup>Perhaps ponies only. Text,\u00a0<i>ch\u0101rw\u0101<\/i>.<\/sup>\u00a0kept sinking to the knees in the sand, and M\u0101ldeo was behind. On they went, thirsty and hungry. Many, women and men, were on foot. (46<em>b<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>On the approach of M\u0101ldeo&#8217;s troops, the Emperor said to \u012ash\u0101n (\u012as\u0101n)-t\u012bm\u016br Sult\u0324\u0101n and to Mu&#8217;nim Kh\u0101n<sup>*Gul-chihra&#8217;s husband.<\/sup>\u00a0and a number of others: \u2018You all come slowly, and watch the enemy till we have gone on a few miles.\u2019 They waited; it grew night, and they missed their way.<\/p>\n<p>All through that night the Emperor went on, and at dawn a watering-place was found. For three days the horses had not drunk. He had dismounted when a man ran in, shouting: \u2018The Hind\u016bs are coming up in numbers, mounted on horses and camels.\u2019 Then the Emperor dis\u00admissed Shaikh &#8216;Al\u012b Beg (<em>Jal\u0101\u012br<\/em>), and Raushan\u00a0<em>k\u016bka<\/em>\u00a0and Nad\u012bm\u00a0<em>k\u016bka<\/em>, and M\u012br Payanda Mu\u1e25ammad, brother of Mu\u1e25ammad Wal\u012b, and many others.<\/p>\n<p>They recited the\u00a0<em>f\u0101ti\u1e25a<\/em>, and his Majesty said: \u2018Go, fight the infidels!\u2019 He thought: \u2018\u012ash\u0101n-t\u012bm\u016br Sult\u0324\u0101n, and Mu&#8217;n\u012bm Kh\u0101n,<sup>*The well-known\u00a0<i>Kh\u0101n-i-kh\u0101n\u0101n<\/i>\u00a0of Akbar&#8217;s reign.<\/sup>\u00a0and M\u012brz\u0101 Y\u0101dg\u0101r,<sup>*Perhaps &#8216;Uncle Y\u0101dg\u0101r&#8217; (<i>t\u0324agh\u0101\u012b<\/i>), the father of Bega Begam. Y\u0101dg\u0101r-n\u0101\u1e63ir was not here, but still in Sind.<\/sup>\u00a0and the rest whom we left behind, have been killed or captured by these people who have now come to attack us.\u2019 He mounted and left the camp with a few followers.<\/p>\n<p>Of the band which his Majesty had sent out to fight after reciting the\u00a0<em>f\u0101ti\u1e25a<\/em>, Shaikh &#8216;Al\u012b Beg struck the R\u0101jp\u016bt captain with an arrow, and cast him from his horse. (47<em>a<\/em>) Several more (of the royal troop) hit others with arrows; the infidels turned to flee, and the fight was won. They brought in several prisoners alive. Then the camp went slowly, slowly on; but his Majesty was far ahead. Those who had recited the\u00a0<em>f\u0101ti\u1e25a<\/em>\u00a0came up with the camp.<\/p>\n<p>There was a mace-bearer named Bihb\u016bd. They sent him galloping after the Emperor, to say: \u2018Let your Majesty go slowly. By Heaven&#8217;s grace, a victory has been vouchsafed, and the infidels have fled.\u2019 Bihb\u016bd himself was taken to the presence, and conveyed the good news.<sup>*And also, tied to his girths, two heads of foes which he flung at Hum\u0101y\u016bn&#8217;s feet.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>His Majesty dismounted, and a little water even (<em>ham<\/em>)<sup>*to brim of the cup of joy.<\/sup>\u00a0was found, but he was anxious about the am\u012brs, and said: \u2018What has happened to them?\u2019 Then horsemen appeared in the distance, and again there was a cry: \u2018God forbid! M\u0101ldeo!\u2019<sup>*These cries remind one that even now Hum\u0101y\u016bn must have had with him a huge contingent of helpless beings, women and children and non-combatants.\u00a0<\/sup>His Majesty sent a man for information, who came running back and said: \u2018\u012ash\u0101n-t\u012bm\u016br Sult\u0324\u0101n, and M\u012brz\u0101 Y\u0101dg\u0101r, and Mu&#8217;nim Kh\u0101n are all coming, safe and sound.\u2019 They had missed their way. Their return rejoiced the Emperor, who rendered thanks to God.<\/p>\n<p>Next morning they marched on. For three days they found no water. (47<em>b<\/em>) On the fourth, they came to some very deep wells, the water of which was extraordinarily red. The Emperor halted and alighted near one of the wells; Tard\u012b Beg Kh\u0101n was at another; at a third, M\u012brz\u0101 Y\u0101dg\u0101r, and Mu&#8217;nim Kh\u0101n, and Nad\u012bm\u00a0<em>k\u016bka<\/em>; and at the fourth, \u012ash\u0101n-t\u012bm\u016br Sult\u0324\u0101n, and Khw\u0101ja Gh\u0101z\u012b, and Raushan\u00a0<em>k\u016bka<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>As each bucket came out of the wells into reach, people flung themselves on it; the ropes broke, and five or six persons fell into the wells with the buckets. Many perished from thirst. When the Emperor saw men flinging them\u00adselves into the wells from thirst, he let anyone drink from his own water-bottle. When everyone had drunk his fill, they marched on again at afternoon prayer-time.<\/p>\n<p>After a day and a night they reached a large tank. The horses and camels went into the water and drank so much that many died. There had not been many horses, but there were mules and camels. (48<em>a<\/em>) Beyond this place water was found at every stage on the way to &#8216;Umrk\u014dt,<sup>*The little desert town must indeed have seemed a haven after the terrible journey, and not least so to the young wife who some two months later became the mother of Akbar. Hum\u0101y\u016bn reached &#8216;Umrk\u014dt on August 22nd, 1542 (Jum\u0101da I. 10th, 949H.).\u00a0<\/sup>which is a beautiful place with many tanks.<\/p>\n<p>The r\u0101n\u0101<sup>*Text, passim, r\u0101n\u0101. The &#8216;Umrk\u014dt r\u0101n\u0101&#8217;s name was Pars\u0101d.\u00a0<\/sup>gave the Emperor an honourable reception, and took him into the fort, and assigned him excellent quarters. He gave places outside to the am\u012brs&#8217; people. Many things were very cheap indeed; four goats could be had for one\u00a0<em>rup\u012b<\/em>. The r\u0101n\u0101 made many gifts of kids and so on, and paid such fitting service that what tongue could set it forth?<\/p>\n<p>Several days were spent in peace and comfort.<\/p>\n<p>The treasury was empty. Tard\u012b Beg Kh\u0101n had a great deal of money, and the Emperor having asked him for a considerable loan, he lent 80,000\u00a0<em>ashraf\u012bs<\/em>\u00a0at the rate of two in ten.<sup>*(?) 20 per cent.\u00a0<i>Cf<\/i>. Mems., 138.\u00a0<\/sup>His Majesty portioned out this money to the army. He bestowed sword-belts and\u00a0<em>cap-\u00e0-pie<\/em>\u00a0dresses on the r\u0101n\u0101 and his sons. Many people bought fresh horses here.<\/p>\n<p>M\u012br Sh\u0101h \u1e24usain had killed the r\u0101n\u0101&#8217;s father. For this, amongst other reasons, the r\u0101n\u0101 collected 2,000 or 3,000 good soldiers and set out with the Emperor for Bhakkar.<sup>*After a stay of seven weeks in &#8216;Umrk\u014dt.<\/sup>(48<em>b<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>In &#8216;Umrk\u014dt he left many people, and his family and relations, and also Khw\u0101ja Mu&#8217;az\u0324z\u0324am to have charge of the\u00a0<em>\u1e25aram<\/em>. \u1e24am\u012bda-b\u0101n\u016b Begam was with child. Three days after his Majesty&#8217;s departure, and in the early morning of Sunday, the fourth day of the revered Rajab, 949H.,<sup>*October 15th, 1542.<\/sup>\u00a0there was born his imperial Majesty, the world&#8217;s refuge and conqueror, Jal\u0101lu-d-d\u012bn Mu\u1e25ammad Akbar\u00a0<em>Gh\u0101z\u012b<\/em>. The moon was in Leo. It was of very good omen that the birth was in a fixed Sign, and the astrologers said a child so born would be fortunate and long-lived. The Emperor was some thirty miles away when Tard\u012b Mu\u1e25ammad Kh\u0101n took the news to him. He was highly delighted, and by way of reward and largesse (<em>ni\u1e63\u0101r<\/em>) for the tidings he forgave all soever of Tard\u012b Mu\u1e25ammad Kh\u0101n&#8217;s past offences. He gave the child the name he had heard in his dream at L\u0101h\u014dr, the Emperor Jal\u0101lu-d-d\u012bn Mu\u1e25ammad Akbar.<\/p>\n<p>On leaving this place, the Emperor went towards Bhakkar with as many as 10,000 men who had gathered round him, people of the r\u0101n\u0101 and of the outlying tribes and S\u016bdmas (Sodhas) and Sam\u012bchas. (49<em>a<\/em>) They reached the district of J\u016bn, where there was one of Sh\u0101h \u1e24usain&#8217;s servants with some troopers. He fled.<sup>*<i>Cf<\/i>. B. &amp; H., II., 256, for stories of the taking of J\u016bn.<\/sup>\u00a0Here there was the Mirror Garden, a very pleasant and enjoyable place where the Emperor alighted. He assigned its villages (? of J\u016bn) in\u00a0<em>j\u0101g\u012br<\/em>\u00a0to his followers.<\/p>\n<p>It is a six days&#8217; journey from J\u016bn to Tatta. The Emperor was as much as six<sup>*Other writers say nine.<\/sup>\u00a0months in J\u016bn, and brought his family and people and the whole &#8216;Umrk\u014dt party there.<sup>*\u1e24am\u012bda and her baby were good travellers. They left &#8216;Umrk\u014dt when the child was under five weeks old (November 20th), and joined Hum\u0101y\u016bn early in December (1542).<\/sup>\u00a0The Emperor Jal\u0101lu-d-d\u012bn Mu\u1e25ammad Akbar was six months old when they took him to J\u016bn. The party which had come from various places with the royal family and the\u00a0<em>\u1e25aram<\/em>\u00a0now broke up. As for the r\u0101n\u0101, he marched off at midnight for his own country, on account of a coolness<sup>*<i>shukr rang\u012b<\/i>. I do not find this word in dictionaries, and translate tentatively on the analogy of\u00a0<i>shukr-\u0101b<\/i>, a tiff.\u00a0<\/sup>caused by some talk between him and Tard\u012b Mu\u1e25ammad Kh\u0101n.<sup>*Other writers give Khw\u0101ja Gh\u0101z\u012b as the second in the quarrel.<\/sup>\u00a0All the S\u016bdmas and Sam\u012bchas went off by agreement with him, and the Emperor was left alone, as before, with his own people.<\/p>\n<p>He sent brave Shaikh &#8216;Al\u012b Beg (<em>Jal\u0101\u012br<\/em>) and Muz\u0324affar Beg\u00a0<em>Turkm\u0101n<\/em>\u00a0towards the large district of J\u0101jk\u0101 (\u1e24\u0101j-k\u0101n). (49<em>b<\/em>) M\u012brz\u0101 Sh\u0101h \u1e24usain sent a force to attack him, and there was a famous fight. At last Muz\u0324affar Beg was routed and fled, and Shaikh &#8216;Al\u012b Beg (<em>Jal\u0101\u012br<\/em>) was killed and perished with all his men.<sup>*A stubborn fight, and fateful for Hum\u0101y\u016bn. It occurred in November, 1543.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>A squabble arose between Kh\u0101lid Beg<sup>*Son of Niz\u0324\u0101mu-d-d\u012bn &#8216;Al\u012b\u00a0<i>Khal\u012bfa Barl\u0101s<\/i>\u00a0and of Sult\u0324\u0101nam who appears to be Gul-badan&#8217;s former hostess (14<i>a<\/i>).<\/sup>\u00a0and Tarsh Beg, a brother of Sh\u0101ham Kh\u0101n\u00a0<em>Jal\u0101\u012br<\/em>\u00a0and his Majesty turned all his favour to Tarsh Beg. So Kh\u0101lid Beg deserted and went with all his men to M\u012br Sh\u0101h \u1e24usain. Then the Emperor ordered Kh\u0101lid Beg&#8217;s mother, Sult\u0324\u0101nam, to prison and this made Gul-barg<sup>*Daughter of Khal\u012bfa, and as such sister or half-sister of Kh\u0101lid, and daughter or stepdaughter of Sult\u0324\u0101nam. She is, I believe, the Gul-barg of earlier episodes and a wife of Hum\u0101y\u016bn.<\/sup>\u00a0Begam angry. Then he forgave Sult\u0324anam and gave her leave to go to the blessed Makka with Gul-barg Begam. Soon after this Tarsh Beg also deserted. The Emperor cursed him, and said: \u2018For his sake, I dealt harshly with Kh\u0101lid Beg, who on this account left the circle of the faithful for the circle of the disloyal. Tarsh Beg will die young.\u2019 So it was! Fifteen days later, a servant killed him with a knife as he lay sleeping in a boat. When the Emperor heard of it he grew sad and thoughtful. (50<em>a<\/em>) Sh\u0101h \u1e24usain M\u012brz\u0101 brought boats up the river to near J\u016bn, and his men and the Emperor&#8217;s often fought on board, and many were killed on both sides. Day by day there were desertions to Sh\u0101h \u1e24usain. In one of these fights was killed Mull\u0101 T\u0101ju-d-d\u012bn whom his Majesty held in the greatest favour as a pearl of knowledge.<\/p>\n<p>There was a squabble between Tard\u012b Mu\u1e25ammad Kh\u0101n and Mu&#8217;n\u012bm Kh\u0101n. Mu&#8217;n\u012bm Kh\u0101n consequently deserted. Very few am\u012brs remained; amongst them were Tard\u012b Mu\u1e25ammad Kh\u0101n and M\u012brz\u0101 Y\u0101dg\u0101r and M\u012brz\u0101 Payanda Mu\u1e25ammad and Mu\u1e25ammad Wal\u012b and Nad\u012bm\u00a0<em>k\u016bka<\/em>\u00a0and Raushan\u00a0<em>k\u016bka<\/em>\u00a0and Khadang<sup>*Probably the father of Maywa-j\u0101n. Bair\u0101m arrived April 12th, 1543 (Mu\u1e25arram 7th, 950H.).<\/sup>\u00a0the chamberlain. Then there was word brought: \u2018Bair\u0101m Kh\u0101n has reached J\u0101jk\u0101 (\u1e24\u0101j-k\u0101n) on his way from Gujr\u0101t.\u2019 The Emperor was delighted, and ordered Khadang and others to give him honourable meeting.<\/p>\n<p>Meantime Sh\u0101h \u1e24usain M\u012brz\u0101 had heard of Bair\u0101m Kh\u0101n&#8217;s coming and sent to capture him. Bair\u0101m Kh\u0101n rashly went into a hollow, and there they fell upon him. (50<em>b<\/em>) Khadang the chamberlain was killed. Bair\u0101m Kh\u0101n and the rest escaped, and the kh\u0101n came and paid his respects to the Emperor.<\/p>\n<p>At this time letters arrived (addressed to) M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l for his Majesty from Qar\u0101cha Kh\u0101n, saying: \u2018You have been long near Bhakkar, and during the whole time Sh\u0101h \u1e24usain M\u012brz\u0101 has given no sign of good-will but the reverse. By Heaven&#8217;s grace, an easy way is open, and it is best for the Emperor to come here (to Qandah\u0101r). This is really advisable. If he will not come, come you yourself without fail.\u2019 As his Majesty&#8217;s coming was delayed, Qar\u0101cha Kh\u0101n went out and met M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l, and made over the town to him (in the autumn of 1541).<\/p>\n<p>M\u012brz\u0101 &#8216;Askar\u012b was in Ghazn\u012bn, and to him M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n wrote: \u2018Qar\u0101cha Kh\u0101n has given over Qandah\u0101r to M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l. Qandah\u0101r must be considered.\u2019 His idea was to take it from M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l.<\/p>\n<p>On hearing of these things, his Majesty came to his aunt Kh\u0101nz\u0101da Begam,<sup>*From this it would seem that Kh\u0101nz\u0101da was in Sind with Hum\u0101y\u016bn. No other writer, I believe, mentions this or the embassy on which she is now sent. The Uzbegs and Turkm\u0101ns do not appear apropos here. If, as Gul-badan says, and her authority is good, Kh\u0101nz\u0101da now went to Qandah\u0101r, she will have gone on to K\u0101bul, possibly with Hind\u0101l after he surrendered the town to K\u0101mr\u0101n. Of Mahd\u012b Khw\u0101ja, Kh\u0101nz\u0101da&#8217;s husband, I find no mention made by any historian after Babar&#8217;s death, a singular fact and matched by the similar disappearance of the great Khalifa. Ab\u016b&#8217;l-fazl names his tomb.\u00a0<i>Cf<\/i>. App.\u00a0<i>s.n<\/i>. Kh\u0101nz\u0101da.<\/sup>\u00a0and said with great urgency: \u2018Pray do me the honour of going to Qandah\u0101r and advising M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l and M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n. (51<em>a<\/em>) Tell them that the Uzbegs and the Turkm\u0101ns are near them, and that the best plan is to be friends amongst themselves. If M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n will agree to carry out what I have written to him, I will do what his heart desires.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n came to Qandah\u0101r four days after the begam&#8217;s arrival.<sup>*She had a weary journey from J\u016bn to Qandah\u0101r, and K\u0101mr\u0101n had another, but less toilsome, from K\u0101bul. K\u0101mr\u0101n kept Hind\u0101l besieged, but there seems to have been a good deal of communication between besiegers and beleaguered.\u00a0<\/sup>Day after day he urged: \u2018Read the\u00a0<em>khut\u0324ba<\/em>\u00a0in my name\u2019; and again and again M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l said: \u2018In his life-time his Majesty\u00a0<em>Firdaus-mak\u0101n\u012b<\/em>\u00a0gave his throne to the Emperor Hum\u0101y\u016bn and named him his successor. We all agreed to this, and up till now have read the\u00a0<em>khut\u0324ba<\/em>\u00a0in his name. There is no way of changing the\u00a0<em>khut\u0324ba<\/em>.\u2019<sup>*Our memory is better than the begam&#8217;s, and we remember that Hind\u0101l found no difficulty in changing the\u00a0<i>khut\u0324ba<\/i>\u00a0to his own name in Dihl\u012b.<\/sup>\u00a0M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n wrote to her Highness, Dil-d\u0101r Begam:<sup>*She would be probably with her son Hind\u0101l in the fort.<\/sup>\u00a0\u2018I have come from K\u0101bul with you in mind. It is strange that you should not once have come to see me. (51<em>b<\/em>) Be a mother to me as you are to M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l.\u2019 At last Dil-d\u0101r Begam went to see him, and he said: \u2018Now I shall not let you go till you send for M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l.\u2019 Dil-d\u0101r Begam said: \u2018Kh\u0101nz\u0101da Begam is your elder kinswoman, and oldest and highest of you all. Ask her the truth about the\u00a0<em>khut\u0324ba<\/em>.\u2019 So then he spoke to\u00a0<em>\u0100ka<\/em>. Her High\u00adness Kh\u0101nz\u0101da Begam answered: \u2018If you ask me! well! as his Majesty\u00a0<em>Firdaus-mak\u0101n\u012b<\/em>\u00a0decided it and gave his throne to the Emperor Hum\u0101y\u016bn, and as you, all of you, have read the\u00a0<em>khut\u0324ba<\/em>\u00a0in his name till now, so now regard him as your superior and remain in obedience to him.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>To cut the matter short, M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n besieged Qandah\u0101r and kept on insisting about the\u00a0<em>khut\u0324ba<\/em>\u00a0for four months. At last he settled it in this way: \u2018Very well! the Emperor is now far away. Read the\u00a0<em>khut\u0324ba<\/em>\u00a0in my name and when he comes back, read it in his.\u2019 As the siege had drawn out to great length, and people had gradually come to cruel straits, there was no help for it; the\u00a0<em>khut\u0324ba<\/em>\u00a0was read. (52<em>a<\/em>) He gave Qandah\u0101r to M\u012brz\u0101 &#8216;Askar\u012b and promised Ghazn\u012bn to M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l. When they reached Ghazn\u012bn, he assigned the Lamgh\u0101n\u0101t and the mountain passes (Tangayh\u0101)<sup>*(?) The\u00a0<i>Tang\u012b<\/i>\u00a0of Budyard Kipling.<\/sup>\u00a0to the m\u012brz\u0101, and all those promises were false<sup>.*The\u00a0<i>T\u0101r\u012bkh-i-bad\u0101yun\u012b<\/i>\u00a0states that Ghazn\u012bn was given to Hind\u0101l and then taken away, and Mr. Erskine comments on this as probably untrue. (B. &amp; H., II. 265 n. .) Gul-badan here supports &#8216;Abdu-l-qad\u012br.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l went off to Badakhsh\u0101n, and settled down in Khost and Andar-\u0101b. M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n said to Dil-d\u0101r Begam: \u2018Go and fetch him.\u2019 When she arrived, the m\u012brz\u0101 said: \u2018I have withdrawn myself from the turmoil of soldiering, and even<sup>*&#8217;as good as any other place&#8217; is perhaps the import of the\u00a0<i>ham<\/i>.<\/sup>\u00a0Khost is a hermitage. I have quite settled down.\u2019 The begam answered: \u2018If you intend to lead the darvish-life, even<sup>*&#8217;as good as any other place&#8217; is perhaps the import of the\u00a0<i>ham<\/i>.<\/sup>\u00a0K\u0101bul is a hermitage. Live where your family and kinsfolk are. That is the better plan.\u2019 Then she made him come, and for awhile he lived as a darvish in K\u0101bul.<\/p>\n<p>About this time, M\u012br Sh\u0101h \u1e24usain sent to the Emperor to say: \u2018The course favouring fortune is for you to march for Qandah\u0101r. That is the better plan.\u2019 His Majesty was willing, and replied: \u2018Horses and camels are scarce in my camp; give me some to travel with to Qandah\u0101r.\u2019 (52<em>b<\/em>) Sh\u0101h \u1e24usain M\u012brza agreed, and said: \u2018There are a thousand camels on the other side of the river, which I will send to you as soon as you have crossed.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>[If words by Khw\u0101ja Kasak (? K\u012bs\u012bk), kinsman of Khw\u0101ja Gh\u0101z\u012b, are recorded about the journey from Bhakkar and Sind, they are copied from the writings of the said Khw\u0101ja Kasak.<sup>*We surmise that this is a gloss of Gul-badan. who has copied from a diary or writings of Khw\u0101ja Kasak. This name may be the Tu\u016brk\u012b\u00a0<i>k\u012bs\u012bk<\/i>, a guard, a sentinel. No Persian word seems appropriate.]<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>At length the Emperor went on board boats, with kins\u00adfolk and family, army and the rest, and travelled for three days on the great river. At the frontier of Sh\u0101h \u1e24usain M\u012brz\u0101&#8217;s territory is a village called Nu\u0101s\u012b.<sup>*Run\u0101\u012b, B. &amp; H., II. 262. The text is clear.<\/sup>\u00a0Here they halted, and his Majesty sent Sult\u0324\u0101n Qul\u012b, the head-camel-driver, to fetch the camels. Sult\u0324\u0101n Qul\u012b brought a thousand, all of which his Majesty gave to his am\u012brs, and soldiers, and others, ordering them to be apportioned.<\/p>\n<p>The camels were such that one might say they had not known city, or load, or man for seven, or rather seventy, generations. As horses were few, many people took camels to ride on, and what were left were assigned for the baggage. Every camel which was mounted, at once flung its rider to the ground, and took its way to the jungle. (53<em>a<\/em>) Every pack-camel, when it heard the sound of horses&#8217; feet, jumped and bounded and tossed off its load, and went off and away to the jungle. If a load was fixed so fast that, jump as it would, it could not get it off, it carried it away and ran with it into the jungle. This was the way the Emperor started for Qandah\u0101r. Some 200 camels must have gone off like this.<\/p>\n<p>Sh\u0101h \u1e24usain M\u012brz\u0101&#8217;s head-camel-driver Ma\u1e25m\u016bd was in S\u012bw\u012b (S\u012bb\u012b), and when the Emperor came near, he strengthened the citadel and retired into it. His Majesty came prosperously to within twelve miles&#8217; distance. Then word was brought that M\u012br All\u0101h-dost and B\u0101b\u0101 J\u016bj\u016bk<sup>*Both these names may be sobriquets. Abu&#8217;1-fazl names Shaikh &#8216;Abdu-l-wahab as All\u0101h-dost&#8217;s companion. (A. N.,\u00a0<i>Bib. Ind<\/i>. ed. I. 189 et seq..)\u00a0<i>J\u016bj\u016bk<\/i>\u00a0is perhaps the T\u016brk\u012b &#8216;sweet-savoured,&#8217; and an epithet of &#8216;Abdu-l-wahab, a lawyer with persuasive tongue.<\/sup>\u00a0had arrived in S\u012bw\u012b from K\u0101bul two days earlier, and were going on to (visit) Sh\u0101h \u1e24usain M\u012brz\u0101. By them M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n had sent a dress of honour, and\u00a0<em>tip\u016bch\u0101q<\/em>\u00a0horses, and much fruit, and they were to ask for M\u012brz\u0101 Sh\u0101h \u1e24usain&#8217;s daughter.<sup>*The daughter has already been named as promised.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>The Emperor said to Khw\u0101ja Gh\u0101z\u012b: \u2018As there is the tie of father and son<sup>*Probably a spiritual relationship; that of religious teacher and disciple.<\/sup>\u00a0between you and All\u0101h-dost, write and ask him in what way M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n stands towards me, and what he will do if I go into his neighbourhood.\u2019 (53<em>b<\/em>) He also gave this order to Khw\u0101ja Kasak: \u2018Go to S\u012bw\u012b, and ask M\u012br All\u0101h-dost whether he thinks it advisable for me to come to K\u0101bul.\u2019 The khw\u0101ja set out, and the Emperor said: \u2018We will not march till you have returned.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>When the khw\u0101ja came near S\u012bw\u012b, Ma\u1e25m\u016bd, the head-camel-driver, caught him, and asked: \u2018Why are you here?\u2019 \u2018To buy horses and camels,\u2019 he answered. Ma\u1e25m\u016bd ordered: \u2018Feel under his arm and search his cap. Heaven forbid that he should have brought a letter to win over All\u0101h-dost and B\u0101b\u0101 J\u016bj\u016bk.\u2019 They searched, and brought out the letter from under his arm. He had no chance to twist it into a fold.<sup>*(?) to toss it secretly into a corner.<\/sup>\u00a0Ma\u1e25m\u016bd took it and read it, and, not letting the khw\u0101ja go, forthwith conveyed All\u0101h-dost and B\u0101b\u0101 J\u016bj\u016bk into the fort, and with various rough\u00adnesses made them swear: \u2018We had no knowledge of his coming here.\u2019 (54<em>a<\/em>) (?) He has taken the initiative;<sup>*<i>sabq khw\u0101nda ast<\/i>. Perhaps Kasak as a pupil &#8216;has said his lessons to us,&#8217;\u00a0<i>i.e.<\/i>, to All\u0101h-dost.\u00a0<\/sup>and \u2018Khw\u0101ja Gh\u0101z\u012b is related to us and he was with M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n,<sup>*He had been K\u0101mr\u0101n&#8217;s\u00a0<i>diw\u0101n<\/i>\u00a0up to the time when the royal family left L\u0101h\u014dr, and he joined Hum\u0101y\u016bn when the brothers parted for Sind and for K\u0101bul.<\/sup>\u00a0and this is why he has written.\u2019 Ma\u1e25m\u016bd decided to send all three to Sh\u0101h \u1e24usain, and M\u012br All\u0101h-dost and B\u0101b\u0101 J\u016bj\u016bk spent the whole night smoothing him down and entreating him, and in the end they were set free.<\/p>\n<p>M\u012br All\u0101h-dost sent 3,000<sup>*Text,\u00a0<i>s\u012b\u1e63ad<\/i>, but perhaps only 300 should be read.<\/sup>\u00a0pomegranates and 100 quinces for his Majesty&#8217;s use, and wrote no letter, because he was afraid it might fall into the wrong hands. By word of mouth he sent to say: \u2018If a letter should come from M\u012brz\u0101 Askar\u012b or the am\u012brs, it would not be bad to go to K\u0101bul; but if not, it will be clear to your Majesty that nothing is to be gained by going. You have few followers. What, then, will happen?\u2019<\/p>\n<p>Kasak came and reported this. The Emperor was stupefied and bewildered, and said: \u2018What is to be done? Where am I to go?\u2019 They all consulted together. (54<em>b<\/em>) Tard\u012b Mu\u1e25ammad Kh\u0101n and Bair\u0101m Kh\u0101n gave it as their opinion that it was impossible to decide to go anywhere but to the north and Shal-mast\u0101n,<sup>*Approximately Quetta. The route seems to have been over the Bolan.<\/sup>\u00a0the frontier of Qandah\u0101r. \u2018There are many Afghans in those parts,\u2019 they said, \u2018whom we shall draw over to our side. M\u012brz\u0101 &#8216;Askar\u012b&#8217;s people, too, will join us.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>Having settled it in this way, they recited the\u00a0<em>f\u0101ti\u1e25a<\/em>\u00a0and went, march by march, for Qandah\u0101r. Near Shal-mast\u0101n they halted in a village named Ran\u012b (? Ral\u012b), but as it had snowed and rained, and was extremely cold, they determined to go on to Shal-mast\u0101n. At afternoon prayer-time an Uzbeg youth, mounted on a sorry and tired-out pony, came in, and cried out: \u2018Mount, your Majesty! I will explain on the way; time presses. There is no time to talk.\u2019<sup>*The youth was Chup\u012b Bah\u0101d\u016br, a former servant of Hum\u0101y\u016bn. Gul-badan&#8217;s story differs in some details from that told by other writers.\u00a0<\/sup>The Emperor mounted the very hour the alarm was given, and went off.<\/p>\n<p>He went two arrows&#8217; flight, and then sent Khw\u0101ja Mu&#8217;az\u0324z\u0324am and Bair\u0101m Kh\u0101n to fetch \u1e24am\u012bda-b\u0101n\u016b Begam. (55<em>a<\/em>) They went and mounted her, but there was not a chink of time in which to take the Emperor Jal\u0101lu-d-d\u012bn Mu\u1e25ammad Akbar. Just when the begam left the camp to join his Majesty, M\u012brz\u0101 &#8216;Askar\u012b came up with 2,000 troopers. There was an outcry, and when he heard it, he entered the camp<sup>*Late in 950H. (1543). The little Akbar reached Qandah\u0101r on December 15th, 1543.\u00a0<\/sup>and asked: \u2018Where is the Emperor?\u2019 People said: \u2018He went hunting long ago.\u2019 So the m\u012brz\u0101 knew that his Majesty had gone away just as he himself came in. Then he took possession of the Emperor Jal\u0101lu\u00add-d\u012bn Mu\u1e25ammad Akbar, and gave him in charge to his wife Sult\u0324\u0101nam,<sup>*I believe she was in Qandah\u0101r, and that she received the child on his arrival there.<\/sup>\u00a0who showed him much kindness and affection. He made all the royal followers march, saying: \u2018Go to Qandah\u0101r.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>His Majesty, when he left, took the road to the mountains. He went eight miles, and then travelled as fast as possible.<sup>*Perhaps he rode four kos, and then, having waited for \u1e24am\u012bda, hurried on.<\/sup>\u00a0(55<em>b<\/em>) He had with him Bair\u0101m Kh\u0101n, Khw\u0101ja Mu&#8217;az\u0324z\u0324am, Khw\u0101ja N\u012b\u0101z\u012b, Nad\u012bm\u00a0<em>k\u016bka<\/em><sup>*His wife, M\u0101ham\u00a0<i>anaga<\/i>, remained behind with Akbar. With Akbar was also\u00a0<i>Atka<\/i>\u00a0Kh\u0101n (Shamsu-d-din Mu\u1e25ammad) and his wife, J\u012b-j\u012b\u00a0<i>anaga<\/i>.<\/sup>\u00a0and Raushan\u00a0<em>k\u016bka<\/em>, and \u1e24\u0101j\u012b Mu\u1e25ammad Kh\u0101n, and B\u0101b\u0101-dost the paymaster, and M\u012brz\u0101 Qul\u012b Beg\u00a0<em>ch\u016bl\u012b<\/em>,<sup>*Hum\u0101y\u016bn&#8217;s sobriquet for those who went to Persia with him; from\u00a0<i>ch\u016bl<\/i>, a desert. Others in this list might claim it.\u00a0<\/sup>and \u1e24aidar Mu\u1e25ammad the master of the horse, and Shaikh Y\u016bsuf\u00a0<em>ch\u016bl\u012b<\/em>, and Ibr\u0101h\u012bm the chamber\u00adlain, and \u1e24asan &#8216;Al\u012b, the chamberlain, and Ya&#8217;q\u016bb the keeper of the armoury, and &#8216;Ambar the superintendent and the royal agent (<em>mulk-mukht\u0101r<\/em>), and Sambal captain of a thousand, and Khw\u0101ja Kasak.<sup>*Niz\u0324\u0101mu-d-d\u012bn A\u1e25mad puts the number of the party at twenty-two.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>Khw\u0101ja Gh\u0101z\u012b says: \u2018I also was in attendance.\u2019 This company went with the Emperor, and \u1e24am\u012bda-b\u0101n\u016b Begam says,<sup>*The tense used suggests conference and talking over. Jauhar says that Khw\u0101ja Gh\u0101z\u012b joined Hum\u0101y\u016bn in Persia from Makka. This looks like a contradiction of Jauhar.<\/sup>\u00a0\u2018There were as many as thirty people,\u2019 and that of women there was, besides herself, the wife of \u1e24asan &#8216;Al\u012b, the chamberlain.<\/p>\n<p>The prayer before sleep had passed before they reached the foot of the mountains. The snow lay deep, so there was no road to go up by. Their minds were full of anxiety lest that unjust creature, M\u012brz\u0101 &#8216;Askar\u012b, should follow them. At last they found a way up, and climbed it in some sort of fashion. They were all night in the snow, and (at first) there was neither wood for fire nor food to eat. They grew very hungry and feeble. (56<em>a<\/em>) The Emperor gave orders to kill a horse. There was no cooking-pot, so they boiled some of the flesh in a helmet, and some they roasted. They made fires on all four sides, and with his own blessed hand the Emperor roasted some meat which he ate. He used to say: \u2018My very head was frozen by the intense cold.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>Morning came at last, and he pointed to another mountain, and said: \u2018There are people on that; there will be many Bil\u016bch\u012bs there; and there we must go.\u2019 On they went, and reached the place in two days. They saw a few houses near them, and a few savage Bil\u016bch\u012bs whose speech is the tongue of the ghouls of the waste.<\/p>\n<p>The Emperor halted on the skirt of the mountain. There were about thirty people with him. The Bil\u016bch\u012bs saw him, and collected and came near. He had settled comfortably in his tent, so they knew from far off that he was halting. They said to one another: \u2018If we seize these people and take them to M\u012brz\u0101 &#8216;Askar\u012b, he will certainly give us their arms, and many gifts besides.\u2019 (56<em>b<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>\u1e24asan &#8216;Al\u012b, the chamberlain, had a Bil\u016bch\u012b wife who understood what the ghouls of the waste were saying, and who made it known that they meant mischief. Early in the morning the Emperor thought of marching on, but they said: \u2018Our chief is not here. When he comes, you shall go.\u2019 Besides this, the time had become unsuitable, and so the whole night was spent there in strict watch\u00adfulness.<\/p>\n<p>Part of the night had gone when the chief arrived. He waited on the Emperor, and said: \u2018A\u00a0<em>farm\u0101n<\/em>\u00a0has come from M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n and M\u012brz\u0101 &#8216;Askar\u012b, in which it is written: \u201cIt is reported that the Emperor may visit your dwellings. If he does, beware!\u2014a thousand times beware!\u2014 of letting him go. Seize him and bring him to us. You can keep his goods and horses. Take him to Qandah\u0101r.\u201d As I had not seen your Majesty, I at first had this evil thought, but now I will sacrifice my life and the lives of my family, I have five or six sons, for your Majesty&#8217;s head, or rather for one hair of it. (57<em>a<\/em>) Go where you wish. God protect you! M\u012brz\u0101 &#8216;Askar\u012b may do what he likes.\u2019 The Emperor gave him a ruby and a pearl and some other things.<\/p>\n<p>At dawn he marched to honour Fort B\u0101b\u0101 \u1e24\u0101j\u012b<sup>*Fort of the Pilgrim Father.<\/sup>\u00a0by a visit. He reached it in two days. It belongs to the Garm-s\u012br,<sup>*<i>i.e.<\/i>, a warm climate, a winter habitation in low ground, and cultivated fields.<\/sup>\u00a0and lies on the river (Halmand). There are many sayyids there, and they waited on the Emperor and showed him hospitality.<\/p>\n<p>Next morning Khw\u0101ja &#8216;Al\u0101walu-d-d\u012bn (Jal\u0101lu-d-d\u012bn) Ma\u1e25m\u016bd,<sup>*He was a revenue-collector of the M\u012brz\u0101.<\/sup>\u00a0having left M\u012brz\u0101 &#8216;Askar\u012b, came with an offering of a string of mules, and one of horses and tents, etc., whatever he had. Once more the royal heart was at ease. \u1e24\u0101j\u012b Mu\u1e25ammad Kh\u0101n\u00a0<em>k\u016bk\u012b<\/em><sup>*Son of B\u0101b\u0101 Q\u016bshka, an intimate of B\u0101bar.<\/sup>\u00a0brought thirty or forty troopers and offered a string of mules.<\/p>\n<p>Being helpless because of the disunion of his brothers<sup>*K\u0101mr\u0101n was master of K\u0101bul and Ghazn\u012b, Qandah\u0101r, Khutl\u0101n and Badakhsh\u0101n. &#8216;Askar\u012b was attached to his full-brother&#8217;s fortunes, and Hind\u0101l was a prisoner in K\u0101bul. Sh\u012br Sh\u0101h ruled B\u0101bar&#8217;s Indian Empire, and Sh\u0101h \u1e24usain was in Sind. Certainly there seemed no &#8216;crack&#8217; to hold Hum\u0101y\u016bn. The date is December, 1543.<\/sup>\u00a0and the desertion of his am\u012brs, it now seemed best to the Emperor,\u2014with reliance on the Causer of causes,\u2014to decide upon going to Khur\u0101s\u0101n.<sup>*<i>i.e.<\/i>, on his way to Persia proper. Hum\u0101y\u016bn&#8217;s messenger to the Sh\u0101h was Chup\u012b Bah\u0101dur. (55<i>a<\/i>\u00a0and n..)\u00a0<\/sup>(57<em>b<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>After many stages and a journey of many days, he came to parts adjacent to Khur\u0101s\u0101n. When Sh\u0101h T\u0324ahm\u0101s (<em>sic<\/em>) heard that he had reached the Halmand, he remained sunk in wonder and thought, and said: \u2018The Emperor Hum\u0101y\u016bn has come to our frontier by the perfidious revolution of the firmament,\u2014the firmament unpropitious and crooked of gait! The Lord, whose existence is necessary, has led him here!\u2019<\/p>\n<p>He sent all sorts of people to give honourable reception, nobles and grandees, low and high, great and small. All came to the Halmand to meet the Emperor.<sup>*He had crossed the river without receiving invitation or permission, because of K\u0101mr\u0101n&#8217;s threatened approach. The incidents of Hum\u0101y\u016bn&#8217;s visit to Persia are very entertaining. (B. &amp; H., II. 275\u00a0<i>et seq<\/i>..)<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>The Sh\u0101h sent all his brothers to meet his Majesty,\u2014 Bahr\u0101m M\u012brz\u0101, and Alq\u0101s M\u012brz\u0101, and S\u0101m M\u012brz\u0101. All came and embraced him, and escorted him with full honour and respect. As they drew near (the Sh\u0101h) his brothers sent him word, and he also came riding to meet the Emperor. They embraced. (58<em>a<\/em>) The friendship and concord of those two high-placed p\u0101shas was as close as two nut-kernels in one shell.<sup>*A figure of speech too compact to leave room for the facts. The intercourse of the p\u0101shas was dramatic with human passion and foible. Much of the story would be distasteful to Gul-badan&#8217;s family pride and vexatious to her orthodoxy.<\/sup>\u00a0Great unanimity and good feeling ensued, so that during his Majesty&#8217;s stay in that country, the Sh\u0101h often went to his quarters, and on days when he did not, the Emperor went to his.<\/p>\n<p>In Khur\u0101s\u0101n<sup>*Not only in Khur\u0101s\u0101n but on and off the route to T\u0324ahm\u0101sp&#8217;s summer quarters where the p\u0101shas met, did Hum\u0101y\u016bn visit noteworthy places. He saw Har\u0101t as his father had done, and later his devious journey took him to J\u0101m, where he saw the shrine of his own and of \u1e24am\u012bda&#8217;s ancestor, the Terrible Elephant, A\u1e25mad. He visited the tomb of the Founder of the \u1e62af\u012b dynasty at Ardab\u012bl, and the date of his visit (1544) makes it probable that he trod that &#8216;Holy Carpet&#8217; of Ardab\u012bl which had been woven in 1540 for the shrine and which now attracts our respectful admiration in the Oriental Section of the Victoria and Albert Museum (S. K. M.).<\/sup>\u00a0his Majesty visited all the gardens and the flower-gardens, and the splendid buildings put up by Sult\u0324\u0101n \u1e24usain M\u012brz\u0101, and the grand structures of olden days.<\/p>\n<p>There was hunting eight times while he was in &#8216;Ir\u0101q, and each time trouble was taken for him also. \u1e24am\u012bda\u00adb\u0101n\u016b Begam used to enjoy the sight from a distance in either a camel or a horse litter. Sh\u0101hz\u0101da Sult\u0324\u0101nam,<sup>*This lady afforded Hum\u0101y\u016bn vital assistance in Persia, and even pleaded for his life when it was in the balance. She was highly esteemed by T\u0324ahm\u0101sp, and had influence in state affairs.<\/sup>\u00a0the Sh\u0101h&#8217;s sister, used to ride on horseback, and take her stand behind her brother. His Majesty said (to \u1e24am\u012bda-b\u0101n\u016b): \u2018There was a woman riding behind the Sh\u0101h at the hunt. She stood with her reins held by a white-bearded man. People told me it was Sh\u0101hz\u0101da Sult\u0324\u0101nam, the Sh\u0101h&#8217;s sister.\u2019 (58<em>b<\/em>) In short, the Sh\u0101h showed the Emperor much hospitality and courtesy, and laid a charge (on his sister) to show motherly and sisterly hospitality and sympathy (to \u1e24am\u012bda-b\u0101n\u016b Begam).<sup>*An obscure passage in the text, and conjectural only in translation. The Persian words I have rendered &#8216;motherly and sisterly&#8217; are\u00a0<i>m\u0101dar\u0101na wa khw\u0101har\u0101na<\/i>. On this same page occurs\u00a0<i>hind\u016b\u0101na<\/i>; at 43<i>b<\/i>,\u00a0<i>nik\u0101\u1e25\u0101na<\/i>, and at 62<i>a<\/i>,\u00a0<i>p\u0101dsh\u0101h\u0101na<\/i>.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>One day, when Sh\u0101hz\u0101da Sult\u0324\u0101nam had entertained the begam, the Sh\u0101h said to her: \u2018When (next) you offer hospitality, let it be arranged outside the city.\u2019 It was on a beautiful plain, rather more than four miles out, that they pitched tents (<em>khaima<\/em>) and folding-tents (<em>khirga<\/em>) and an audience-tent (<em>b\u0101rg\u0101<\/em>), and also set up\u00a0<em>chatr<\/em><sup>*(?) umbrella-shaped tents.<\/sup>\u00a0and\u00a0<em>t\u0324\u0101q<\/em>.<sup>*round-topped tents or balconies, or arched erections.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>In Khur\u0101s\u0101n and those parts they use enclosing screens (<em>sar\u0101parda<\/em>), but they do not put them at the back. The Emperor set up an all-round screen after the Hind\u016b fashion (<em>hind\u016b\u0101na<\/em>). Having pitched the tents, the Sh\u0101h&#8217;s people put coloured chicks (<em>cheghh\u0101<\/em>) all round. His kinswomen and his paternal aunt were there, and his sisters and the ladies of his\u00a0<em>\u1e25aram<\/em>, and the wives of the kh\u0101ns and Sult\u0324\u0101ns and am\u012brs, about 1,000 women in all splendour and adornment.<\/p>\n<p>That day Sh\u0101hz\u0101da Sult\u0324\u0101nam asked \u1e24am\u012bda-b\u0101n\u016b Begam: (59<em>a<\/em>) \u2018Are such\u00a0<em>chatr<\/em>\u00a0and\u00a0<em>t\u0324\u0101q<\/em>\u00a0met with in Hind\u016b-stan?\u2019 The begam answered: \u2018They say two\u00a0<em>d\u0101ng<\/em><sup>*or\u00a0<i>d\u0101nak<\/i>. Hazarding a guess, the meaning &#8216; quarter of the world &#8216;seems fittest to select from the several of\u00a0<i>d\u0101ng<\/i>\u00a0or\u00a0<i>d\u0101nak<\/i>. Others conceivably applicable are &#8216;a small grain&#8217; (<i>anglice<\/i>, peppercorn in this connection), and the sixth of anything (<i>anglice<\/i>, the colloquial &#8216;fraction &#8216;). Doubtless my difficulty is none to those experienced in colloquial Persian. \u1e24am\u012bda&#8217;s ready use of a colloquial phrase to express that the reputedly greater contains the less is neat and diplomatic.<\/sup>\u00a0with respect to Khur\u0101s\u0101n, and four\u00a0<em>d\u0101ng<\/em>\u00a0with respect to Hin\u00add\u016bst\u0101n. When a thing is found in two\u00a0<em>d\u0101ng<\/em>, it is clear it will be found better in four.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>Sh\u0101h Sult\u0324\u0101nam said also, in reply to her own paternal aunt, and in confirmation of the begam&#8217;s words: \u2018Aunt, it is strange that you ask, \u201cWhere are two\u00a0<em>d\u0101ng<\/em>? where are four\u00a0<em>d\u0101ng<\/em>?\u201d It is clear anything would be found better and more wonderful (in four than in two).\u2019<\/p>\n<p>They passed the whole day very well in sociable festivity. At the time of eating, all the am\u012brs&#8217; wives stood and served, and the Sh\u0101h&#8217;s ladies placed<sup>*<i>m\u0101ndand<\/i>, used transitively ; also at 4<i>a<\/i>.<\/sup>\u00a0food before Sh\u0101hz\u0101da Sult\u0324\u0101nam.<\/p>\n<p>Moreover, they were hospitable<sup>*<i>mihm\u0101n\u012b kardand<\/i>. (?) In the way of gifts, or perhaps by lavish decoration.<\/sup>\u00a0with all sorts of stuffs, embroidered and others, to \u1e24am\u012bda-b\u0101n\u016b Begam, as was incumbent and fitting. The Sh\u0101h went on in advance<sup>*<i>i.e.<\/i>, from the place of entertainment to the town.<\/sup>\u00a0and was in his Majesty&#8217;s quarters till the prayer before sleep. (59<em>b<\/em>) When he heard that \u1e24am\u012bda-b\u0101n\u016b Begam had arrived, he rose from the presence and went home. To such a height of pleasantness and kindness was he amiable!<\/p>\n<p>Raushan\u00a0<em>k\u016bka<\/em>, spite of his former fidelity and services, was now faithless, in that foreign and perilous country, about some valuable rubies. These used to be kept in the Emperor&#8217;s amulet-case (<em>t\u0324um\u0101r<\/em>),<sup>*Also\u00a0<i>t\u0324\u016bm\u0101r<\/i>, an amulet-case of gold or silver suspended on the neck.<\/sup>\u00a0and of this he and the begam knew and no one else. If he went away anywhere, he used to give the amulet-case into her charge. One day she was going to wash her head, so she bundled the case up in a handkerchief, and put it on the Emperor&#8217;s bed. Raushan\u00a0<em>k\u016bka<\/em>\u00a0thought this a good chance to steal five rubies. Then he agreed with Khw\u0101ja Gh\u0101z\u012b, and trusted them to him, meaning by-and-by to barter them away.<\/p>\n<p>When the begam came back from washing her head, the Emperor gave her the amulet-case, and she at once knew from its lightness in her hand that it had lost weight, and said so. (60<em>a<\/em>) The Emperor asked: \u2018How is this? Except you and me, no one knows about them. What can have happened? Who has taken them?\u2019 He was astonished.<\/p>\n<p>The begam said to her brother, Khw\u0101ja Mu&#8217;az\u0324z\u0324am: \u2018So and so has happened. If at this pinch you will act the brother to me and will make inquiry in some way quietly, you will save me from what one may call disgrace. Other\u00adwise, as long as I live, I shall be ashamed in the royal presence.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>Khw\u0101ja Mu&#8217;az\u0324z\u0324am said: \u2018One thing occurs to me! I, who am so closely connected with his Majesty, have not the means to buy even a poor pony,<sup>*Text,\u00a0<i>t\u0101t\u016b<\/i>.<\/sup>\u00a0but Khw\u0101ja Gh\u0101z\u012b and Raushan\u00a0<em>k\u016bka<\/em><sup>*Jauhar states that amongst other disaffected persons these two men, and a third, Sult\u0324\u0101n Mu\u1e25ammad, the spearman (<i>nazab\u0101z<\/i>), had just returned from Makka, and were of K\u0101mr\u0101n&#8217;s party. Gul-badan makes it seem probable that Jauhar&#8217; s statements apply only to Sult\u0324\u0101n Mu\u1e25ammad. (<i>Cf<\/i>. list of companions of Hum\u0101y\u016bn on his journey, 55<i>b<\/i>.)\u00a0<\/sup>have each bought themselves a\u00a0<em>tip\u016bch\u0101q<\/em>\u00a0horse. They have not paid the money for them yet. This purchase is not without a ray of hope.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>The begam answered: \u2018O brother! now is the time for brotherliness! That transaction must certainly be looked into.\u2019 Khw\u0101ja Mu&#8217;az\u0324z\u0324am answered: \u2018O elder moon-sister!<sup>*<i>m\u0101h ch\u012bcham<\/i>.\u00a0<i>Cf<\/i>. 18<i>b<\/i>\u00a0n..<\/sup>\u00a0tell no one about it. Heaven willing, I have hope that the right will be righted.\u2019 (60<em>b<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>He went out, and inquired at the house of the horse-dealers: \u2018For what price did you sell those horses? When is the money promised? What security has been given for the payment?\u2019 The dealers answered: \u2018Both men promised us rubies, and took the horses.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>From them he went to the khw\u0101ja&#8217;s servant, and said: \u2018Where is the khw\u0101ja&#8217;s wallet, with his honorary dress and his clothes?<sup>*<i>n\u0101r\u012b wa par\u012b<\/i>.<\/sup>\u00a0Where does he keep it?\u2019 The servant answered: \u2018My khw\u0101ja has no wallet and no clothes. He has one high cap which, when he goes to sleep, he puts under his head or his arm.\u2019 Khw\u0101ja Mu&#8217;az\u0324z\u0324am saw the meaning of this, and made up his mind for certain that the rubies were with Khw\u0101ja Gh\u0101z\u012b, and were kept in his high cap. He came and represented to his Majesty: \u2018I have found trace of those rubies in Khw\u0101ja Gh\u0101z\u012b&#8217;s high cap. In some way I will steal them from him. (61<em>a<\/em>) If he should come to your Majesty and seek redress against me, let your Majesty say nothing to me.\u2019 The Emperor listened, and smiled.<\/p>\n<p>Khw\u0101ja Mu&#8217;az\u0324z\u0324am then repeatedly played off tricks and little jokes and pleasantries on Khw\u0101ja Gh\u0101z\u012b, who came and set it forth to the Emperor. \u2018I am a lowly man,\u2019 said he, \u2018(? but) I have a name and a position. What does the boy Khw\u0101ja Mu&#8217;az\u0324z\u0324am mean by playing off these tricks and jokes, and making fun of me in this foreign land, and insulting me?\u2019 His Majesty said: \u2018On whom does he not? He is young. It often comes into his head to do terrifying and ill-bred things. Do not take it to heart. He is only a boy.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>Another day, when Khw\u0101ja Gh\u0101z\u012b was seated in the reception-room, Khw\u0101ja Mu&#8217;az\u0324z\u0324am, pretending an accident, filched his cap from his head. Then he took out the matchless rubies, and laid them before his Majesty and \u1e24am\u012bda-b\u0101n\u016b Begam. His Majesty smiled, and the begam was delighted, and said, \u2018Bravo!\u2019 and \u2018Mercy be upon you.\u2019 (61<em>b<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>Khw\u0101ja Gh\u0101z\u012b and Raushan\u00a0<em>k\u016bka<\/em>, in shame at their deed, made secret communications to the Sh\u0101h, and carried their talk so far that his heart was troubled. His Majesty saw that the Sh\u0101h&#8217;s intimacy and confidence were not what they had been, and at once sent some of whatever rubies and other jewels<sup>*It was now that Hum\u0101y\u016bn gave to the Sh\u0101ah the &#8216;diamond which had been obtained from Sult\u0324\u0101n Ibr\u0101h\u012bm&#8217;s treasury,&#8217;\u00a0<i>i.e.<\/i>\u00a0the\u00a0<i>Koh-i-n\u016br<\/i>. (<i>Asiatic Quarterly Review<\/i>, April, 1899, art. &#8216;Babar&#8217;s Diamond,&#8217; H. Beveridge.)<\/sup>\u00a0he possessed as a gift to him, who then said: \u2018Khw\u0101ja Gh\u0101z\u012b and Raushan\u00a0<em>k\u016bka<\/em>\u00a0are in fault; they turned my heart from you, and truly I used to regard you as a brother.\u2019 Then the two sovereigns again became of one mind, and made clean heart to one another.<\/p>\n<p>The two wrong-doers were excluded from the presence, and were made over to the Sh\u0101h, who, when opportunity occurred, got possession of those rubies,<sup>*(?) those already bartered away.<\/sup>\u00a0and, as to the men, ordered: \u2018Let them be kept in custody.\u2019<sup>*They were, it would seem, let down by tent-ropes into the celebrated underground prison of Sulaim\u0101n&#8217;s\u00a0<i>Diw\u0101n<\/i>. (Jauhar, Stewart, 72.)<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>His Majesty&#8217;s time in &#8216;Ir\u0101q was (now) spent happily. In various ways the Sh\u0101h showed good feeling, and every day sent presents of rare and strange things. (62<em>a<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>At length the Sh\u0101h despatched his own son and kh\u0101ns and Sult\u0324\u0101ns and am\u012brs with his Majesty to help him, to\u00adgether with good arms and tents, folding and audience tents; and\u00a0<em>chatr<\/em>\u00a0and\u00a0<em>t\u0324\u0101q<\/em>\u00a0and\u00a0<em>shami\u0101na<\/em>, excellently wrought, and all sorts of the things necessary and fit for a king, from the mattress-warehouse and the treasury and the workshops and kitchen and buttery. In a propitious hour those two mighty sovereigns bade one another farewell, and his Majesty left that country for Qandah\u0101r.<sup>*Hum\u0101y\u016bn again indulged his love of travel and sights, and delayed so long in Persian territory that the Sh\u0101h, coming unexpectedly upon him, angrily turned him off without ceremony.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>At the time of his departure, he asked pardon from the Sh\u0101h for the offence of those two faithless ones (Khw\u0101ja Gh\u0101z\u012b and Raushan\u00a0<em>k\u016bka<\/em>), and, having himself forgiven them, took them with him to Qandah\u0101r.<\/p>\n<p>When M\u012brz\u0101 &#8216;Askar\u012b heard (1545) that he was on his way from Khur\u0101s\u0101n and approaching Qandah\u0101r, he sent the Emperor Jal\u0101lu-d-d\u012bn Mu\u1e25ammad Akbar to M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n in K\u0101bul, who gave him into the care of Dearest Lady, Kh\u0101nz\u0101da Begam, and our paternal aunt. (62<em>b<\/em>) He was two and a half years old when she received him into her charge. She was very fond of him, and used to kiss his hands and feet, and say: \u2018They are the very hands and feet of my brother the Emperor B\u0101bar, and he is like him altogether.\u2019<sup>*The child was just over three. It was now that he and Bakhsh\u012b-banu travelled together to K\u0101bul in the snow.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>When M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n was sure that the Emperor was approaching Qandah\u0101r, he went to Dearest Lady and cried, and was very humble, and said with countless pains:<sup>*of persuasion.<\/sup>\u00a0\u2018Go you (May your journey be safe!) to Qandah\u0101r to the Emperor and make peace between us.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>When she left (K\u0101bul) she made over the Emperor Akbar to M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n, who gave him into the care of (Mu\u1e25tar\u012bma) Kh\u0101nam. Then she travelled as fast as possible to Qandah\u0101r. The Emperor besieged M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n<sup>*The context shows that this is wrong, and so do the histories.<\/sup>\u00a0and M\u012brz\u0101 &#8216;Askar\u012b for forty days in the city, and he sent Bair\u0101m Kh\u0101n on an embassy to M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n.<sup>*Bair\u0101m saw Akbar in K\u0101bul, and also Hind\u0101l, Sulaim\u0101n, \u1e24aram, Ibr\u0101h\u012bm and Y\u0101dg\u0101r-n\u0101\u1e63ir, all under surveillance. The embassy reached K\u0101bul before Kh\u0101nz\u0101d\u0101 left, and she travelled with Bair\u0101m on his return to Hum\u0101y\u016bn.\u00a0<\/sup>(63<em>a<\/em>) M\u012brz\u0101 &#8216;Askar\u012b grew dejected and humble, admitted his offences, and came out and paid his duty to the Emperor, who then took possession of Qandah\u0101r (September 4th, 1545). He bestowed it upon the son of the Sh\u0101h, who in a few days fell ill and died.<sup>*He was an infant.<\/sup>\u00a0When Bair\u0101m Kh\u0101n<sup>*The begam&#8217;s chronology is faulty here. Bair\u0101m had returned before the capitulation.<\/sup>\u00a0arrived, it was given into his charge.<\/p>\n<p>The Emperor left \u1e24am\u012bda-b\u0101n\u016b Begam in Qandah\u0101r and set out after M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n. Dearest Lady, Kh\u0101nz\u0101da Begam, went with him, and at Qabal-chak<sup>*For location of this place\u00a0<i>Cf<\/i>.\u00a0<i>Akbarn\u0101ma<\/i>\u00a0H. B., I. 477 n.. It seems to have been in the mountain district of T\u012br\u012b, between the basins of the Halmand and the Arghand-\u0101b.<\/sup>\u00a0she had three days of fever. The doctors&#8217; remedies were of no avail, and on the fourth day of her illness she passed to the mercy of God. At first she was buried at Qabal-chak, but three months later her body was brought to K\u0101bul and laid in the burial-place of my royal father.<sup>*Kh\u0101nz\u0101da, Mahd\u012b (her husband) and Ab\u016b&#8217;l-ma&#8217;\u0101l\u012b are buried in the same spot.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>During several years that M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n was in K\u0101bul, he had never made a hostile raid,\u00a0<sup>*<i>t\u0101kht raftan<\/i>. I do not know what the begam wishes to say. K\u0101mr\u0101n had made hostile raids to Badakhsh\u0101n and against the Haz\u0101ras. One might read &#8216;hunting expedition.&#8217;<\/sup>\u00a0and now, all at once, when he heard of his Majesty&#8217;s approach, desire to break forth (? hunt) seized him, and he went into the Haz\u0101ra country.\u00a0<sup>*He had a Haz\u0101ra wife. Perhaps the passage about K\u0101mr\u0101n&#8217;s hostile raid or hunting is merely an introduction to Hindal&#8217;s plan of scape. (<i>Cf<\/i>. B. &amp; H., II. 314, 315, for this story.)<\/sup>(63<em>b<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l, who had chosen the darvish&#8217;s corner (in K\u0101bul), now heard of the Emperor&#8217;s return from &#8216;Ir\u0101q and Khur\u0101s\u0101n, and of his success in Qandah\u0101r. He saw his chance, and sent for M\u012brz\u0101 Y\u0101dg\u0101r-n\u0101\u1e63ir, and said: \u2018The Emperor has come to Qandah\u0101r, and has been victorious. M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n sent Kh\u0101nz\u0101da Begam to sue for peace, but the Emperor did not agree to his sort of peace. The Emperor sent Bair\u0101m Kh\u0101n as his envoy, and M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n did not agree to what he proposed. Now the Emperor has given Qandah\u0101r to Bair\u0101m Kh\u0101n and has set out for K\u0101bul. Come now, let us, you and I, plan and agree together, and scheme how to betake ourselves to his Majesty.\u2019 M\u012brz\u0101 Y\u0101dg\u0101r-n\u0101\u1e63ir agreed, and the two made their plan and compact. M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l said: \u2018You make up your mind to run away and when M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n hears of it, he will certainly say to me: \u201cM\u012brz\u0101 Y\u0101dg\u0101r-n\u0101\u1e63ir has gone off; go and persuade him to come back with you.\u201d (64<em>a<\/em>) You go slowly, slowly on till I come. Then we will go as quickly as we can and pay our respects to the Emperor.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>Having so settled it, M\u012brz\u0101 Y\u0101dg\u0101r-n\u0101\u1e63ir ran away. The news went to M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n, who came back at once to K\u0101bul and sent for M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l and said: \u2018Go and persuade M\u012brz\u0101 Y\u0101dg\u0101r-n\u0101\u1e63ir to come back.\u2019 M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l mounted at once, and joined M\u012brz\u0101 Y\u0101dg\u0101r-n\u0101\u1e63ir with all speed. Then they travelled post-haste for five or six days, when they were honoured by paying their duty to the Emperor.<\/p>\n<p>They advised the Khim\u0101r<sup>*(?)\u00a0<i>him\u0101r<\/i>, the Ass&#8217;s Pass.<\/sup>\u00a0Pass as the best route. On Ram\u1e93\u0101n 9th, 951H. (the third week of October, 1545), his Majesty ordered a halt in that pass. News of this went to M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n on the same day and disturbed him greatly. He had his tents taken out very quickly and encamped in front of the Gu\u1e95ar-g\u0101h.<sup>*(?) The Ferry Garden, or perhaps B\u0101bar&#8217;s burial-place.\u00a0<\/sup>(64<em>b<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>On the 11th of the same month, the Emperor ordered a halt in the valley of (?) T\u012bpa, and M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n<sup>*Not in person, I believe. His troops were under Q\u0101sim\u00a0<i>Barl\u0101s<\/i>.<\/sup>\u00a0also came and drew up opposite to fight. Then all his am\u012brs deserted and were exalted by kissing the royal feet. Even B\u0101p\u016bs<sup>*Governor (<i>\u0101tal\u012bq<\/i>) of Yas\u012bn-daulat (\u0100q Sult\u0324\u0101n), the betrothed husband of \u1e24ab\u012bba.<\/sup>\u00a0who was one of his well-known officers, deserted him with all his following and was exalted by kissing the royal feet. The m\u012brz\u0101 was left solitary and alone. \u2018No one remains near me,\u2019 he thought, so he threw down and destroyed the door and the wall of the house of B\u0101p\u016bs<sup>*Mr. Erskine says that K\u0101mr\u0101n escaped by a breach opened in a wall. He went by way of B\u012bn\u012b-\u1e25i\u1e63\u0101r to Ghazn\u012b, where &#8216;Askar\u012b still was.\u00a0<\/sup>which was near, and went softly, softly past the New Year&#8217;s Garden and the tomb of Gul-rukh Begam,<sup>*(?) His mother.<\/sup>\u00a0dismissed his 12,000 troopers, and went off.<\/p>\n<p>When it was dark, he went on in the same direction to B\u0101b\u0101 Dasht\u012b,<sup>*The Desert Father; perhaps a shrine in a lonely spot. (<i>Cf<\/i>. Khw\u0101ja Khi\u1e93r,\u00a0<i>infra<\/i>, 706.)\u00a0<\/sup>and halted near a piece of water, and sent back Dost\u012b\u00a0<em>k\u016bka<\/em>\u00a0and\u00a0<em>J\u016bk\u012b k\u016bka<\/em>\u00a0to fetch his eldest daughter \u1e24ab\u012bba, and his son Ibr\u0101h\u012bm Sult\u0324\u0101n M\u012brz\u0101, and Haz\u0101ra Begam<sup>*A wife.<\/sup>\u00a0who was the brother&#8217;s child of Khi\u1e93r Kh\u0101n Haz\u0101ra), and M\u0101h Begam<sup>*Probably a wife.<\/sup>\u00a0who was sister of \u1e24aram (Khurram) Begam, and M\u0101h-afroz, mother of \u1e24\u0101j\u012b Begam,<sup>*Brevet rank at this time. She made one pilgrimage in 983H. (1576). She may, however, have gone earlier with her blinded father, but not so early as 1545.<\/sup>\u00a0and B\u0101q\u012b\u00a0<em>k\u016bka<\/em><sup>*(?) The elder brother of Adham and son of M\u0101ham\u00a0<i>anaga<\/i>. M\u0101ham\u00a0<i>anaga<\/i>\u00a0would be in Kabul now.\u00a0<\/sup>(65<em>a<\/em>) This party went with the m\u012brz\u0101, who planned to go to Tatta and Bhakkar. In Khi\u1e93r Kh\u0101n Haz\u0101ra&#8217;s country, which lies on the way to Bhakkar, he married \u1e24ab\u012bba Begam to \u0100q Sult\u0324\u0101n and entrusted her to him, while he himself went on.<\/p>\n<p>The victorious Emperor dismounted in triumph in the B\u0101l\u0101-i-\u1e25is\u0101r when five hours of the night of Ram\u1e93\u0101n 12th had passed,\u2014prosperously and with safety and good luck.<sup>*The hour was probably fixed by astrological counsel. Ab\u016b&#8217;l-fa\u1e93l, who may follow the begam&#8217;s statement, says that the entry took place on the 12th ; other writers name the 10th. The only reason &#8220;for dwelling on the point is the agreement of Ab\u016b&#8217;l-fa\u1e93l and Gul-badan.\u00a0<\/sup>All those followers of M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n who had been promoted to the royal service, entered K\u0101bul with drums beating (November, 1545).<\/p>\n<p>On the 12th of the same month, her Highness my mother, Dil-d\u0101r Begam, and Gul-chihra Begam, and this lowly person paid our duty to the Emperor. For five years we had been shut out and cut off from this pleasure, so now when we were freed from the moil and pain of separation, we were lifted up by our happiness in meeting this Lord of beneficence again. Merely to look at him eased the sorrow-stricken heart and purged the blear-eyed vision. (65<em>b<\/em>) Again and again we joyfully made the prostration of thanks. There were many festive gatherings, and people sat from evening to dawn, and players and singers made continuous music. Many amusing games, full of fun, were played. Amongst them was this: Twelve players had each twenty cards and twenty\u00a0<em>sh\u0101hrukh\u012bs<\/em>. Whoever lost, lost those twenty\u00a0<em>sh\u0101hrukh\u012bs<\/em>, which would make five\u00a0<em>mi\u1e63q\u0101ls<\/em>.<sup>*One\u00a0<i>sh\u0101hrukh\u012b<\/i>\u00a0was about ten pence. Four\u00a0<i>sh\u0101hrukh\u012bs<\/i>\u00a0made one\u00a0<i>mi\u1e63q\u0101l<\/i>.\u00a0<\/sup>Each player gave the winner his twenty\u00a0<em>sh\u0101hrukh\u012bs<\/em>\u00a0to add to his own<sup>.*Mr. Erskine says that the earliest mention of cards as made known to him by an Oriental writer is when B\u0101bar sends some to Shah \u1e24usain\u00a0<i>Argh\u016bn<\/i>\u00a0who was &#8216;very fond&#8217; of them, by M\u012br &#8216;Al\u012b, the armour-bearer, in 933H. (1526-27). No doubt such an easy means of speeding the hours was known to the ladies of B\u0101bar&#8217;s family as early as to anyone else, and Gul-badan is perhaps merely describing a new game.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>To widows and orphans, and kinsfolk of men who had been wounded and killed at Chausa and Kanauj, or Bhakkar, or who were in the royal service during those intermissions,<sup>*Text,\u00a0<i>fat\u0324rath\u0101<\/i>. The begam writes this word sometimes with a\u00a0<i>t\u0101<\/i>\u00a0and sometimes with a\u00a0<i>t\u0324o&#8217;e<\/i>.\u00a0<\/sup>he gave pension, and rations, and water, and land, and servants. In the days of his Majesty&#8217;s good fortune, great tranquillity and happiness befell soldiers and peasants. They lived without care, and put up many an ardent prayer for his long life. (66<em>a<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>A few days later he sent persons to bring \u1e24am\u012bda-b\u0101n\u016b Begam from Qandah\u0101r. When she arrived, they celebrated the feast of the circumcision of the Emperor Jal\u0101lu-d-d\u012bn Mu\u1e25ammad Akbar. Preparations were made, and after the New Year\u00a0<sup>*<i>i.e.<\/i>, Persian era. Niz\u0324\u0101mu-d-d\u012bn A\u1e25mad places the date of entry into K\u0101bul by Hum\u0101y\u016bn on Ramz\u0324\u0101n 10th, 953H., and says Akbar was then four years, two months and live days old. &#8216;Some place the event in the year 952H , but God knows the truth.&#8217; It is strange that there should be doubt about a historical event occurring not more than fifty years before this resigned statement was made. Ab\u016b&#8217;l-fa\u1e93l gives Ramz\u0324\u0101n 12th, 952H. (November 17th, 1545 . as the date of entry, which would fix the feast for March, 1546, when Akbar was three years and five months old. (Born October 15th. 1542.)<\/sup>\u00a0they kept splendid festivity for seventeen days. People dressed in green<sup>,*Probably in honour of the spring season.<\/sup>\u00a0and thirty or forty girls were ordered to wear green and come out to the hills. On the first day of the New Year they went out to the Hill of the Seven Brothers and there passed many days in ease and enjoyment and happiness. The Emperor Mu\u1e25ammad Akbar was five years old when they made the circumcision feast in K\u0101bul.<sup>*This is the garden where the ladies rejoiced after the victory at P\u0101n\u012bpat. (10<i>b<\/i>) Hence, perhaps, the use of the word &#8216; same.&#8217;\u00a0<\/sup>They decorated all the b\u0101z\u0101rs. M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l and M\u012brz\u0101 Y\u0101dg\u0101r-n\u0101\u1e63ir, and the Sult\u0324\u0101ns and am\u012brs, decorated their quarters beautifully, and in Bega Begam&#8217;s garden the begams and ladies made theirs quite wonderful in a new fashion.<\/p>\n<p>All the Sult\u0324\u0101ns and am\u012brs brought gifts to the Audience Hall Garden. (66<em>b<\/em>) There were many elegant festivities and grand entertainments, and costly\u00a0<em>khi&#8217;lats<\/em>\u00a0and head-to-foot<sup>*Perhaps there is expressed here a difference of degree of honour in the\u00a0<i>khi&#8217;lat<\/i>\u00a0and\u00a0<i>sar-u-p\u0101\u012b<\/i>.<\/sup>\u00a0dresses were bestowed. Peasants and preachers, the pious, the poor and the needy, noble and plebeian, low and high,\u2014everybody lived in peace and comfort, passing the days in amusement and the nights in talk.<\/p>\n<p>Then the Emperor went to Fort Victory (Qila&#8217;-i-z\u0324afar).<sup>*Sulaim\u0101n had not made submission to Hum\u0101y\u016bn, hence this expedition to Badakhsh\u0101n.\u00a0<\/sup>In it was M\u012brz\u0101 Sulaim\u0101n, who came out to fight but could not stand face to face with his Majesty and so decided to run away. The Emperor then entered the fort safe and sound. Then he went to Kishm, where, after a little while, an illness attacked his blessed frame and he slept day and night.<sup>*He is said to have been insensible for four days. He was nursed by M\u0101h-ch\u016bchak and B\u012bb\u012b F\u0101t\u0324ima, an armed woman (<i>ordu-begi<\/i>) of the\u00a0<i>\u1e25aram<\/i>. She was, it would seem, mother of Zuhra\u00a0<i>\u0101gh\u0101<\/i>, the wife of Khw\u0101ja Mu&#8217;az\u0324z\u0324am, and to save whose life Akbar nearly lost his own. (Elliot, V. 292; B. &amp; H., II. 330\u00a0<i>et seq<\/i>..)<\/sup>\u00a0When he came to his senses, he sent Mun&#8217;im Kh\u0101n&#8217;s brother, Fa\u1e93\u0101&#8217;il Beg, to K\u0101bul, and said: \u2018Go! comfort and reassure the people of K\u0101bul. Set them at ease in various ways.<sup>*(?) As to his health, and their own safety from K\u0101mr\u0101n&#8217; s return, and the continuance of the situation as he had left it. The illness and convalescence lasted at least two months. He fell ill in Sh\u0101hd\u0101n, between Khishm and Qila&#8217;-i-z\u0324afar, and Qar\u0101cha Kh\u0101n, his vaz\u012br, behaved with decision and good sense, so that Hum\u0101y\u016bn&#8217;s authority was upheld.<\/sup>\u00a0Let them not quarrel. Say: \u201cIt began ill, but has ended well.\u201d\u2019 (67<em>a<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>When Fa\u1e93\u0101&#8217;il Beg had gone, he (Hum\u0101y\u016bn) went one day nearer K\u0101bul.<sup>*Doubtful translation. Hum\u0101y\u016bn is elsewhere said to have gone to Qila&#8217;-i-z\u0324afar to recruit, and Fa\u1e93\u0101&#8217;il to have arrived in K\u0101bul a few hours after the first news there of the illness. Perhaps one of these occurrences is behind this obscure statement.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>False news having been sent to M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n in Bhakkar, he set out post-haste for K\u0101bul. In Ghazn\u012b he killed Z\u0101hid Beg<sup>*Husband of Bega Begam&#8217;s sister.<\/sup>\u00a0and then came on. It was morning; the K\u0101bul\u012bs were off their guard; the gates had been opened in the old way, and water-carriers and grass-cuts were going in and out, and the m\u012brz\u0101 passed into the fort with all these common people. He at once killed Uncle Mu\u1e25ammad Al\u012b<sup>*Brother of M\u0101ham Begain.<\/sup>\u00a0who was in the hot bath. He alighted at the college of Mull\u0101 &#8216;Abdu-l-kh\u0101liq.<\/p>\n<p>When the Emperor was starting for Qila&#8217;-i-z\u0324afar, he placed Nauk\u0101r<sup>*Probably the servant sent with gifts by B\u0101bar from \u0100gra to K\u0101bul. The name looks like that of an Abyssinian. Is it &#8216;new in work,&#8217; and a sobriquet given in youth and retained?<\/sup>\u00a0at the door of the\u00a0<em>\u1e25aram<\/em>. M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n must have asked: \u2018Who is in the B\u0101l\u0101-i-\u1e25i\u1e63\u0101r?\u2019 and some\u00adone must have said: \u2018It is Nauk\u0101r.\u2019 Nauk\u0101r heard of this and at once put on a woman&#8217;s dress and went out. The m\u012brz\u0101&#8217;s people laid hands on the doorkeeper of the fort, and took him to M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n, who ordered him to be imprisoned. (67<em>b<\/em>) The m\u012brz\u0101&#8217;s people went into the B\u0101l\u0101-i-\u1e25i\u1e63\u0101r, and plundered and destroyed innumerable things belonging to the\u00a0<em>\u1e25aram<\/em>, and they made settlement<sup>*<i>zabt\u0324 wa rabt\u0324<\/i>. Is this an indication of Gul-badan&#8217;s opinion that K\u0101mr\u0101n profited by the robbery of his relations? His cruelties at this time make theft look innocent. (B. &amp; H., II. 33<i>b<\/i>\u00a0<i>et seq.<\/i>.)<\/sup>\u00a0for them in M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n&#8217;s court (<em>sark\u0101r<\/em>). He put the great begams into M\u012brz\u0101 &#8216;Askar\u012b&#8217;s house and there he shut up a room with bricks and plaster and (?) dung-cakes, and they used to give the ladies water and food from over the four walls.<sup>*The translation of this passage is doubtful.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>In what was once M\u012brz\u0101 Y\u0101dg\u0101r-n\u0101\u1e63ir&#8217;s house he put Khw\u0101ja Mu&#8217;az\u0324z\u0324am<sup>*An undue honour, perhaps prompted by the khw\u0101ja&#8217;s disgrace with Hum\u0101y\u016bn.<\/sup>\u00a0and ordered his own wives and family to stay in the palace where the royal\u00a0<em>\u1e25aram<\/em>\u00a0and the begams once lived. He behaved very ill indeed to the wives and families of the officers who had left him for the Emperor, ransacking and plundering all their houses and putting each family into somebody&#8217;s custody.<sup>*Probably for the exploitation so often named in the histories.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>When the Emperor heard that M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n had come from Bhakkar and was acting in this way, he returned from Qila&#8217;-i-z\u0324afar and Andar-\u0101b safe and sound to K\u0101bul. Qila&#8217;-i-z\u0324afar he gave to M\u012brz\u0101 Sulaim\u0101n. (68<em>a<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>When he came near to K\u0101bul, M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n sent for her Highness my mother and for me from the house,<sup>*Presumably the brick and mud quarters of the ladies.<\/sup>\u00a0and gave my mother orders to reside in the armourer&#8217;s house. To me he said: \u2018This is your house as well as mine. You stay here.\u2019 \u2018Why,\u2019 I asked, \u2018should I stay here? I will stay with my mother.\u2019 He then went on: \u2018Moreover, write to Khi\u1e93r Khw\u0101ja Kh\u0101n and tell him to come and join me and to keep an easy mind, for just as M\u012brz\u0101 &#8216;Askar\u012b and M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l are my brothers, so is he. Now is the time to help.\u2019 I answered: \u2018Khi\u1e93r Khw\u0101ja Kh\u0101n has no way of recognising a letter<sup>*<i>Su\u0101d na d\u0101rad ki khat\u0324-i-mar\u0101 shinasad<\/i>. I understand that he had not seen her handwriting, and would not know whether a letter purporting to be hers was a forgery. Gul-badan names one son only, Sa&#8217;\u0101dat-y\u0101r, as being her own. She is now about twenty-five\u00a0<\/sup>from me. I have never written to him myself. He writes to me when he is away, by the tongue of his sons. Write yourself what is in your mind.\u2019 At last he sent Mahd\u012b Sult\u0324\u0101n<sup>*Brother of Khi\u1e93r and of Yas\u012bn-daulat (\u0100q Sult\u0324\u0101n).<\/sup>\u00a0and Sh\u012br &#8216;Al\u012b to fetch the kh\u0101n. From the first I had said to the kh\u0101n: \u2018Your brothers may be with M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n, (but) God forbid that you should have the thought of going to him and joining them. (68<em>b<\/em>) Beware, a thousand times beware of thinking of separating yourself from the Emperor.\u2019 Praise be to God! the kh\u0101n kept to what I said.<\/p>\n<p>When the Emperor heard that M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n had sent Mahd\u012b Sult\u0324\u0101n<sup>*Brother of Khi\u1e93r and of Yas\u012bn-daulat (\u0100q Sult\u0324\u0101n).<\/sup>\u00a0and Sh\u012br &#8216;Al\u012b to fetch Khi\u1e93r Khw\u0101ja Kh\u0101n, he himself despatched Qambar Beg, the son of M\u012brz\u0101 \u1e24\u0101j\u012b, to the kh\u0101n, who was then in his own\u00a0<em>j\u0101g\u012br<\/em>, and said: \u2018Beware, a thousand times beware! Let there be no joining M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n. Come and wait on me.\u2019 The result of this auspicious message was that the kh\u0101n set out at once for court, and came to the &#8216;Uq\u0101bain (Hill of the two eagles) and paid his respects.<\/p>\n<p>When the Emperor passed Min\u0101r Hill, M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n sent forward all his well-ordered soldiers under Sh\u012br Afkan,<sup>*Son of Quch Beg, an am\u012br who lost his life in trying to protect Bega Begam at Chausa.<\/sup>\u00a0the father of Sh\u012broya, so that they might go out and fight. We saw from above<sup>*From the citadel where the ladies were.<\/sup>\u00a0how he went out with his drums beating, out beyond B\u0101b\u0101 Dasht\u012b, and we said, \u2018God forbid you should fight,\u2019 and we wept. (69<em>a<\/em>) When he reached the Afgh\u0101ns&#8217; village (<em>Dih-i-Afgh\u0101n\u0101n<\/em>), the two vanguards came face to face. The royal advance-guard at once drove off the m\u012brz\u0101&#8217;s<sup>*The begam underrates Hum\u0101y\u016bn&#8217;s victory. The struggle was fierce, renewed and stubborn.\u00a0<\/sup>and, having taken many prisoners, brought them to the Emperor. He ordered the Mughals to be cut to pieces.<sup>*Doubtful translation.<\/sup>\u00a0Many of the m\u012brz\u0101&#8217;s men who had gone out to fight were captured and some of them were killed and some were kept prisoners. Amongst them was J\u016bk\u012b Kh\u0101n, one of M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n&#8217;s am\u012brs.<\/p>\n<p>In triumph and glory and to the sound of music, the Emperor entered the &#8216;Uq\u0101bain, with M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l in attend\u00adance and a splendid cavalcade. He set up for himself tents and pavilions and an audience hall.<sup>*I think she merely wishes to say that Hum\u0101y\u016bn camped out on the &#8216;Uq\u0101bain, and did not take up quarters under a roof.\u00a0<\/sup>He gave M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l charge of the Mast\u0101n bridge,<sup>*Under it flows the stream which issues from the defile of Dih-i-ya&#8217;q\u016bb.\u00a0<i>Cf<\/i>.\u00a0<i>\u0100in<\/i>, Jarrett, I. 404.<\/sup>\u00a0and stationed the am\u012brs one after another. For seven months he kept up the blockade.<sup>*Of the B\u0101l\u0101-i-\u1e25i\u1e63ar, the actual citadel.<\/sup>\u00a0(69<em>b<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>It happened one day that M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n went from his own quarters to the roof (? of the citadel), and that some\u00adone fired a gun from the &#8216;Uq\u0101bain. He ran and took him\u00adself off. Then he gave this order about the Emperor Akbar: \u2018Bring him and put him in front.\u2019<sup>*Gul-badan&#8217;s narrative does not support the story that M\u0101ham\u00a0<i>anaga<\/i>\u00a0exposed herself to save Akbar. This person, who later on became so important, is nowhere named by the begam as in charge of Akbar. Her husband, Nad\u012bm\u00a0<i>k\u016bka<\/i>, is so named.<\/sup>\u00a0Someone let his august Majesty (Hum\u0101y\u016bn) know that M\u012brz\u0101 Mu\u1e25am-mad Akbar was being kept on the front, so he forbade the guns to be fired and after that none were aimed at the B\u0101l\u0101-i-\u1e25i\u1e63\u0101r. M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n&#8217;s men used to fire from the town upon the Emperor on the &#8216;Uq\u0101bain. The royal soldiers put M\u012brz\u0101 &#8216;Askar\u012b to stand right in front and made fun of him.<\/p>\n<p>M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n&#8217;s men also used to make sallies from the fort, and on both sides many were killed. The royal troops were often the victors and then the others had not courage to come out. For the sake of his wives and children and the begams and the household, etc., the Emperor did not have the cannon fired nor did he place the large houses in difficulty. (70<em>a<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>When the long siege was ended, they (<em>i.e.<\/em>, the ladies) sent Khw\u0101ja Dost Kh\u0101wand\u00a0<em>mad\u0101rch\u012b<\/em><sup>*Follower of the Musalm\u0101n saint Mad\u0101r.<\/sup>\u00a0to his Majesty to say: \u2018For God&#8217;s sake, do whatever M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n asks, and save the servants of God from molestation.\u2019<sup>*This message seems one from the imprisoned ladies. The khw\u0101ja to whom it was entrusted may now, as in the earlier siege of K\u0101bul, have been K\u0101mr\u0101n&#8217;s envoy to Hum\u0101y\u016bn.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>The Emperor sent for their use from outside nine sheep, seven flasks of rose-water, one of lemonade, and seven sets of nine dress-lengths<sup>*<i>p\u0101rcha<\/i>\u00a0and\u00a0<i>n\u012bmcha dokhta<\/i>. There seems between these words an apposition which I render by the Englishwoman&#8217;s colloquial terms.<\/sup>\u00a0and some made-up jackets.<sup>*<i>p\u0101rcha<\/i>\u00a0and\u00a0<i>n\u012bmcha dokhta<\/i>. There seems between these words an apposition which I render by the Englishwoman&#8217;s colloquial terms.<\/sup>\u00a0He wrote:<sup>*Presumably to some kinsman or official to whom the gifts were consigned.<\/sup>\u00a0\u2018For their sakes, I could not use force against the citadel, lest I should give an advantage to their enemies.\u2019<sup>*<i>i.e.<\/i>, by injuring the royal household.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>During the siege Jah\u0101n Sult\u0324\u0101n Begam who was two years old, died. His Majesty wrote: \u2018Some time or other, if we had used force against the citadel, M\u012brz\u0101 Mu\u1e25ammad Akbar would have disappeared.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>To finish the story: There were always people in the B\u0101l\u0101-i-\u1e25i\u1e63\u0101r from evening prayer till dawn, and there was a continuous uproar. The night M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n went away,<sup>*April 27th, 1547 (Rab\u012b&#8217; I. 7th, 954H.).<\/sup>\u00a0prayer-time passed and indeed bedtime came, and there was no noise at all. (70<em>b<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>There was a steep stair by which people came up from below. When all the city was asleep, there suddenly sounded (on the stair) a clashing and clinking of armour, so that we said to one another: \u2018What a noise!\u2019 Perhaps a thousand people were standing in front (of the fort). We were afraid, but all at once, without warning, off they went. Qar\u0101cha Kh\u0101n&#8217;s son Bah\u0101dur brought us word that the m\u012brz\u0101 had fled.<sup>*Niz\u0324\u0101mu-d-d\u012bn A\u1e25mad says that K\u0101mr\u0101n escaped by a hole fashioned for the purpose in the wall &#8216;on Khi\u1e93r Khw\u0101ja&#8217;s&#8217; side. This suggests that Gul-badan&#8217;s husband connived at the evasion, unless one remembers that Khi\u1e93r Khw\u0101ja is a place outside K\u0101bul.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>Having thrown a rope, they (or he) brought up Khw\u0101ja Mu&#8217;az\u0324z\u0324am by way of the wall.<sup>*I do not understand this sentence. Either the followers of K\u0101mr\u0101n drew the khw\u0101ja up into the fort-precincts to take him with them, he having displeased Hum\u0101y\u016bn and being nearly connected with him, or the ladies had him drawn up. He was, it seems, not a prisoner. (67<i>b<\/i>)<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>Our people and the begam&#8217;s people and the rest who were outside, took away the door which had kept us fastened in. Bega Begam urged: \u2018Let us go to our own houses.\u2019 I said: \u2018Have a little patience. We should have to go by the lane and perhaps too someone will come from the Emperor.\u2019 At that moment &#8216;Ambar N\u0101z\u0324ir came and said: \u2018This is the royal order: \u201cThey are not to leave that place till I come.\u201d\u2019 In a little while the Emperor came and embraced Dil-d\u0101r Begam and me, and then Bega Begam and \u1e24am\u012bda-b\u0101n\u016b Begam, and said: \u2018Come quickly out of this place. (71<em>a<\/em>) God preserve His friends from such a house, and let such be the portion of His foes.\u2019 He said to N\u0101z\u0324ir: \u2018Guard one side,\u2019 and to Tard\u012b Beg Kh\u0101n: \u2018Guard the other, and let the begams pass out.\u2019 All came out, and we spent the evening of that day with the Emperor in perfect content till night became morning. We embraced M\u0101h-ch\u016bchak Begam and Kh\u0101n\u012bsh\u00a0<em>\u0101gh\u0101<\/em>\u00a0and those of the\u00a0<em>\u1e25aram<\/em>\u00a0who had been with the Emperor on the campaign.<\/p>\n<p>In Badakhsh\u0101n M\u0101h-ch\u016bchak had a daughter born. On the same night the Emperor had this dream: \u2018Fakhru-n-nis\u0101&#8217;, my\u00a0<em>m\u0101m\u0101<\/em>,<sup>*Fakhru-n-nis\u0101&#8217;, the mother of Nadim\u00a0<i>k\u016bka<\/i>, would seem from this to have been Hum\u0101y\u016bn&#8217;s own attendant in childhood.\u00a0<\/sup>and Daulat-bakht came in by the door, and brought something or other, and then left me alone.\u2019 Consider it as he might, he could only ask: \u2018What does this dream mean?\u2019 Then it occurred to him that, as a daughter had just been born, he would call her after the two, and taking\u00a0<em>nis\u0101&#8217;<\/em>\u00a0from one, and\u00a0<em>bakht<\/em>\u00a0from the other, would run them together into\u00a0<em>Bakht-nis\u0101&#8217;<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>M\u0101h-ch\u016bchak had four daughters<sup>*Gul-badan does not name Fakhru-n-nis\u0101&#8217; who became the wife of Sh\u0101h &#8216;Ab\u0101&#8217;l-ma&#8217;\u0101li and of Khw\u0101ja \u1e24asan\u00a0<i>Naqshband\u012b<\/i>. Perhaps she is Bakht-nisa&#8217;.<\/sup>\u00a0and two sons,\u2014Bakht-nis\u0101&#8217; Begam, and Sak\u012bna-b\u0101n\u016b Begam, and Am\u012bna-b\u0101n\u016b Begam, and Mu\u1e25ammad Hak\u012bm M\u012brz\u0101, and Farrukh-f\u0101l M\u012brz\u0101. (71<em>b<\/em>) She was with child when the Emperor went to Hind\u016bst\u0101n (1554), and bore a son, in K\u0101bul, whom they named Farrukh-f\u0101l M\u012brz\u0101. A little later Kh\u0101nish\u00a0<em>\u0101gh\u0101<\/em>\u00a0had a son whom they named Ibr\u0101h\u012bm Sult\u0324\u0101n M\u012brz\u0101.<\/p>\n<p>The Emperor spent a full year and a half in K\u0101bul, prosperously and happily, and in comfort and sociability.<sup>*From 1547; but a term of one and a half years does not quite fit the facts. Hum\u0101y\u016bn started for the north on June 12th, 1548. (B &amp; H., II. 352.)<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>After taking flight from K\u0101bul, M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n went to Badakhsh\u0101n, and there stayed in T\u0101liq\u0101n. One day the Emperor was in the Inner Garden,<sup>*<i>\u014drta-b\u0101gh.<\/i><\/sup>\u00a0and when he rose at dawn for prayers, news came that many of the am\u012brs who formerly were with the m\u012brz\u0101, had gone to him again. Amongst them were Qar\u0101cha Kh\u0101n and Mu\u1e63\u0101\u1e25ib Kh\u0101n, and Mub\u0101riz Kh\u0101n and B\u0101p\u016bs.<sup>*Perhaps it may be taken as an indication of the degradation of &#8216;home life&#8217; that Qar\u0101cha and B\u0101p\u016bs again joined K\u0101mr\u0101n, although the latter had exposed Qar\u0101cha&#8217;s son and a wife of B\u0101p\u016bs on the battlements, with the utmost dishonour, and had killed three of the latter&#8217;s children and flung their bodies from the ramparts.<\/sup>\u00a0Many wretches fled by night and went to join the m\u012brz\u0101 in Badakhsh\u0101n.<\/p>\n<p>In a propitious hour the Emperor also started for Badakhsh\u0101n. He besieged the m\u012brz\u0101 in T\u0101liq\u0101n, and after a time made him agree to submit and become obedient (72<em>a<\/em>) when he waited on the Emperor, who bestowed Kul\u0101b on him, and gave Qila&#8217;-i-z\u0324afar to M\u012brz\u0101 Sulaim\u0101n, Qandah\u0101r (<em>sic<\/em>; (?) Kunduz) to M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l, and T\u0101liq\u0101n to M\u012brz\u0101 &#8216;Askar\u012b.<\/p>\n<p>One day at Kishm<sup>*Ab\u016b&#8217;l-fa\u1e93l says the meeting was at Ishk\u0101mish, and this seems to agree with the movements of Hum\u0101y\u016bn better than Kishm.<\/sup>\u00a0they had set up<sup>*<i>khirga\u0101 dokhta budand<\/i>. Certain tents are termed\u00a0<i>dokhta<\/i>, sewed. They seem to have been large, and were laced together, whence, perhaps,\u00a0<i>dokhta<\/i>. For an interesting account of this historic family gathering see B. &amp; H., II. 358\u00a0<i>et seq.<\/i>.<\/sup>\u00a0the tents and there was an assembly of the brothers, his Majesty the Emperor Hum\u0101y\u016bn, and M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n, and M\u012brz\u0101 &#8216;Ask\u0101r\u012b, and M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l, and M\u012brz\u0101 Sulaim\u0101n.<sup>*&#8217;Brother&#8217; by courtesy and custom;\u00a0<i>anglice<\/i>, &#8216;cousin.&#8217;<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>His Majesty enjoined certain regulations<sup>*<i>T\u016br\u0101<\/i>, the Institutes of Chingiz Kh\u0101n of which the begam makes other mention.<\/sup>\u00a0which are fixed for interviews with kings, and said: \u2018Bring ewer and basin so that we may wash our hands and eat together.\u2019 He washed his hands and M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n washed his. By years M\u012brz\u0101 Sulaim\u0101n (b. 920H.) had precedence of M\u012brz\u0101 &#8216;Askar\u012b (b. 922H.) and M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l (b. 925H.). So, to show him respect, the two brothers set the ewer and basin first before him.<\/p>\n<p>After washing his hands M\u012brz\u0101 Sulaim\u0101n did something improper with his nose. M\u012brz\u0101 &#8216;Askar\u012b and M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l were much put out, and said: \u2018What rusticity is this? (72<em>b<\/em>) First of all, what right have we to wash our hands in his Majesty&#8217;s presence? but when he bestows the favour and gives the order, we cannot change it. What sense is there in these nose-wagging performances?\u2019 Then the two m\u012brz\u0101s went and washed their hands outside and came back and sat down. M\u012brz\u0101 Sulaim\u0101n was very much ashamed. They all ate at one tablecloth.<\/p>\n<p>At this gathering his Majesty graciously remembered this lowly person, and said to his brothers: \u2018Gul-badan Begam used to say in L\u0101h\u014dr: \u201cI wish I could see all my brothers together!\u201d As we have been seated together since early morning, her words have occurred to my mind. If it be the will of the most high God, may our assembly be kept in His own place! He knows without shadow that it lies not in my heart&#8217;s depths to seek any Musalm\u0101n&#8217;s ill; how then, should I seek the hurt of my brothers? May God grant to you all the same divine and beneficent guidance, so that our agreement and concord may endure!\u2019 (73<em>a<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>There was wonderful cheerfulness and happiness because many officers and their followers met their relations again, for they too had been sundered because of their masters&#8217; quarrels. Nay! one might rather say they had thirsted for one another&#8217;s blood. Now they passed their time in complete happiness.<\/p>\n<p>On his return from Badakhsh\u0101n the Emperor spent a year and a half in K\u0101bul and then resolved to go to Balkh. He took up his quarters in the Heart-expanding Garden,<sup>*<i>i.e.<\/i>, moved out of the city as a preliminary to marching.<\/sup>\u00a0and his own residence was over against the lower part of the garden, and the begams were in Qul\u012b Beg&#8217;s house because it was close by.<\/p>\n<p>The begams said to the Emperor over and over again: \u2018Oh, how the\u00a0<em>r\u012bw\u0101j<\/em><sup>*The following account of this plant is taken from Conolly&#8217;s Travels, I., 213 n. . It is translated by him from the\u00a0<i>Mak\u0101zinu-l-adwiya<\/i>\u00a0(Treasury of Medicines). &#8216;<i>R\u012bb\u0101s<\/i>,\u00a0<i>r\u012bv\u0101s<\/i>,\u00a0<i>r\u012bw\u0101j<\/i>\u00a0or\u00a0<i>jigar\u012b<\/i>\u00a0(so named from a person of Nish\u0101p\u016bur who first discovered it) is a shrub two or three feet high, in appearance like beet (<i>salq<\/i>). In the middle are one or two short stems of little thickness; the leaves, which separate lengthwise like those of a lettuce, are downy and green, but towards the root, of a violet or whitish colour. The heart is white, delicate, juicy, acidulous and slightly astringent. Altogether the stalk is the size of a man&#8217;s arm and when the plant is large every leaf has the size of a man&#8217;s hand. \u0100rd-sh\u012br was named\u00a0<i>R\u0101wand-dast<\/i>\u00a0(rhubarb-hand) from the length of his hands. The root is called\u00a0<i>r\u0101wand<\/i>\u00a0(rhubarb). The top is like the claw of a fowl. The flower is red, and the taste is subacid with a little sweetness. The seed is formed at the top of a long slender stalk which springs up annually in the centre of the plant. It grows where snow lies and in mountainous countries. The best grows in Persia. It is medicinally attenuating and astringent, gives tone to the stomach, and improves the appetite. A collyrium of the juice strengthens the eye and prevents opacity, and a poultice of it with barley-meal is a useful application to sores and boils. The juice of the\u00a0<i>r\u012bv\u0101s<\/i>\u00a0is harsher than that of unripe grapes.&#8217; For mention of the name\u00a0<i>r\u012bw\u0101j<\/i>\u00a0see\u00a0<i>T\u0324abaq\u0101t-i-akbar\u012b<\/i>,, Lucknow lith. ed., 215 ;\u00a0<i>T\u016bz\u016bk-i-jah\u0101ng\u012br\u012b<\/i>, 47. Vullers, s.v., etc. . Mr. Erskine writes (Mems., 138 n..): &#8216;It is described as somewhat like beetroot, but much larger, red and white in colour, with large leaves that rise little from the ground. It is a pleasant mixture of sweet and acid. It may be the rhubarb,\u00a0<i>r\u0101wand<\/i>.&#8217;<\/sup>\u00a0will be coming up!\u2019 He replied: \u2018When I join the army, I shall travel by the Koh-d\u0101man, so that you may come out and see the\u00a0<em>r\u012bw\u0101j<\/em>\u00a0growing.\u2019 It was at afternoon prayer-time that he rode out<sup>*Presumably from K\u0101bul, and on the day of starting for Balkh\u00a0<i>vi\u00e2<\/i>\u00a0the Koh-d\u0101man.<\/sup>\u00a0(of K\u0101bul) to the garden. Qul\u012b Beg&#8217;s house where the begams were, was close by and overlooked it, and his Majesty pulled up as he passed, and all the begams saw him, and rose and made the\u00a0<em>k\u014drnish<\/em>. (73<em>b<\/em>) Directly they had made this salutation, he beckoned with his own blessed hand, to say: \u2018Come.\u2019<sup>*The ladies seem to have been waiting for this signal to start.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>Fakhru-n-nis\u0101&#8217;\u00a0<em>m\u0101m\u0101<\/em>\u00a0and Afgh\u0101n\u012b\u00a0<em>\u0101gh\u0101cha<\/em>\u00a0went on a little ahead. There was a stream in the lower part of the garden which Afgh\u0101n\u012b\u00a0<em>\u0101gh\u0101cha<\/em>\u00a0could not cross, and she fell off her horse. For this reason there was an hour&#8217;s delay.<sup>*Probably to allow for the coming of a less unpropitious hour. This expedition to Balkh ended in a way calculated to attract notice to ill-omens such as the begam&#8217;s misadventures would seem.<\/sup>\u00a0At last we set out with his Majesty. M\u0101h-ch\u016bchak Begam not knowing, her horse went up a little.<sup>*<i>andak buland raft<\/i>. Perhaps the horse reared, the begam not knowing how to manage it; but the later and otherwise irrelevant sentence about the unfinished wall suggests that the begam went too high up the hill. The party is now on its way to see the\u00a0<i>r\u012bw\u0101j<\/i>\u00a0growing, and Hum\u0101y\u016bn&#8217;s temper is tried by the various contretemps of the ladies&#8217; cavalcade.<\/sup>\u00a0His Majesty was very much annoyed about this. The garden was on a height and the walls were not yet made. Some vexation now showed itself in his blessed countenance and he was pleased to say: \u2018All of you go on, and I will follow when I have taken some opium and got over my annoyance.\u2019 He joined us when we had, as he ordered, gone on a little. The look of vexation was entirely laid aside and he came with a happy and beautiful look in his face.<\/p>\n<p>It was a moonlight night. (83<em>a<\/em>) We talked and told stories,<sup>*A folio of the MS. is, I believe, misplaced, and folio 83 should come in here. In the MS. volume this is the last folio.<\/sup>\u00a0and M\u012br (fault) and Kh\u0101nish\u00a0<em>\u0101gh\u0101cha<\/em>\u00a0and Z\u0324ar\u012bf the reciter and Sar\u016b-sah\u012b and Sh\u0101ham\u00a0<em>\u0101gh\u0101<\/em>\u00a0sang softly, softly.<\/p>\n<p>Up to the time of our reaching Laghm\u0101n, neither the royal tents nor the pavilions of the\u00a0<em>begams<\/em>\u00a0had arrived, but the\u00a0<em>mihr-amez<\/em><sup>*Perhaps a tent of Hum\u0101y\u016bn&#8217;s invention, in the name of which\u00a0<i>mihr<\/i>\u00a0means\u00a0<i>sun<\/i>.\u00a0<i>Cf<\/i>. &#8216;another of his (Hum\u0101y\u016bn&#8217;s) inventions was a tent which had twelve divisions, corresponding to the signs of the Zodiac. Every sign had a lattice through which the lights of the stars of dominion shone.&#8217; (<i>Akbar-n\u0101ma<\/i>, H. Beveridge I. 361.)<\/sup>\u00a0tent had come. We all, his Majesty and all of us, and \u1e24am\u012bda-b\u0101n\u016b Begam sat in that tent till three hours past midnight and then we went to sleep where we were, in company with that altar of truth (Hum\u0101y\u016bn).<\/p>\n<p>Early next morning he wished to go and see the\u00a0<em>r\u012bw\u0101j<\/em>\u00a0on the K\u014dh. The begams&#8217; horses were in the village, so the starting-time passed before they came up. The Emperor ordered that the horses of everyone who was outside should be brought. When they came he gave the order: \u2018Mount.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>Bega Begam and M\u0101h-ch\u016bchak Begam were still putting on their head-to-foot dresses, and I said to the Emperor: \u2018If you think well, I will go and fetch them.\u2019 \u2018Go,\u2019 he answered, \u2018and bring them quickly.\u2019 I said to the begams and to M\u0101h-ch\u016bchak Begam and the rest of the ladies: \u2018I have become the slave of his Majesty&#8217;s wishes. What trouble waiting gives!\u2019 I was gathering them all together and bringing them when he came to meet me and said: \u2018Gul-badan! the proper hour for starting has gone by. (83<em>b<\/em>) It would be hot the whole way. God willing, we will go after offering the afternoon prayer.\u2019 He seated himself in a tent with \u1e24am\u012bda-b\u0101n\u016b Begam.<sup>*Perhaps, a tent of Ham\u012bda having come, he seated himself in it.<\/sup>\u00a0After afternoon prayers, there was the interval between two prayers before the horses arrived. In this interval he went away.<sup>*(?) the start was made to see the\u00a0<i>r\u012bw\u0101j<\/i>.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>Everywhere in the D\u0101man-i-k\u014dh the\u00a0<em>r\u012bw\u0101j<\/em>\u00a0had put up its leaves. We went to the skirts of the hills and when it was evening, we walked about. Tents and pavilions were pitched on the spot and there his Majesty came and stayed. Here too we passed the nights together in sociable talk, and were all in company of that altar of truth.<\/p>\n<p>In the morning at prayer-time, he went away to a distance (<em>b\u012br\u016bn<\/em>), and from there wrote separate letters to Bega Begam and to \u1e24am\u012bda-b\u0101n\u016b Begam and to M\u0101h-ch\u016bchak Begam and to me and to all the begams,<sup>*Hum\u0101y\u016bn&#8217;s comprehensive displeasure looks like a fit of temper directed against every and any one. It is possible, however, that a page which might describe other untoward matters besides unpunctuality, has been altogether lost. The sentence which now continues the story, places all the ladies, deprived of their evening of talk and amusement, in chastened solitude.<\/sup>\u00a0saying: \u2018Becoming spokeswoman of your own fault, write apolo\u00adgizing for the trouble you have given. God willing, I shall say farewell and go to join the army either at Far\u1e93a or Ist\u0101l\u012bf, and if not we shall travel apart.\u2019 (74<em>a<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>Then everyone wrote to apologize for having given trouble, and sent the letter for his holy and elevating service.<\/p>\n<p>In the end his Majesty and all the begams mounted and rode by Lamgh\u0101n to Bihz\u0101d\u012b. At night each one went to her own quarters, and in the morning they ate (? alone), and at mid-day prayer-time rode to Far\u1e93a.<\/p>\n<p>\u1e24am\u012bda-b\u0101n\u016b Begam sent nine sheep to the quarters of each one of us. B\u012bb\u012b Daulat-bakht had come one day earlier to Far\u1e93a and had got ready plenty of provisions and milk and curds and syrup and sherbet and so on. We spent that evening in amusement. In the early morning (we went) above Far\u1e93a to where there is a beautiful water\u00adfall. Then his Majesty went to Ist\u0101l\u012bf and passed three days, and then in 958H.<sup>*B. &amp; H., II. 368, has 956H. (1549), and other differences of detail.<\/sup>\u00a0marched towards Balkh.<\/p>\n<p>When he crossed the pass, he sent\u00a0<em>farm\u0101ns<\/em>\u00a0to summon M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n and M\u012brz\u0101 Sulaim\u0101n and M\u012brz\u0101 &#8216;Askar\u012b, and said: \u2018We are on the march to fight the Uzbegs; now is the time for union and brotherliness. You ought to come as quickly as possible.\u2019 M\u012brz\u0101 Sulaim\u0101n and M\u012brz\u0101 &#8216;Askar\u012b came and joined him. (74<em>b<\/em>) Then march by march they came to Balkh.<\/p>\n<p>In Balkh was P\u012br Mu\u1e25ammad Kh\u0101n,<sup>*Son of J\u0101n\u012b Beg, and uncle of the famous &#8216;Abdu-l-l\u0101h Khan\u00a0<i>Uzbeg<\/i>. He ruled till 974H. (1566-67).<\/sup>\u00a0and on the first day his men sallied out and drew up in battle array. The royal army carried off the victory, and P\u012br Mu\u1e25ammad&#8217;s men tasted defeat and returned to the city. By the next morning the kh\u0101n had come to think: \u2018The Chaghat\u0101\u012b are strong; I cannot fight them. It would be better to get out and away.\u2019 Just then the royal officers joined in repre\u00adsenting that the camp had become filthy, and that it would be well to move to a desert place (<em>dasht<\/em>). His Majesty ordered them to do so.<\/p>\n<p>No sooner were hands laid on the baggage and pack\u00adsaddles, than others raised a clamour and some cried out: \u2018We are not strong enough.\u2019 Since such was the Divine will, the royal army took the road without cause from a foe, without reason or motive.<sup>*From other sources we learn that the royalists were anxious on two grounds; (1) as to the threatened arrival of an overwhelming\u00a0<i>Uzbeg<\/i>\u00a0force from Bukh\u0101r\u0101, and (2) lest K\u0101mr\u0101n should again take K\u0101bul and have their families at his mercy. The last was perhaps the dominant motive for the flight without a pursuer.\u00a0<\/sup>The news of their march reached the Uzbegs and amazed them. Try as the royal officers would, they produced not a scrap of effect. It could not be hindered: the royal army ran away. (75<em>a<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>The Emperor waited a little, and when he saw that no one was left, he too had to go. M\u012brz\u0101 &#8216;\u0100skar\u012b and M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l, not having heard of the confusion, rode up to the camp. They found no one and saw that the Uzbegs had gone in pursuit, so they too took the road and made for Kunduz. After riding a little way, his Majesty stopped and said: \u2018My brothers are not here yet: how can I go on?\u2019 He asked the officers and attendants whether anyone would bring him news of the princes. No one answered or went. Later on word came from the M\u012brz\u0101&#8217;s people in Kunduz that they had heard of the disaster and did not know where the princes had gone. This letter upset the Emperor very much. Khi\u1e93r Khw\u0101ja Kh\u0101n said: \u2018If you approve, I will bring news.\u2019 \u2018God&#8217;s mercy on you!\u2019 re\u00adjoined his Majesty. \u2018May they have gone to Kunduz!\u2019 (75<em>b<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>Two days afterwards the khw\u0101ja, to the Emperor&#8217;s great delight, brought word that M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l had arrived at Kunduz safe and sound. His Majesty gave M\u012brz\u0101 Sulaim\u0101n leave to go to his own place, Qila&#8217;-i-z\u0324afar, and came himself to K\u0101bul (1550, 957H.).<\/p>\n<p>While M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n was in K\u016bl\u0101b, a woman named Tarkh\u0101n<sup>*This title indicates rank. A &#8216;Tarkh\u0101n Begam&#8217; was wife of Sult\u0324\u0101n A\u1e25mad M\u012brz\u0101. (Merns., 22..)<\/sup>\u00a0Bega, who was a thorough cheat, showed him the way by saying: \u2018Make a declaration of love to \u1e24aram Begam.<sup>*or Khurram. One of her sisters was a wife of K\u0101mr\u0101n.<\/sup>\u00a0Good will come of it.\u2019 Acting on these words of an ill-judging adviser, he actually sent a letter and a kerchief<sup>*What fascination may lurk in an embroidered kerchief can be guessed by inspecting the dainty examples in the South Kensington Oriental Section.<\/sup>\u00a0to \u1e24aram Begam by the hand of Beg\u012b\u00a0<em>\u0101gh\u0101<\/em>. This woman laid the letter and the kerchief before the begam and then set forth the m\u012brz\u0101&#8217;s devotion and passion. \u1e24aram Begam said: \u2018Keep that letter and that kerchief now and bring them again when the m\u012brz\u0101s come home.\u2019 Beg\u012b\u00a0<em>\u0101gh\u0101<\/em>\u00a0then wept, and moaned, and coaxed, and said: \u2018M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n has sent you this letter and this kerchief; he has loved you a long time, and you have no pity for him.\u2019 (76<em>a<\/em>) \u1e24aram Begam began to show her disgust and violent anger, and at once sent off for her husband, M\u012brz\u0101 Sulaim\u0101n, and her son, M\u012brz\u0101 Ibr\u0101h\u012bm. She said to them: \u2018M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n must have come to think you are cowards, since he sends me a letter like this. Have I deserved to be written to in this way? He is as your elder brother, and I am to him as a younger brother&#8217;s wife.<sup>*<i>k\u012bl\u012bn<\/i>. Both here and at 77<i>b<\/i>\u00a0this word seems to have wider meaning than is given by the Turk\u012b and Persian dictionaries.<\/sup>\u00a0Send off a letter for me about it and rebuke him. As for this wretch of a woman, tear her piece by piece. Let her be a warning to others that no man may cast the evil eye of sinful thought upon another man&#8217;s womanfolk. What does such a man deserve who, the son of a mother, yet does such monstrous things, and who fears neither me<sup>*The begam&#8217;s martial character spices this story, since her husband did not dare even to make war without her consent. Perhaps K\u0101mr\u0101n&#8217; s devotion extended to the armed force she disposed of. It was clearly in Tarkh\u0101n Bega&#8217;s eye.<\/sup>\u00a0nor my son?\u2019<\/p>\n<p>Instantly hands were laid on Beg\u012b\u00a0<em>\u0101gh\u0101<\/em>\u00a0B\u012bb\u012b, condemned of fate to die, and she was torn in pieces. In consequence of this affair, M\u012brz\u0101 Sulaim\u0101n and M\u012brz\u0101 Ibr\u0101h\u012bm were displeased with M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n, or rather they became his enemies. (76<em>b<\/em>) They wrote to the Emperor that M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n wished to thwart him and that this could not be better seen than in his failure to go to Balkh with him.<\/p>\n<p>After this the m\u012brz\u0101, in K\u016bl\u0101b,<sup>*In K\u016bl\u0101b were the kinsfolk of his wife, M\u0101h Begam, sister of Haram Begam, daughter of Sult\u0324\u0101n Wais\u00a0<i>Qibch\u0101q<\/i>, and sister of Chakr &#8216;Al\u012b Kh\u0101n.<\/sup>\u00a0could not find, in his terror-stricken thoughts, any better remedy than to become a darvish. He sent his son, Ab\u016b&#8217;l-q\u0101sim (Ibr\u0101h\u012bm) to M\u012brz\u0101 &#8216;Askar\u012b, and betook himself to T\u0101liq\u0101n with his daughter &#8216;\u0100yisha (Sult\u0324\u0101n Begam), and said to his wife (Mu\u1e25tar\u012bma Kh\u0101nam): \u2018Do you and your daughter follow me later. I will send for you to whatever place I settle on. Till then go and stay in Khost and Andar-\u0101b.\u2019 The kh\u0101nam was related to the Uzbeg kh\u0101ns, and some of her kinsfolk let the Uzbegs<sup>*<i>i.e.<\/i>, across whose country she had to travel.<\/sup>\u00a0know: \u2018If you want booty, there are goods and men and women servants; take these, and let the lady go free, for if &#8216;\u0100yisha Sult\u0324\u0101n Kh\u0101nam&#8217;s<sup>*(?) Mughal Kh\u0101nam.<\/sup>\u00a0nephew hears to-morrow (that she has been hurt), he will certainly be very angry with you.\u2019 By a hundred plans and wiles, and with a hundred anxieties, and without her goods, she got free from the Uzbeg bondage, and reached Khost and Andar-\u0101b. Here she stayed.<\/p>\n<p>When M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n heard of the royal disaster in Balkh, he said: \u2018The Emperor is not so friendly to me as he was.\u2019 (77<em>a<\/em>) So he left K\u016bl\u0101b, and went hither and thither.<\/p>\n<p>At this time (1550) his Majesty came out from K\u0101bul. When he reached the Qibch\u0101q defile, he incautiously halted in a low-lying place, and M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n, coming from higher ground, armed and equipped, poured down foes upon him. Since such was the Divine will, a barbarian,\u2014inwardly blind, an ill-fated oppressor and ill-omened tyrant,\u2014inflicted a wound on the Emperor. The blow reached his bleassed head, and all his forehead and his dear eyes were stained with blood.<\/p>\n<p>It was just like it was in the Mughal war when the blessed head of his Majesty\u00a0<em>Firdaus-mak\u0101n\u012b<\/em>, the Emperor B\u0101bar, was wounded by a Mughal, and his high cap and the turban wrapped round it were not cut, but his blessed head was badly hurt. His Majesty Hum\u0101y\u016bn used to say with surprise: \u2018I wondered at it, for cap and cloth were whole, and yet the head was cut.\u2019<sup>*&#8217;Tambol let fall a heavy sword-blow on my head. It is a singular fact that, though not a thread of my cap of mail was injured, yet my head was severely wounded.&#8217; (Mems., 266. Also 111.)<\/sup>\u00a0The very same thing happened now to his own head.<\/p>\n<p>After the rout in the Qibch\u0101q defile, his Majesty went to Badakhsh\u0101n, and M\u012brz\u0101 Hindal, and M\u012brz\u0101 Sulaim\u0101n, and M\u012brz\u0101 Ibr\u0101h\u012bm came and waited on him. (77<em>b<\/em>) He went<sup>*Niz\u0324\u0101mu-d-d\u012bn A\u1e25mad, &#8216;after forty days.&#8217;<\/sup>\u00a0to K\u0101bul and the m\u012brz\u0101s were in attendance, friendly and united and at peace together, when M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n approached. His Majesty sent a message to \u1e24aram Begam: \u2018Ask my\u00a0<em>k\u012bl\u012bn<\/em><sup>*<i>Cf<\/i>. 77<i>a<\/i>\u00a0n.. This story bears out \u1e24aram&#8217;s military reputation. K\u0101mra\u0101n&#8217;s power of attraction and Hum\u0101y\u016bn&#8217;s present risk can be gauged by the fact that even after the defeat at Ch\u0101r\u012bk\u0101r\u0101n some 1,500 horse were with the former, and many am\u012brs again went over to him. It was now that the remarkable compact which effected K\u0101mr\u0101n&#8217;s downfall was made between Hum\u0101y\u016bn and his am\u012brs. (B. &amp; H., II. 338.) These swore fidelity by whatever oath would bind them and then, at the instance of \u1e24aj\u012b Mu\u1e25ammad Kh\u0101n\u00a0<i>k\u016bka<\/i>, Hum\u0101y\u016bn bound himself to, do as he was told. The compact was effective. The am\u012brs were the long-suffering victims of Hum\u0101y\u016bn&#8217;s folly and their present turning was, he admitted, justifiable.<\/sup>\u00a0to send me the army of Badakhsh\u0101n as quickly as possible and ready for service.\u2019 In a few days, \u2014a very short time,\u2014the begam had given horses and arms to some thousands of men. She herself superintended and took thought and she came with the troops as far as the pass. From here she sent them forward, and while she went back they went on and joined the Emperor.<\/p>\n<p>Either at Ch\u0101rk\u0101r\u0101n or Qar\u0101-b\u0101gh there was fighting with M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n and his Majesty&#8217;s army was successful. The m\u012brz\u0101 fled to the mountain passes (<em>tangayh\u0101<\/em>) and Lamgh\u0101n\u0101t.<sup>*Niz\u0324\u0101mu-d-d\u012bn A\u1e25mad, &#8216;mountains of Mandr\u016bd.&#8217; B. &amp;H.;, II. 393, &#8216;by the Pass of B\u0101dpaj towards the Afgh\u0101n country.&#8217;<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>\u0100q Sult\u0324\u0101n (Yas\u012bn-daulat) who was the m\u012brz\u0101&#8217;s son-in\u00ad law, said in effect to him (<em>gufta b\u0101shad<\/em>): \u2018You are con\u00adtinually thwarting the Emperor. What is the meaning of it? It is not what should be. (78<em>a<\/em>) Either make your submission and obeisance to the Emperor or give me leave to go, so that men may distinguish between us.\u2019 M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n said fiercely: \u2018Have my affairs come to such a pass that\u00a0<em>you<\/em>\u00a0offer me advice?\u2019 \u0100q Sult\u0324\u0101n also spoke angrily, \u2018If I stay with you, my position will be unlawful,\u2019 and left him at once, and went with his wife \u1e24ab\u012bba) to Bhakkar. The m\u012brz\u0101 wrote to M\u012brz\u0101 Sh\u0101h \u1e24usain, and said: \u2018\u0100q Sult\u0324\u0101n has displeased me and has gone away. If he comes to Bhakkar, do not let his wife be with him. Part them and tell him to go where he likes.\u2019 Sh\u0101h \u1e24usain M\u012brz\u0101 at once, on receiving the letter, deprived \u1e24ab\u012bba Sult\u0324\u0101n Begam of the company of \u0100q Sult\u0324\u0101n and let him depart for the blessed Makka.<sup>*K\u0101mr\u0101n was the son-in-law of M\u012br Sh\u0101h \u1e24usain\u00a0<i>Argh\u016bn<\/i>, and was therefore able to secure this interference with \u0100q Sult\u0324\u0101n&#8217;s domestic affairs.<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>In the fight at Ch\u0101r\u012bk\u0101r\u0101n, Qar\u0101cha Kh\u0101n<sup>*<i>Cf<\/i>. Elliot, V. 233.<\/sup>\u00a0and many of M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n&#8217;s well-known officers were killed.<\/p>\n<p>&#8216;\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u0100yisha Sult\u0324\u0101n Begam<sup>*K\u0101mr\u0101n&#8217;s daughter.<\/sup>\u00a0and Daulat-bakht\u00a0<em>\u0101gh\u0101cha<\/em>\u00a0were in flight for Qandah\u0101r, and were captured at the Khim\u0101r Pass, and brought in by the Emperor&#8217;s people. M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n went to the Afgh\u0101ns,<sup>*<i>i.e.<\/i>, Lamgh\u0101n.<\/sup>\u00a0and stayed amongst them. (78<em>b<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>From time to time his Majesty used to visit the orange-gardens. That year also, according to his old habit, he went to the mountain passes (<em>tangayh\u0101<\/em>) to see the oranges. M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l was in attendance, and of the ladies (<em>\u1e25aram\u0101n<\/em>), there went Bega Begam, \u1e24am\u012bda-b\u0101n\u016b Begam, M\u0101h-ch\u016bchak Begam and many others. I could not go because my son, Sa&#8217;\u0101dat-y\u0101r, was ill at the time. One day his Majesty, attended by M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l, was hunting near the mountain passes. They had very good sport. The Emperor went towards where the m\u012brz\u0101 was hunting and had made a very good bag. Following the rules of Ching\u012bz Kh\u0101n, the m\u012brz\u0101 proffered his game to the Emperor, for it is a rule of Ching\u012bz Kh\u0101n that inferiors should so act towards their superiors. In short, he gave the Emperor all his game. Then it occurred to him: \u2018There is still my sisters&#8217; portion. (79<em>a<\/em>) They shall not complain again. I will hunt once more and get them a share.\u2019 Again he busied himself in hunting, and had taken one head of game, and was returning, when someone sent by M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n blocked the road, and shot an arrow at the unwitting m\u012brz\u0101 which struck his blessed shoulder. Acting on the thought \u2018God forbid my sisters and womenfolk should be upset by news of this,\u2019 he wrote off at once to say: \u2018Ill begun has ended well!<sup>*Repetition of a proverb already quoted.\u00a0<\/sup>Do not be anxious, for I am getting better.\u2019 To finish the story: as it was hot, his Majesty went back to K\u0101bul, and in the course of a year the arrow-wound got better.<\/p>\n<p>A year later word was brought that M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n had collected troops and was preparing for war. His Majesty also, taking military appurtenances, set out for the mountain passes (<em>tangayh\u0101<\/em>) with M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l. He went safe and well, and made his honouring halt in the passes. Hour by hour, and all the time, spies kept bringing news: \u2018M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n has decided that an attack must be made to-night.\u2019 (79<em>b<\/em>) M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l went to the Emperor and submitted his advice: \u2018Let your Majesty stay on this high ground, and let my brother (nephew) Jal\u0101lu-d-d\u012bn Mu\u1e25ammad Akbar\u00a0<em>p\u0101dsh\u0101h<\/em>\u00a0stay with you, so that careful watch may be kept on this height.\u2019 Then he called up his own men, and encouraged and cheered them one by one, and said: \u2018Put earlier services in one scale and the service of this night in the other. God willing! whatever claim you can make, you shall be exalted to its degree.\u2019<sup>*Perhaps the notion of this sentence is, &#8216;To-night&#8217;s service will equal or outweigh previous services, and the lower tonight&#8217;s scale is forced, the greater will be my largesse.&#8217;<\/sup>\u00a0One by one he allotted their posts, and then called for his own cuirass and surtout, and high cap and helmet.<\/p>\n<p>His wardrobe-keeper had lifted up the wallet when someone sneezed,<sup>*It is hardly necessary to say that sneezing is by many nations regarded as an omen of other things than catarrh.\u00a0<\/sup>and he set it down for a while. Because of this delay, the m\u012brz\u0101 sent to hurry him. Then the things were brought quickly, and he asked: \u2018Why were you so long?\u2019 The man replied: \u2018I had lifted the wallet when someone sneezed, and I therefore put it down. So there was a delay.\u2019 (80<em>a<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>The m\u012brz\u0101 replied: \u2018You were wrong. (You should have) said rather: \u201cMay there be a blessed martyrdom.\u201d\u2019 Then he went on: \u2018Friends all! be my witness that I abjure all forbidden things and all indecorous acts.\u2019 Those present recited the\u00a0<em>f\u0101t\u1e25iha<\/em>\u00a0and prayed: \u2018May there be benediction.\u2019 He said: \u2018Bring my vest and cuirass and surtout.\u2019 He put them on and went out to the trenches to encourage and solace his men. Just then his\u00a0<em>t\u0324abaqch\u012b<\/em>,<sup>*Clerk of the scullery who has charge of plates and dishes, utensils which are often of value by material and by workmanship.<\/sup>\u00a0hearing his voice, cried: \u2018They are attacking me.\u2019 The m\u012brz\u0101, hearing this, dismounted and said: \u2018Friends, it is far from brave to give no help when my servant is at the point of the sword.\u2019 He himself went down into the trench but not one of his followers dismounted. Twice he sallied from the trenches, and in this endeavour became a martyr.<\/p>\n<p>I do not know what pitiless oppressor slew that harmless youth<sup>*Hind\u0101l was killed on \u1e94\u012b&#8217;l-qa&#8217;d\u0101 21st, 958H. (November 20th, 1551). He was born before March 4th, 1519 (Mems., 258.), and was therefore in his thirty-third year. Gul-badan always speaks of her brother with affection, and her story shows that she mourned his loss many years. Her book lets us see a group of living and feeling men and women.<\/sup>\u00a0with his tyrant sword! Would to Heaven that merciless sword had touched my heart and eyes, or Sa \u0101dat-y\u0101r, my son&#8217;s, or Khi\u1e93r Khw\u0101ja Kh\u0101n&#8217;s! Alas! a hundred regrets! Alas! a thousand times alas! (80<em>b<\/em>)<\/p>\nHEMISTICH.\n<blockquote>O well-a-day! O well-a-day! O well-a-day!<br \/>\nMy sun is sunk behind a cloud.<\/blockquote>\n<p>All may be said in a word: M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l gave his life freely for his sovereign.<\/p>\n<p>M\u012br B\u0101b\u0101 Dost lifted him up and carried him to his quarters. He told no one, and fetched servants and placed them at the entrance and gave orders: \u2018Tell everyone who asks, that the m\u012brz\u0101 is badly wounded and that the Emperor forbids anyone to enter.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>Then he went and said to his Majesty: \u2018M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l is wounded.\u2019 The Emperor called for a horse; \u2018I will go and see him.\u2019 M\u012br &#8216;Abdu-l-\u1e25a\u012b said: \u2018He is badly hurt. It is not desirable that you should go.\u2019 He understood, and however much he tried,<sup>*<i>\u1e25afz\u0324 kardand<\/i>. Perhaps as a matter of etiquette which demands composure in public.<\/sup>\u00a0he could not help it, he broke down.<\/p>\n<p>J\u016b\u012b-sh\u0101h\u012b<sup>*Text, J\u016bs\u0101h\u012b, the modern Jalalabad, on the road to Kabul.<\/sup>\u00a0was Khi\u1e93r Khw\u0101ja Kh\u0101n&#8217;s\u00a0<em>j\u0101g\u012br<\/em>. The Emperor sent for him and said: \u2018Take M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l to J\u016b\u012b-sh\u0101h\u012b and care for his burial.\u2019 The kh\u0101n took the camel&#8217;s bridle,<sup>*<i>i.e.<\/i>, that of the camel which bore the corpse.<\/sup>\u00a0and when he was going away with weeping and lament and voice uplifted in grief, (81<em>a<\/em>) his Majesty heard of the mourning and sent him word: \u2018We must have patience! This sorrow touches my heart more closely than yours, but I do not give way because I think of our bloodthirsty, tyrannical foe. With him at hand, there is no help but patience.\u2019 Then the kh\u0101n with a hundred regrets, miserable and stricken, conveyed the body to J\u016b\u012b-sh\u0101h\u012b, and there laid and left it.<\/p>\n<p>If that slayer of a brother, that stranger&#8217;s friend, the monster, M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n had not come that night, this calamity would not have descended from the heavens.<\/p>\n<p>His Majesty sent letters to his sisters in K\u0101bul, and the city at once became like one house of mourning. Doors and walls wept and bewailed the death of the happy, martyred m\u012brz\u0101.<\/p>\n<p>Gul-chihra Begam had gone to Qar\u0101 Kh\u0101n&#8217;s house. When she came back, it was like the day of resurrection.<sup>*Khw\u0101nd-am\u012br compares a hustle of people to the day of resurrection.\u00a0<\/sup>Through weeping and sorrow she fell quite ill and went out of her mind.<\/p>\n<p>It was by M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n&#8217;s evil fate that M\u012brza Hind\u0101l became a martyr. From that time forth we never heard that his affairs prospered. On the contrary, they waned day by day and came to naught and perished. (81<em>b<\/em>) He set his face to evil in such fashion that fortune never befriended him again nor gave him happiness. It was as though M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l had been the life, or rather the light-giving eye of M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n, for after that same defeat he fled straight away to Sal\u012bm Sh\u0101h, the son of Sh\u012br Kh\u0101n. Sal\u012bm Sh\u0101h gave him a thousand\u00a0<em>rup\u012bs<\/em>.<sup>*A scornful measure of K\u0101mr\u0101n&#8217;s fall. The date is the end both of 1552 and of 959H.<\/sup>\u00a0Then the m\u012brz\u0101 told in what position he was, and asked help. Sal\u012bm Sh\u0101h said nothing openly in reply, but in private he remarked: \u2018How can a man be helped who killed his own brother, M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l? It is best to destroy him and bring him to naught.\u2019 M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n heard of this opinion and one night, without even consulting his people, he resolved on flight and got away, and his own men had not even a word of it. They stayed behind and when news of the flight reached Sal\u012bm Sh\u0101h, he imprisoned many of them.<\/p>\n<p>M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n had gone as far as Bh\u012bra and Kh\u016bsh-\u0101b when Adam Ghakkar, by plot and stratagems, captured him and brought him to the Emperor. (82<em>a<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>To be brief, all the assembled kh\u0101ns and Sult\u0324\u0101ns, and high and low, and plebeian and noble, and soldiers and the rest who all bore the mark of M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n&#8217;s hand, with one voice represented to his Majesty: \u2018Brotherly custom has nothing to do with ruling and reigning. If you wish to act as a brother, abandon the throne. If you wish to be king, put aside brotherly sentiment. What kind of wound was it that befell your blessed head in the Qibch\u0101q defile through this same M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n? He it was whose traitorous and crafty conspiracy with the Afgh\u0101ns killed M\u012brz\u0101 Hind\u0101l. Many a Chaghat\u0101\u012b has perished through him; women and children have been made captive and lost honour. It is impossible that our wives and children should suffer in the future the thrall and torture of captivity. (82<em>b<\/em>) With the fear of hell before our eyes<sup>*<i>bar jahannum<\/i>, which I take as an oath.\u00a0<i>Cf. bar haq.<\/i><\/sup>\u00a0(we say that) our lives, our goods, our wives, our children are all a sacrifice for a single hair of your Majesty&#8217;s head. This is no brother! This is your Majesty&#8217;s foe!\u2019<\/p>\n<p>To make an end of words, one and all urgently set forth: \u2018It is well to lower the head of the breacher of a kingdom.\u2019<\/p>\n<p>His Majesty answered: \u2018Though my head inclines to your words, my heart does not.\u2019 All cried out: \u2018What has been set before your Majesty is the really advisable course.\u2019 At last the Emperor said: \u2018If you all counsel this and agree to it, gather together and attest it in writing.\u2019 All the am\u012brs both of the right and left assembled. They wrote down and gave in that same line (<em>mi\u1e63ra&#8217;<\/em>): \u2018It is well to lower the head of the breacher of the kingdom.\u2019 Even his Majesty was compelled to agree.<\/p>\n<p>When he drew near to Roht\u0101s, the Emperor gave an order to Sayyid Mu\u1e25ammad: \u2018Blind M\u012brz\u0101 K\u0101mr\u0101n in both eyes.\u2019 The sayyid went at once and did so.<\/p>\n<p>After the blinding, his Majesty the Emperor<sup>*Here in the MS. volume follows folio 83, which I have conjectured should follow folio 736, and have placed there.<\/sup>\u00a0\u2026<\/p>\nEND OF THE MS.\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<p><strong>The History of Humayun: Humayun-nama by Gul-badan Begum. Translated by Annette S. Beveridge with introduction, notes, illustrations and biographical appendix and reproduced in the Persian from the only known MS of the British Museum. London: Royal Asiatic Society , 1902. pp. 83-201.<\/strong><\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<p><em>Annotated by Murari Jha<\/em><\/p>\n\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--label-2\">The Habits and Manners of the Emperor Aurangzeb (1666)<\/a>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--icon-2\"><i>Expand<\/i><\/a>\n\t\t<strong>The Habits and Manners of the Emperor Aurangzeb, 1666<br \/>\n<\/strong><em>Bakhtawar Khan<\/em>\n<hr \/>\n<p>Be it known to the readers of this work that this humble slave of the Almighty is going to describe in a correct manner the excellent character, the worthy habits and the refined morals of this most virtuous monarch, Ab\u00fa-l Muzaffar Muhiu-d d\u00edn Muhammad Aurangzeb &#8216;\u00c1lamg\u00edr, according as he has witnessed them with his own eyes. The Emperor, a great worshipper of God by natural propensity, is remarkable for his rigid attachment to religion. He is a follower of the doctrines of the Im\u00e1m Ab\u00fa Han\u00edfa (may God be pleased with him!), and establishes the five fundamental doctrines of the Kanz. Having made his ablutions, he always occupies a great part of his time in adoration of the Deity, and says the usual prayers, first in the masjid and then at home, both in congregation and in private, with the most heartfelt devotion. He keeps the appointed fasts on Fridays and other sacred days, and he reads the Friday prayers in the J\u00e1mi&#8217; masjid with the common people of the Muhammadan faith. He keeps vigils during the whole of the sacred nights, and with the light of the favour of God illumines the lamps of religion and prosperity. From his great piety, he passes whole nights in the Mosque which is in his palace, and keeps company with men of devotion. In privacy he never sits on a throne. He gave away in alms before his accession a portion of his allowance of lawful food and clothing, and now devotes to the same purpose the income of a few villages in the district of Dehl\u00ed, and the proceeds of two or three salt-producing tracts, which are appropriated to his privy purse. The Princes also follow the same example. During the whole month of Ramaz\u00e1n he keeps fast, says the prayers ap\u00adpointed for that month, and reads the holy Kur\u00e1n in the assembly of religious and learned men, with whom he sits for that purpose during six, and sometimes nine hours of the night. During the last ten days of the month, he performs worship in the mosque, and although, on account of several obstacles, he is unable to proceed on a pilgrimage to Mecca, yet the care which he takes to promote facilities for pilgrims to that holy place may be con\u00adsidered equivalent to the pilgrimage.<\/p>\n<p>From the dawn of his understanding he has always refrained from prohibited meats and practices, and from his great holiness has adopted nothing but that which is pure and lawful. Though he has collected at the foot of his throne those who inspire ravish\u00adment in joyous assemblies of pleasure, in the shape of singers who possess lovely voices and clever instrumental performers, and in the commencement of his reign sometimes used to hear them sing and play, and though he himself understands music well, yet now for several years past, on account of his great restraint and self-denial, and observance of the tenets of the great Im\u00e1m (Sh\u00e1fi&#8217;\u00ed), (may God&#8217;s mercy be on him!), he entirely abstains from this amusement. If any of the singers and musicians becomes ashamed of his calling, he makes an allowance for him or grants him land for his maintenance.<\/p>\n<p>He never puts on the clothes prohibited by religion, nor does he ever use vessels of silver or gold. In his sacred Court no improper conversation, no word of backbiting or falsehood, is allowed. His courtiers, on whom his light is reflected, are cautioned that if they have to say anything which might injure the character of an absent man, they should express themselves in decorous language and at full detail. He appears two or three times every day in his court of audience with a pleasing counte\u00adnance and mild look, to dispense justice to complainants who come in numbers without any hindrance, and as he listens to them with great attention, they make their representations with\u00adout any fear or hesitation, and obtain redress from his impartiality. If any person talks too much, or acts in an improper manner, he is never displeased, and he never knits his brows. His courtiers have often desired to prohibit people from showing so much boldness, but he remarks that by hearing their very words, and seeing their gestures, he acquires a habit of forbearance and tolerance. All bad characters are expelled from the city of Dehl\u00ed, and the same is ordered to be done in all places through\u00adout the whole empire. The duties of preserving order and regularity among the people are very efficiently attended to, and throughout the empire, notwithstanding its great extent, nothing can be done without meeting with the due punishment enjoined by the Muhammadan law. Under the dictates of anger and passion he never issues orders of death. In consideration of their rank and merit, he shows much honour and respect to the Saiyids, saints and learned men, and through his cordial and liberal exertions, the sublime doctrines of Han\u00edfa and of our pure religion have obtained such prevalence throughout the wide territories of Hind\u00fast\u00e1n as they never had in the reign of any former king.<\/p>\n<p>Hind\u00fa writers have been entirely excluded from holding public offices, and all the worshipping places of the infidels and the great temples of these infamous people have been thrown down and destroyed in a manner which excites astonishment at the success\u00adful completion of so difficult a task. His Majesty personally teaches the sacred kalima to many infidels with success, and invests them with khil&#8217;ats and other favours. Alms and dona\u00adtions are given by this fountain of generosity in such abundance, that the emperors of past ages did not give even a hundredth part of the amount. In the sacred month of Ramaz\u00e1n sixty thousand rupees, and in the other months less than that amount, are distributed among the poor. Several eating houses have been established in the capital and other cities, at which food is served out to the helpless and poor, and in places where there were no caravanserais for the lodging of the travellers, they have been built by the Emperor. All the mosques in the empire are repaired at the public expense. Im\u00e1ms, criers to the daily prayers, and readers of the khutba, have been appointed to each of them, so that a large sum of money has been and is still laid out in these disbursements. In all the cities and towns of this extensive country pensions and allowances and lands have been given to learned men and professors, and stipends have been fixed for scholars according to their abilities and qualifications.<\/p>\n<p>As it is a great object with this Emperor that all Muham-madans should follow the principles of the religion as expounded by the most competent law officers and the followers of the Han\u00edf\u00ed persuasion, and as these principles, in consequence of the different opinions of the k\u00e1zis and muft\u00eds which have been delivered without any authority, could not be distinctly and clearly learnt, and as there was no book which embodied them all, and as until many books had been collected and a man had obtained sufficient leisure, means and knowledge of theological subjects, he could not satisfy his inquiries on any disputed point, therefore His Majesty, the protector of the faith, determined that a body of eminently learned and able men of Hind\u00fast\u00e1n should take up the voluminous and most trustworthy works which were collected in the royal library, and having made a digest of them, compose a book which might form a standard canon of the law, and afford to all an easy and available means of ascertaining the proper and authoritative interpretation. The chief conductor of this difficult undertaking was the most learned man of the time, Shaikh Niz\u00e1m, and all the members of the society were very handsomely and liberally paid, so that up to the present time a sum of about two hundred thousand rupees has been expended in this valuable compilation, which contains more than one hundred thousand lines. When the work, with God&#8217;s pleasure, is completed, it will be for all the world the standard exposition of the law, and render every one independent of Muhammadan doctors. Another excellence attending this design is, that, with a view to afford facility to all, the possessor of perfections, Chulp\u00ed &#8216;Abdu-llah, son of the great and the most celebrated Maul\u00e1n\u00e1 &#8216;Abdu-l Hak\u00edm of S\u00edalkot, and his several pupils have been ordered to translate the work into Persian.<\/p>\n<p>Among the greatest liberalities of this king of the faithful is this, that he has ordered a remission of the transit duties upon all sorts of grain, cloth, and other goods, as well as on tobacco, the duties on which alone amounted to an immense sum, and to prevent the smuggling of which the Government officers com\u00admitted many outrages, especially in regard to the exposure of females. He exempted the Muhammadans from taxes, and all people from certain public demands, the income of which exceeded thirty lacs of rupees every year. He relinquished the Government claims against the ancestors of the officers of the State, which used to be paid by deductions from their salaries. This money every year formed a very large income paid into the public treasury. He also abolished the practice of confiscating the estates of deceased persons against whom there was no Gov\u00adernment claim, which was very strictly observed by the account\u00adants of his predecessors, and which was felt as a very grievous oppression by their sorrowful heirs. The Royal orders were also issued to collect the revenues of each province according to the Muhammadan law.<\/p>\n<p>Some account of the battles which the Emperor fought before his accession, as well as after that period, has been given above, and we shall now write a few instances of his fortitude. At the time when the Royal army arrived at Balkh, &#8216;Abdu-l &#8216;Az\u00edz Kh\u00e1n, with a large force which equalled the swarms of locusts and ants, came and arranged his men in order of battle, and surrounded the Royal camp. While the conflict was being carried on with great fury, the time of reading the evening prayers came on, when His Majesty, though dissuaded by some worldly officers, alighted from his horse and said the prayers, etc., in a congregation, with the utmost indifference and presence of mind. &#8216;Abdu-l &#8216;Az\u00edz, on hearing of this, was much astonished at the intrepidity of the Emperor, who was assisted by God, and put an end to the battle, saying that to fight with such a man is to destroy oneself.<\/p>\n<p>The Emperor is perfectly acquainted with the commentaries, traditions and law. He always studies the compilations of the great Im\u00e1m Muhammad Ghiz\u00e1l\u00ed (may God&#8217;s mercy be on him!), the extracts from the writings of Shaikh Sharaf Yahy\u00e1 Mun\u00edr\u00ed (may his tomb be sanctified!), and the works of Muh\u00ed Sh\u00edraz\u00ed, and other similar books. One of the greatest excellences of this virtuous monarch is, that he has learnt the Kur\u00e1n by heart. Though in his early youth he had committed to memory some chapters of that sacred book, yet he learnt the whole by heart after ascending the throne. He took great pains and showed much perseverance in impressing it upon his mind. He writes a very elegant\u00a0<em>Naskh<\/em>\u00a0hand, and has acquired perfection in this art. He has written two copies of the holy book with his own hand, and having finished and adorned them with ornaments and marginal lines, at the expense of seven thousand rupees, he sent them to the holy cities of Mecca and Med\u00edna. He also wrote an excellent\u00a0<em>Nasta&#8217;l\u00edk<\/em>\u00a0and\u00a0<em>Shikastah<\/em>\u00a0hand. He is a very elegant writer in prose, and has acquired proficiency in versification, but agreeably to the words of God, \u201cPoets deal in falsehoods,\u201d he abstains from practising it. He does not like to hear verses except those which contain a moral. \u201cTo please Almighty God he never turned his eye towards a flatterer, nor gave his ear to a poet.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>The Emperor has given a very liberal education to his fortu\u00adnate and noble children, who, by virtue of his attention and care, have reached to the summit of perfection, and made great advances in rectitude, devotion, and piety, and in learning the manners and customs of princes and great men. Through his instruction they have learnt the Book of God by heart, obtained proficiency in the sciences and polite literature, writing the various hands, and in learning the Turk\u00ed and the Persian languages.<\/p>\n<p>In like manner, the ladies of the household also, according to his orders, have learnt the fundamental and necessary tenets of religion, and all devote their time to the adoration and worship of the Deity, to reading the sacred Kur\u00e1n, and performing virtuous and pious acts. The excellence of character and the purity of morals of this holy monarch are beyond all expression. As long as nature nourishes the tree of existence, and keeps the garden of the world fresh, may the plant of the prosperity of this preserver of the garden of dignity and honour continue fruitful!<\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<p><strong>Elliot Henry M. and Dowson, John, eds. <em>The History of India as Told by Its Own Historians, Vol. 7<\/em>. London: Truebner, 1867-1877. pp. 157-162.<\/strong><\/p>\n<h2>\n\t\tThailand\n\t<\/h2>\n\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--label-0\">Treaty of Friendship and Commerce between Siam and Great Britain (1855)<\/a>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--icon-0\"><i>Expand<\/i><\/a>\n<p>Annotation<\/p>\n<p>By mid-19th century, European commercial as well as territorial ambition, backed by modern military power, was increasingly able to impose itself upon indigenous rulers in Asia. This was increasingly recognised by Siam, especially after the British defeated both Qing China, the premier power of the region, in the First Opium War, and Burma, in the First Anglo-Burmese War. The Bowring Treaty was was signed between Siam and the United Kingdom in this wider international context.<\/p>\n<p>The Treaty of Friendship and Commerce or, more commonly, the Bowring Treaty of 1855 was the first of many treaties signed between Siam and European powers over the course of the long 19th century, leading the gradual opening up and modernisation of Siam. The treaty granted British subjects the right to trade in Siam, extraterritoriality as well as the implementation of fixed tariffs for the import as well as export of goods alongside a most-favoured-nation clause; all this led to a wider range of commercial as well as diplomatic interactions between Siam and Britain. The treaty was also the basis of later treaties signed with France and the United States in 1856.<\/p>\n<p>King Mongkut and Siam\u2019s political elite were increasingly cognisant of Siam\u2019s relative military and physical inferiority and realized that isolationism as a policy was not sustainable in the long-run. King Mongkut\u2019s willingness to conclude an unequal treaty illustrated a forward thinking monarch who recognised the fact that in order to retain its independence in the face of European imperialism, Siam must make certain trade-offs with regards to its concept of power, diplomacy and commercial interactions. Mongkut\u2019s appreciation and understanding of western culture played a role in the successful conclusion of the treaty. This is best exemplified by Article Two of the treaty whereby Siam granted extraterritoriality to British subjects in Siam, a key point of dispute in many \u2018unequal treaties\u2019 signed between Western powers and Asian rulers during the 19th century.<\/p>\n<p>The signing of the treaty resulted in the economic transformation of Siam and in particular Bangkok, as an influx of Western traders and ships helped transform Bangkok into a key commercial hub of the region, linked to regionals ports of call such as Singapore and the larger China trade. This also influenced changes to the monetary policies of Siam.<\/p>\n<p>The immediate economic impact notwithstanding, the treaty represented a willingness on the part of Siam to conform to a new international order based on Western-centric notions of diplomatic, political as well as commercial interactions. The Bowring Treaty illustrated Siam\u2019s appreciation of the changed international context in which it now had to operate, and the increasing realisation among the traditional elites that Siam must adapt to changed circumstances in order to preserve independence and sovereignty. Events in the previous year, including encounters with Sir James Brooke of Sarawak who advocated the use of gunboat diplomacy, impressed upon Siamese officials the futility of a military confrontation and the awkward realisation of Siamese military weaknesses.<\/p>\n<p>Thus it can be argued that the treaty was the clearest indication of Siam\u2019s recognition of its physical weakness vis-\u00e0-vis the Western powers, who were expanding their influence in the region in ways that increasingly made traditional local practices of governance and power appear outmoded and inefficient.<\/p>\n<strong>Treaty of Friendship and Commerce between Siam and Great Britain Signed at Bangkok, April 18, 1855<br \/>\n<\/strong><em>John Bowring<\/em><strong><br \/>\n<\/strong>\n<p><strong>[Ratifications exchanged at Bangkok, April 5, 1856]<\/strong><\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<p>Their Majesties Phra Bard Somdetch Phra Paramendr Maha Mongkut Phra Chom Klau Chau Yu Hua, the First King of Siam, and Phra Bard Somdetch Phra Pawarendr Ramesr Mahiswaresr Phra Pin Klau Chau Yu Hua, the Second King of Siam, and Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and all its dependencies, desiring to establish upon firm and lasting foundations the relations of peace and friendship existing between the two countries, and to secure the best interests of their respective subjects by encouraging, facilitating, and regulating their industry and trade, have resolved to conclude a Treaty of Amity and Commerce for this purpose, and have, therefore, named as their Plenipotentiaries, that is to say:<\/p>\n<p>Their Majesties the First and Second Kings of Siam, His Royal Highness Krom Hluang Wongsa Dhiraj Snidh; his Excellency Somdetch Chau Phaya Param Maha Payurawongse; his Excellency Somdetch Chau Phaya Param Maha Bijai-neate; his Excellency Chau Phaya Sri Suriwongse Samuha Phra Kalahome; and his Excellency Chau Phaya, Acting Phra-Klang;<\/p>\n<p>Her Majesty the Queen of Great Britain and Ireland, Sir John Bowing, Knight, Doctor of Laws, &amp;c.;<\/p>\n<p>Who, after having communicated to each other their respective full powers, and found them to be in good and due form, have agreed upon and concluded the following Articles:<\/p>\n<strong>Article I<\/strong>\n<p>There shall henceforward be perpetual peace and friendship between Their Majesties the First and Second Kings of Siam and their successors, and Her Majesty the Queen of Great Britain and Ireland, and her successors. All British subjects coming to Siam shall receive from the Siamese Government full protection and assistance to enable them to reside in Siam in all security, and trade with every facility, free from oppression or injury on the part of the Siamese; and all Siamese subjects going to an English country shall receive from the British Government the same complete protection and assistance that shall be granted to British subjects by the Government of Siam.<\/p>\n<strong>Article II<\/strong>\n<p>The interests of all British subjects coming to Siam shall be placed under the regulation and control of a Consul, who will be appointed to reside at Bangkok. He will himself conform to, and will enforce the observance by British subjects of all the provisions of this Treaty, and such of the former Treaty negotiated by Captain Burney in 1826 as shall still remain in operation. He shall also give effect to all rules or regulations that are now or may hereafter be enacted for the government of British subjects in Siam, the conduct of their trade, and for the prevention of violations of the laws of Siam. Any disputes arising between Siamese and British subjects shall be heard and determined by the Consul, in conjunction with the proper Siamese officers; and criminal offences will be punished, in the case of English offenders, by the Consul, according to English laws, and in the case of Siamese offenders, by their own laws, through the Siamese authorities. But the Consul shall not interfere in any matters referring solely to Siamese, neither will the Siamese authorities interfere in questions which only concern the subjects of Her Britannic Majesty.<\/p>\n<p>It is understood, however, that the arrival of the British Consul at Bangkok shall not take place before the ratification of this Treaty, nor until 10 vessels owned by British subjects, sailing under British colours, and with British papers, shall have entered the port of Bangkok for purposes of trade, subsequent to the signing of this Treaty.<\/p>\n<strong>Article III<\/strong>\n<p>If Siamese, in the employ of British subjects, offend against the laws of their country, or if any Siamese having so offended or desiring to desert, take refuge with a British subject in Siam, they shall be searched for, and, upon proof of their guilt or desertion, shall be delivered up by the Consul to the Siamese authorities. In like manner, any British offenders resident or trading in Siam, who may desert, escape to or hide themselves in Siamese territory, shall be apprehended and delivered over to the British Consul on his requisition. Chinese, not able to prove themselves to be British subjects, shall not be considered as such by the British Consul, nor be entitled to his protection.<\/p>\n<strong>Article IV<\/strong>\n<p>British subjects are permitted to trade freely in all the seaports of Siam, but may reside permanently only at Bangkok, or within the limits assigned by this Treaty. British subjects coming to reside at Bangkok may rent land, and buy or build houses, but cannot purchase lands within a circuit of 200 sen (not more than 4 miles English) from the city walls, until they shall have lived in Siam for 10 years, or shall obtain special authority from the Siamese Government to enable them to do so. But with the exception of this limitation, British residents in Siam may at any time buy or rent houses, lands, or plantations situated anywhere within a distance of 24 hours&#8217; journey from the city of Bangkok, to be computed by the rate at which boats of the country can travel. In order to obtain possession of such lands or houses, it will be necessary that the British subjects shall, in the first place, make application through the Consul to the proper Siamese officer; and the Siamese officer and the Consul having satisfied themselves of the honest intentions of the applicant, will assist him in settling, upon equitable terms, the amount of the purchase-money, will mark out and fix the boundaries of the property, and will convey the same to the British purchaser under sealed deeds. Whereupon, he and his property shall be placed under the protection of the Governor of the district and that of the particular local authorities; he shall conform, in ordinary matters, to any just directions given him by them, and will be subject to the same taxation that is levied on Siamese subjects. But if through negligence, the want of capital, or other cause, a British subject should fail to commence the cultivation or improvement of the lands so acquired within a term of three years from the date of receiving possession thereof, the Siamese Government shall have the power of resuming the property, upon returning to the British subject the purchase-money paid by him for the same.<\/p>\n<strong>Article V<\/strong>\n<p>All British subjects intending to reside in Siam shall be registered at the British Consulate. They shall not go out to sea, nor proceed beyond the limits assigned by this Treaty for the residence of British subjects, without passport from the Siamese authorities, to be applied for by the British Consul; nor shall they leave Siam if the Siamese authorities show to the British Consul that legitimate objections exist to their quitting the country. But within the limits appointed under the preceding Article, British subjects are at liberty to travel to and fro under the protection of a pass, to be furnished them by the British Consul, and counter-sealed by the proper Siamese officer, stating, in the Siamese character, their names, calling, and description. The Siamese officers at the Government stations in the interior may at any time, call for the production of this pass, and immediately on its being exhibited, they must allow the parties to proceed; but it will be their duty to detain those persons who, by travelling without a pass from the Consul, render themselves liable to the suspicion of their being deserters; and such detention shall be immediately reported to the Consul.<\/p>\n<strong>Article VI<\/strong>\n<p>All British subjects visiting or residing in Siam shall be allowed the free exercise of the Christian religion, and liberty to build churches in such localities as shall be consented by the Siamese authorities. The Siamese Government will place no restrictions upon the employment by the English or Siamese subjects as servants, or in any other capacity. But wherever a Siamese subject belongs or owes service to some particular master, the servant who engages himself to a British subject, without the consent of his master, may be reclaimed by him; and the Siamese Government will not enforce an agreement between a British subject and any Siamese in his employ, unless made with the knowledge and consent of the master, who has a right to dispose of the services of the person engaged.<\/p>\n<strong>Article VII<\/strong>\n<p>British ships of war may enter the river, and anchor at Paknam, but they shall not proceed above Paknam, unless with the consent of the Siamese authorities, which shall be given where it is necessary that a ship shall go into dock for repairs. Any British ship of war conveying to Siam a public functionary accredited by Her Majesty&#8217;s Government to the Court of Bangkok, shall be allowed to come up to Bangkok, but shall not pass the forts called Pong Phrachamit and Pit-patch-nuck, unless expressly permitted to do so by the Siamese Government; but in the absence of a British ship of war, the Siamese authorities engage to furnish the Consul with a force sufficient to enable him to give effect to his authority over British subjects, and to enforce discipline among British shipping.<\/p>\n<strong>Article VIII<\/strong>\n<p>The measurement duty hitherto paid by British vessels trading to Bangkok, under the treaty of 1826, shall be abolished from the date of this Treaty coming into operation, and British shipping and trade will thenceforth be only subject to the payment of import and export duties on the goods landed or shipped. On all articles of import the duties shall be 3 per cent, payable at the option of the importer, either in kind or money, calculated upon the market value of the goods. Drawback of the full amount of duty shall be allowed upon goods found unsealeable and re-exported. Should the British merchant and the Custom-House officers disagree as to the value to be set upon imported articles, such disputes shall be referred to the Consul and proper Siamese officer, shall each have the power to call in an equal number of merchants as assessors, not exceeding two on either side, to assist them in coming to an equitable decision.<\/p>\n<p>Opium shall be imported free of duty, but can only be sold to the opium farmer or his agents. In the event of no arrangement being effected with them for the sale of the opium, it shall be re-exported, and no import or duty shall be levied thereon. Any infringement of this regulation shall subject the opium to seizure and confiscation.<\/p>\n<p>Articles of export, from the time of production to the date of shipment shall payment impost only, whether this be levied under the name of inland tax, transit duty, or duty on exportation. The tax or duty to be paid on each article of Siamese produce previous to or upon exportation, is specified in the Tariff attached to this Treaty; and it is distinctly agreed that goods or produce which pay any description of tax in the interipr, shall be exempted from any further payment of duty on exportation.<\/p>\n<p>English merchants are to be allowed to purchase directly from the producer the articles in which they trade, and in like manner to sell their goods directly to the parties wishing to purchase the same, without the interference, in either case, of any other person.<\/p>\n<p>The rates of duty laid down in the Tariff attached to this Treaty, are those that are now paid upon goods or produce shipped in Siamese or Chinese vessels or junks; and it is agrees that British shipping shall enjoy all the privileges now exercised by, or which hereafter may be granted to, Siamese or Chinese vessels or junks.<\/p>\n<p>British subjects will be allowed to build ships in Siam on obtaining permission to do so from the Siamese authorities.<\/p>\n<p>Whenever a scarcity may be apprehended, of salt, rice and fish, the Siamese Government reserve to themselves the right of prohibiting, by public proclamation, the exportation of these articles.<\/p>\n<p>Bullion, or personal effects, may be imported or exported free of charge.<\/p>\n<strong>Article IX<\/strong>\n<p>The Code of Regulations apprehended to this Treaty shall be enforced by the Consul, with the co-operation of the Siamese authorities; and they, the said authorities and Consul, shall be enabled to introduce any further regulations which may be found necessary, in order to give effect to the objects of this Treaty.<\/p>\n<p>All fines and penalties inflicted for infraction of the provisions and regulations of this Treaty shall be paid to the Siamese Government.<\/p>\n<p>Until the British Consul shall arrive at Bangkok, and enter upon his functions, the consignees of British vessels shall be at liberty to settle with the Siamese authorities all questions relating to their trade.<\/p>\n<strong>Article X<\/strong>\n<p>The British Government and its subjects will be allowed free and equal participation in any privileges that may have been, or may hereafter be, granted by the Siamese Government to the Government or subjects of any other nation.<\/p>\n<strong>Article XI<\/strong>\n<p>After the lapse of 10 years from the date of the ratification of this Treaty, upon the desire of either the Siamese or British Governments, and on 12 months&#8217; notice given by either party, the present and such portions of the Treaty of 1826 as remain unrevoked by this Treaty, together with the Tariff and Regulations hereunto annexed, or those that may hereafter be introduced, shall be subject to revision by Commissioners appointed on both sides for this purpose, who will be empowered to decide on and insert therein such amendments as experience shall prove to be desirable.<\/p>\n<strong>Article XII<\/strong>\n<p>This Treaty, executed in Siamese and English, both versions having the same meaning and intention, and the ratifications thereof having been previously exchanged, shall take effect from the 6th day of April, in the year 1856 of the Christian era, corresponding to the 1st day of the 5th month of the 1218th year of the Siamese Civil era.<\/p>\n<p>In witness whereof, the above-named Plenipotentiaries have signed and sealed the present Treaty, in quadruplicate, at Bangkok, on the 18th day of April, in the year 1855 of the Christian era, corresponding to the 2nd day of the 6th month of the 1217th year of the Siamese Civil era.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>(Signatures and Seals of the 5 Siamese Plenipotentiaries)<\/p>\n<p>(L.S.)\u00a0John Bowring<\/p>\n<p>Regulations under Article IX of the Treaty<\/p>\n<strong>General Regulations under which British Trade is to be conducted in Siam<\/strong>\n<strong>Regulation I<\/strong>\n<p>The master of every English ship coming to Bangkok to trade, must either before or after entering the river, as may be found convenient, report the arrival of his vessel at the Custom-House at Paknam, together with the number of his crew and guns, and the port from whence he comes. Upon anchoring his vessel at Paknam, he will deliver into the custody of the Custom-House officers all his guns and ammunitions and a Custom-House officer will then be appointed to the vessel, and will proceed in her to Bangkok.<\/p>\n<strong>Regulation II<\/strong>\n<p>A vessel passing Paknam without discharging her guns and ammunitions as directed in the foregoing regulation, will be sent back to Paknam to comply with its provisions, and will be fined 800 ticals for having so disobeyed. After delivery of her guns and ammunitions she will be permitted to return to Bangkok to trade.<\/p>\n<strong>Regulation III<\/strong>\n<p>When a British vessel shall have cast anchor at Bangkok, the master, unless a Sunday should intervene, will, within 24 hours after arrival, proceed to the British Consulate, and deposit there his ships&#8217;s papers, bills og lading &amp;c., together with a true manifest of his import cargo; and upon the Consul&#8217;s reporting these particulars to the Custom-House, permission to break bulk will at once be given by the latter.<\/p>\n<p>For neglecting so to report his arrival, or for presenting a false manifest, the master will subject himself, in each instance, to a penalty of 400 ticals; but he will be allowed to correct, within 24 hours after delivery of it to the Consul, any mistake he may discover in his manifest, without incurring the above-mentioned penalty.<\/p>\n<strong>Regulation IV<\/strong>\n<p>A British vessel breaking bulk and commencing to discharge before due permission shall be obtained, or smuggling, either when in the river or outside the bar, shall be subject to the penalty of 800 ticals, and confiscation of the goods so smuggled or discharged.<\/p>\n<strong>Regulation V<\/strong>\n<p>As soon as a British vessel shall have discharged her cargo, and completed her outward lading, paid all her duties, and delivered a true manifest of her outward cargo to the British Consul, a Siamese port-clearance shall be granted her on application from the Consul, who, in the absence of any legal impediment to her departure, will then return to the master his ship&#8217;s papers, and allow the vessel to leave. A Custom-House officer will accompany the vessel to Paknam; and on arriving there she will be inspected by the Custom-House officers of that station, and will receive from them the guns and ammunition previously delivered into their charge<\/p>\n<strong>Regulation VI<\/strong>\n<p>Her Britannic Majesty&#8217;s Plenipotentiary having no knowledge of the Siamese language, the Siamese Government have agreed that the English text of these Regulations, together with the Treaty of which they form a portion, and the Tariff hereunto annexed, shall be accepted as conveying in every respect their true meaning and intention.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>(Signatures and Seals of the 5 Siamese Plenipotentiaries)<\/p>\n<p>(L.S.)\u00a0John Bowring<\/p>\n<p>Tariff under Article VIII of the Treaty<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<strong>Tariff of Export and Inland Duties to be levied on Articles of Trade<\/strong>\n<strong>Section I<\/strong>\n<p>The undermentioned Articles shall be entirely free from Inland or other Taxes, on production or transit, and shall pay Export Duty as follows:<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"http:\/\/en.wikisource.org\/w\/index.php?title=Bowring_Treaty\/Table_1&amp;action=edit&amp;redlink=1\">Bowring Treaty\/Table 1<\/a><\/p>\n<strong>Section II<\/strong>\n<p>The undermentioned Articles being subject to the Inland or Transit Duties herein named, and which shall not be increased, shall be exempt from Export Duty:<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"http:\/\/en.wikisource.org\/w\/index.php?title=Bowring_Treaty\/Table_2&amp;action=edit&amp;redlink=1\">Bowring Treaty\/Table 2<\/a><\/p>\n<strong>Section III<\/strong>\n<p>All goods or produce unenumerated in this Tariff shall be free of Export Duty, and shall only be subject to one Inland or Transit Duty, not exceeding the rate now paid.<\/p>\n<p>(Signatures and Seals of the 5 Siamese Plenipotentiaries)<\/p>\n<p>(L.S.)\u00a0John Bowring<\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<p><em>Annotated by Aloysius Ng<\/em><\/p>\n<h2>\n\t\tMalacca\n\t<\/h2>\n\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--label-0\">The Fall of Malacca (1511)<\/a>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--icon-0\"><i>Expand<\/i><\/a>\n\t\t<strong>The\u00a0<em>Coment\u00e1rios<\/em><em>do grande<\/em><em>Afonso de Albuquerque<\/em>\u00a0(Commentaries of the Great Afonso de Albuquerque), 1557<br \/>\n<\/strong><em>Afonso de Albuquerque; Tun Sri Lanang<\/em><strong><br \/>\n<\/strong>\n<em>How the great Afonso Dalboquerque, on the morning of St. James&#8217;s day, attacked the city of Malaca, and what passed thereupon.<\/em>\n<hr \/>\n<p>The great Afonso Dalboquerque was so devoted to the Apostle St. James, that after it had been agreed by all that the city should be attacked, he delayed the completion of his preparations for some days, with the object of putting his hands to this work on that saint&#8217;s day, for he trusted that through the prayers and merits of the saint, Our Lord would give them victory over it, as He had done in the capture of Goa. And when the time was come, he summoned the captains and declared to them that he was determined to attack the city upon the following day, which was the day of the Apostle Saint James, and it was necessary, before doing so, to discuss where and in what order they must disembark, in order that every one should know what duty was assigned to him.<\/p>\n<p>The captains began to give their opinions, but as there were various opinions among them, so that some said the attack should be made on one side and others on the other, Afonso Dalboquerque desired, before any final decision should be made, that Ruy de Ara\u00fajo, who had consider able experience concerning the land,\u00a0 should give his opinion.<\/p>\n<p>Ruy de Ara\u00fajo declared that in his opinion they ought first to attack the bridge before anything else, for if they took that and made themselves strong in it, our people would be placed just between the city and the inhabitants of Upe, and the power of the king divided into two parts ; for one could not render any assistance to the other except by means of the bridge, which one hundred men, with small barricades that they could set up in it, could defend against every forcible attempt of the Moors that might be made ; but if the attack upon the city were made at any other parts, as some of the Lords who were there present advised, Malaca was of such a size and possessed so many fighting men in her population, that he, for his part, held the matter as very doubtful of success, and all would run a risk of being lost.<\/p>\n<p>Without listening to any further advice, as soon as Afonso Dalboquerque had heard Buy de Araujo&#8217;s words, he agreed with the opinion he gave, and immediately gave orders that the captains, with their men in two battalions, should proceed to attack the bridge. D. Jo\u00e3o de Lima, Gaspar de Paiva, Fern\u00e3o Perez Dandrade, Sebasti\u00e3o de Miranda, Fern\u00e3o Gomez de Lemos, Vasco Fernandez Coutinho, and James Teixeira, with other fidalgos and soldiers of the fleet, to disembark on the side of the mosque ; while he himself, with Duarte da Silva, Jorge Nunes de Li\u00e3o, Sim\u00e3o Dandrade, Aires Pereira, Jo\u00e3o de Sousa, Antonio Dabreu, P\u00earo Dalpoem, Dinis Fernandez de Melo, Sim\u00e3o Martinz, Sim\u00e3o Afonso, and Nuno Vaz de Castelo-branco, with all the rest of the armed foroes, would disembark on the city side; and after an entry had been effected through the stockades, one and all were to rush on towards the middle of the bridge, until they could estimate the strength of the enemy and in what direction their spirit led them, for in an affair of which they had not yet seen the result, he could not come to any other determination than ordering this only, that where they saw his flag flying, there all should concentrate themselves.<\/p>\n<p>Having given these orders, he dismissed the captains to go and get ready, and on the following day, when they heard a trumpet sounded, come on board his ship so as to set forth therefrom.<\/p>\n<p>Two hours before the break of day Afonso Dalboquerque ordered the trumpet to be blown, in order to awaken them, and they embarked immediately with all the rest of the men-at-arms and went on board his ship, and when a general confession had been made, all set out together and came to the mouth of the river just as morning broke, and attacked the bridge, each battalion in the order which had been assigned to it.<\/p>\n<p>Then the Moors began to fire upon them with their artillery, which was posted in the stockades, and with their large matchlocks wounded some of our men.<\/p>\n<p>As soon as the first fury of their artillery was spent, the great Afonso Dalboquerque gave order for the trumpets to be blown, and with a war-cry of &#8220;Sanctiago&#8221;, i.e., &#8221; Saint James&#8221;, they all, with one accord, fell upon the stockades of the bridge, each battalion in its proper place, and from on this side and on that an infinite number of Moors rushed up, some with bows and arrows, and others with long lances, and shields like those of Biscay, blowing their horns and trumpets, and for a good space of time they fought very bravely, and defended the stockades; but our men, who had disembarked on the side of the mosque, by dint of arms forced their way through them ; and at this very moment the king of Malaca came up mounted upon an elephant, and his son upon another, with a body of armed men, and elephants armed with wooden castles, containing many war-like engines, and compelled the Moors to return to the stockades which they had deserted.<\/p>\n<p>D. Jo\u00e3o de Lima, Fern\u00e3o Perez Dandrade, and all the others who were in that company were inspired with fresh vigour at the sight of the king, and without any fear of his elephants attacked the Moors in so spirited a manner, that they got possession of the mosque immediately. Afonso Dalboquerque, who remained on the side nearest to the city with all the other captains and men, attacked the bridge on that side, and although his division met with great resistance by reason of the presence there of a large part of the force which had accompanied the king, very well armed, many of them with bows, others carrying blowing tubes with poisoned arrows, wherewith they wounded a great many of his men, nevertheless anxiously emulating the captains of the other battalion who had by this time become masters of the mosque and the head of the bridge, they fell upon the Moors so bravely that they got into their stockades by force of arms, and killed many of them, and put them to flight. On our side many were wounded, and some died of the poisoned arrows.<\/p>\n<em>How Tu\u00e1o Band\u00e3o, captain of the king of Malaca, perceiving the dispersion of the Moors, went to their assistance with a body of soldiers, and what passed thereupon; and how the king took to flight, and our men pursued him.<\/em>\n<p>No sooner did Tu\u00e1o Band\u00e3o, captain of the king of Malaca, who held a stockade on the bridge, bedecked with flags of his colours, perceive the discomfiture of the Moors, than he sallied out with seven hundred Javanese, and other two captains with him, and went to reinforce the bridge on the city side, with the intention of falling on our men in the rear. When Afonso Dalboquerque caught sight of them coming along one of the principal streets of the city, he dispatched from his company Jo\u00e3o de Sousa, Antonio Dabreu, and Aires Pereira in command of their men, with orders to fail upon the advancing body, and this they did so rapidly, that before the Moors could get up as far as the stockades, they fell upon them with the lance with such impetuosity that they made them turn and fly.<\/p>\n<p>D. Jo\u00e3o de Lima, and other captains who were on the side of the mosque, when they saw these Moors, ran up to attack them in front, and there and then killed several of the body. The others, perceiving themselves cut off in front and in rear, all threw themselves into the sea. And the mariners, who were in the boats, came up without a moment&#8217;s delay and put them all to death, so that not a single man was left, their captain, Tu\u00e1o Band\u00e3o, being already dead, as well as the two captains who had set out with him ; and when they had accomplished this business they went back to the stockades.<\/p>\n<p>D. Jo\u00e3o de Lima, and the others who formed his company, seeing, after they had established themselves in the stockades, that the king was retiring by a side path up the hill, set out in pursuit after him, fighting with the Moors at every step. The king and his son, who were mounted upon their elephants, saw that they were pursued by our men, turned back again with two thousand men whom they carried in their company. The Portuguese captains awaited their coming at the head of a street, and with great efforts and brave determination fell upon the elephants with their lances, as they were coming on in the vanguard, and it is related that Fern\u00e3o Gomez de Lemos was the foremost in this action ; and whereas elephants will not bear with being wounded, they turned tail and charged the Moors behind them and put them to rout. The elephant on which the king was riding, mad with the mortal wound which it had received, seized the black man who was guiding it with its trunk, and roaring loudly, dashed him in pieces, and the king being already wounded in the hand, sprang out of the castle, but escaped because he was not recognised; and thus he and his son, and the king of P\u00e3o, \u00a0his son-in-law, who had come to Malaca but a few days before to marry one of the king&#8217;s daughters, retreated to the back of the city.<\/p>\n<p>Afonso Dalboquerque, with the rest of his men, \u2014 having forced an entrance through the stockades, \u2014 followed up after the Moors along a street which led to the bridge, and killed many of them ; but because the men of the city, who were fighting in the streets with our forces, were very numerous, Afonso Dalboquerque, fearing lest his party should begin to straggle, made them rally towards the bridge, and ordered them to erect a palisade on the city side ; and gave charge over it to Jorge Nunez de Li\u00e3o and Nuno Vaz de Castelo-branco, with orders for them to command one of the principal streets leading to the bridge with their artillery.<\/p>\n<p>When the Moors saw this they gathered themselves together in the other streets of the city, and Afonso Dalboquerque feeling himself at length free of them, gave orders that another palisading should be erected on the side towards the mosque, starting from the river to reach up to the mosque, in such a manner that the bridge remained in the middle [between this palisade and the one mentioned above]. And while these palisadings were in progress of formation, he sent Gaspar de Paiva with a hundred men to set fire to the city from that side as soon as the sea-breeze should begin to blow, and Sim&amp;o Martinz with another party of a hundred men, to set fire to the king&#8217;s houses which stood at the side of the mosque. When the fire gained possession of one part and the other, it raged so fiercely that it destroyed a great part of the city. As soon as the Moors beheld the flames, they retired a long way off from our men.<\/p>\n<p>Here was burnt a wooden house, of very large size and very well built with joiners&#8217; work, about thirty palms breadth solid timber, all inlaid with gold, built up on thirty wheels, every one of which was as large as a hogshead, and it had a spire, which was the finishing-point of the building, of great height, covered with silken flags, and the whole of it hung with very rich silken stuffs, for it had been prepared for the reception of the king of P\u00e3o and his bride, the daughter of the king of Malaca, who were to make their entry through the city with great blowings of trumpets and festivities ; and in the houses of the king, and the other houses round about, which were burned, there was consumed by fire a great store of merchandise and other things of great price, which the king had in his palace. And when this was completed, they returned again to the bridge where our men were stationed; and it was about two hours after midday, and as yet the men had not eaten anything.<\/p>\n<p>The captains, to whom Afonso Dalboquerque had entrusted the duty of constructing the stockades, went to him and told him that the men, being tired, and suffering from the great heat, were by this time quite out of heart with their work, and they recommended that they should withdraw and take some rest. Afonso Dalboquerque put them off, for he hoped to get the barricades completed, and so pass the night there; but because they came again with more earnestness to press this, he made a virtue of the necessity ; and, the sun being now gone down, he began to draw off his men to the boats. When the Moors perceived that they were withdrawing, they began to open fire with large matchlocks, arrows, and blowing-tubes, and wounded some of our men, yet with all the haste they made Afonso Dalboquerque ordered the men to carry off with them fifty large bombards that had been captured in the stockades upon the bridge ; and when the men had returned to the ships, he ordered the wounded to be attended to \u2014 about seventy in number \u2014 but of those who were struck with the poisoned arrows, none escaped but one, Fern\u00e3o Gomez de Lemos, who was burned with a red-hot iron directly he was struck, so that ultimately God spared his life.<\/p>\n<p>Directly that all had retired into the ships, the king ordered that the stockades should be reconstructed, and made stronger than they had been before, and placed in them double the quantity of artillery, of which there was a great supply in Malaca, as will be related hereafter, and ordered the bridge to be divided into sections with very strong palisades, and erect others in one of the principal streets leading from the city to the bridge, and in them he placed much artillery, and on the other side of the mosque he did just the same, and on the shore side, where the landing-place was situate, he ordered his men to throw down many\u00a0<em>chevaux-de-frise<\/em>, full of poison,\u00a0 to prick our men when they made their landing. And because the Javanese, who composed the principal soldiery under his command, were discontented at not receiving their pay, in order to content them, he ordered that they should be paid all that was due to them of their pay, and three months in advance as well, for he was in great dread lest Afonso Dalboquerque should return again to attack the city [&#8230;]<\/p>\n<em>The speech which the great Afonso Dalboquerque made to the Captains and men of the Fleet for the second attack upon the city, and what passed thereupon.<\/em>\n<p>When the great Afonso Dalboquerque had all things ready that were necessary for attacking the city again, it was reported to him that there were some among the Captains who were in the habit of saying that they did not think it of service to the King for them to maintain the city nor to build a fortress within it. On being apprised of this he ordered them to be called to his ship, with all the Fidalgos and Cavaliers of the Fleet, and said to them : \u2014<\/p>\n<p>&#8220;Sirs, you will have no difficulty in remembering that when we decided upon attacking this city, it was with the determination of building a fortress within it, for so it appeared to all to be necessary, and after having captured it I was unwilling to let slip the possession of it, yet, because ye all advised me to do so, I left it, and withdrew ; but being ready, as you see, to put my hands upon it again once more, I learned that you had already changed your opinion : now this cannot be because the Moors have destroyed the best part of us, but on account of my sins, which merit the failure of accomplishing this undertaking in the way that I had desired. And, inasmuch as my will and determination is, as long as I am Governor of India, neither to fight nor to hazard men on land, except in those parts wherein I must build a fortress to maintain them, as I have already told you before this, I desire you earnestly, of your goodness, although you all have already agreed upon what is to be done, to freely give me again your opinions in writing as to what I ought to do ; for inasmuch as I have to give an account of these matters and a justification of my proceedings to the King D. Manuel, our Lord, I am unwilling to be left alone to bear the blame of them; and although there be many reasons which I could allege in favour of our taking this city and building a fortress therein to maintain possession of it, two only will I mention to you, on this occasion, as tending to point out wherefore you ought not to turn back from what you have agreed upon.<\/p>\n<p>&#8220;The first is the great service which we shall perform to Our Lord in casting the Moors out of this country, and quenching the fire of this sect of Mafamede so that it may never burst out again hereafter; and I am so sanguine as to hope for this from our undertaking, that if we can only achieve the task before us, it will result in the Moors resigning India altogether to our rule, for the greater part of them \u2014 or perhaps all of them \u2014 live upon the trade of this country and are become great and rich, and lords of extensive treasures. It is, too, well worthy of belief that as the King of Malaca, who has already once been discomfited and had proof of our strength, with no hope of obtaining any succour from any other quarter \u2014 sixteen days having already elapsed since this took place \u2014 makes no endeavour to negotiate with us for the security of his estate, Our Lord is blinding his judgment and hardening his heart, and desires the completion of this affair of Malaca : for when we were committing ourselves to the business of cruising in the Straits [of the Red Sea] where the King of Portugal had often ordered me to go (for it was there that His Highness considered we could cut down the commerce which the Moors of Cairo, of M\u00e9ca, and of Jud\u00e1, carry on with these parts), Our Lord for his service thought right to lead us hither, for when Malaca is taken the places on the Straits must be shut up, and they will never more be able to introduce their spiceries into those places.<\/p>\n<p>&#8220;And the other reason is the additional service which we shall render to the King D. Manuel in taking this city, because it is the headquarters of all the spiceries and drugs which the Moors carry every year hence to the Straits without our being able to prevent them from so doing ; but if we deprive them of this their ancient market there, there does not remain for them a single port, nor a single situation, so commodious in the whole of these parts, where they can carry on their trade in these things. For after we were in possession of the pepper of Malabar, never more did any reach Cairo, except that which the Moors carried thither from these parts, and forty or fifty ships, which sail hence every year laden with all sorts of spiceries bound to M\u00e9ca, cannot be stopped without great expense and large fleets, which must necessarily cruise about continually in the offing of Cape Comorim; and the pepper of Malabar, of which they may hope to get some portion because they have the King of Calicut on their side, is in our hands, under the eyes of the Governor of India, from whom the Moors cannot carry off so much with impunity as they hope to do ; and I hold it as very certain that if we take this trade of Malaca away out of their hands, Cairo and M\u00e9ca are entirely ruined, and to Venice will no spiceries be conveyed except that which her merchants go and buy in Portugal.<\/p>\n<p>&#8220;But if you are of opinion that, because Malaca is a large city and very populous, it will give us much trouble to maintain our possession of it, no such doubts as these ought to arise, for when once the city is gained, all the rest of the Kingdom is of so little account that the King has not a single place left where he can rally his forces ; and if you dread lest by taking the city we be involved in great expenses, and on account of the season of the year there be no place where our men and our Fleet can be recruited, I trust in God&#8217;s mercy that when Malaca is held in subjection to our dominion by a strong fortress, provided that the Kings of Portugal appoint thereto those who are well experienced as Governors and Managers of the Revenues, the taxes of the land will pay all the expenses which may arise in the administration of the city; and if the merchants who are wont to resort thither \u2014 accustomed as they are to live under the tyrannical yoke of the Malays \u2014 experience a taste of our just dealing, truthfulness, frankness, and mildness, and come to know of the instructions of the King D. Manuel, our Lord, wherein he commands that all his subjects in these parts be very well treated, I venture to affirm that they will all return and take up their abode in the city again, yea, and build the walls of their houses with gold ; and all these matters which here I lay before you may be secured to us by this half-turn of the key, which is that we build a fortress in this city of Malaca and sustain it, and that this land be brought under the dominion of the Portuguese, and the King D. Manuel be styled true king thereof, and therefore I desire you of your kindness to consider seriously the enterprise that ye have in hand, and not to leave it to fall to the ground.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>When the great Afonso Dalboquerque had brought his harangue to an end in the words which I have recounted, the Members of the council held among themselves diverse opinions, some leaning to this, and others to that side, and the result of the meeting was that the majority again declared that it would be of service to the King to take the city of Malaca and cast the Moors out of it, and build a fortress therein. The others were of a contrary opinion, and declared that the city ought not to be again attacked, for it was very doubtful if the undertaking could be accomplished, and that the vengeance which had been meted out to the Moors for their treatment of Diogo Lopez de Sequeira and his men was sufficiently severe, and even if they had all things necessary for the construction of the fortress there was not time enough for its completion, for they were already at the beginning of the monsoon, and it was absolutely necessary to support India, for no one could tell how affairs at Goa had gone on since they had set out from that city.<\/p>\n<p>Afonso Dalboquerque, perceiving these differences of opinion which were held in the council, yielded to the majority and resolved to attack the city and fortify himself in it, and as for all other doubts which were raised by the opposite party, to put them into the hands of Our Lord Jesus Christ that He might order them all as best to his service, and he commanded that a formal resolution should be drawn up by the Secretary, whereunto he put his signature, as did also all the Captains, Fidalgos, and Cavaliers who were there.<\/p>\n<em>How the great Afonso Dalboquerque again attacked the city according to the resolution which had been arrived at, and how he entered the bridge by force of arms and fortified himself on it.<\/em>\n<p>Having taken the opinions of the Captains, Fidalgos, and Cavaliers of the Fleet, under their signatures, as I have related, the great Afonso Dalboquerque made up his mind to attack the city, and taking it, by the aid of our Lord, to fortify himself therein. And because the Moors were in an advanced state of preparation, and had arranged a better system of defence than they had on the first occasion when our men made an entry into the city, he decided with all the Captains to attack the bridge with his whole force in one company.<\/p>\n<p>Having agreed upon this method of attack, all went away to their respective ships to get ready, waiting for the day when it would be high water in the spring tides, so that the junk could get up to the bridge ; and when the time was come \u2014 on a Friday, two hours before morning \u2014 Afonso Dalboquerque gave orders for the signal which he had agreed upon, to wake them, and they, as they were already prepared, came on board his ship, and from it set forth all together in their boats ; and when Antonio Dabreu in he junk had now arrived within a crossbow-shot from the bridge, the Moors began to open fire upon him from one side and the other with large matchlocks, blowing tubes, and poisoned arrows; and with bombards which threw leaden shot as large as an espera they swept the decks of the junk from one side and the other, and as Antonio Dabreu did not seek therein any place of safety where he could avoid the shots which they kept on pouring into the junk, he was the first who was hit with a bullet from a large matchlock, which struck him on the jaw and carried away many of his teeth and part of his tongue.<\/p>\n<p>Afonso Dalboquerque, who was in his boat close by the junk, seeing Antonio Dabreu wounded, ordered him, more by force than by his own wish, to be taken to the ship to have his wounds dressed, and appointed Pero Dalpoem to go on board the junk and act as Captain of it until Antonio Dabreu was well again. When the delay that had thus arisen had passed away \u2014 not much time having been wasted \u2014 they went on again a second time with the junk leading the way, in the order which they had appointed, and when the junk drew up alongside, as it was very lofty and quite overhung the bridge, as I have already said, the Moors, not being able to bear the severe handling which our men gave them from the round top of the mainmast with many canisters of gunpowder, and darts, and matchlocks, fled, deserting the bridge, and withdrew to the stockades which they had on the bridge, on this side and that.<\/p>\n<p>Afonso Dalboquerque, perceiving that the Moors were beginning to fall into confusion, ordered the Captains to press on more quickly at the oars, and all united in a body set to work to fall upon the stockades, according to the preconcerted arrangement. And although they found behind them a great force of Moors, who defended them for a considerable space of time with signal bravery, nevertheless our men got into the stockades and routed those who held them. In this affair of entering, many of our men were wounded and two or three killed, but it was at the cost of many Moors, who there lost their lives ; and Afonso Dalboquerque, seeing himself now master of the bridge, remained where he was quietly with his flag and a part of his force, and gave orders to certain of the Captains to go and take the mosque, and to others to attack some palisades which the Moors had set up at the mouth of a street which led to the bridge, and that neither the one party or the other should leave their stations without his express orders.<\/p>\n<p>When the Captains arrived at the palisades, although they met with some amount of resistance, yet they bore themselves so valiantly that they discomfited the Moors and got possession of the works. The others, however, to whose lot it fell to assault the mosque, found they had a heavy and troublesome task before them, for in that place of defence there was the King with a large body of men and elephants, and the defence was maintained so vigorously that a considerable space of time elapsed without our men being able to get in. Afonso Dalboquerque, seeing from the bridge the circumstances in which our men were situated, made his way with all haste at the head of all his forces to succour them, and because at the mouth of a large street which led to the mosque, where he was, there were many Moors pressing on the flanks of certain Captains that were following the King, who was in flight with three thousand men armed with shields, he stayed himself there with his flag and his men, and sent the Captains word to remain quiet and rally towards the position he had taken up, for there were yet many Moors on their flanks, and then they withdrew at once ; and as soon as the junction of these forces had been carried out, Afonso Dalboquerque left in charge over the mosque and stockades Jorge Nunez de Li\u00e3o, Nuno Vaz de Castelo-branco, James Teixeira, and Dinis Fernandez de Melo, with some of the men, while he himself, with the rest that remained, returned towards the bridge; and he ordered the Captains who were stationed on one side and on the other to stay where they were and not fight with the Moors, even if they came on and attacked them, until he had fortified the bridge; and ordered four large barques which he had, with great bombards, to pass over to the other side and sweep the field on one side and on the other, and cause the Moors to keep off so that the men could more securely work at the stockades ; and having arranged this he ordered them to take out of the junk all the munitions which he had brought, and began upon the stockades ; and as all went to work with willing hands, in a short space of time he had made two very strong palisades, one on the side of the city, the other on the side of the mosque, with barrels filled with earth, and wood, and he arranged in them many guns : and ordered that the bridge and the junk should be covered with palm leaves, for the benefit of the men, for the sun was very strong and he was fearful lest they should all fall ill from the hard work they had to perform.<\/p>\n<em>How the great Afonso Dalboquerque ordered relief to be given to our men who were stationed at the mouth of the street which led to the bridge : and how Utamutaraja and Ninachatu, and other merchants, seeing the overthrow of the city, came and placed themselves in his hands.<\/em>\n<p>While the great Afonso Dalboquerque was thus occupied in this eagerness to complete the fortification of the stockades which he was making upon the bridge, he saw that the Captains whom he had ordered to take up positions at the mouths of the streets were undergoing, rather than disobey his commands, much discomfort from the attacks made upon them by the Moors with bombards which they had placed upon the terraces of their houses, and with matchlocks with which they were firing upon them, so he dispatched with great haste Gaspar de Paiva, Fern\u00e3o Perez Dandrade, P\u00earo Dalpoem, Antonio Dabreu, who was now by this time well of his wound in the jaw, to go and succour them with their men, along one of the streets of the city, and D. Jo\u00e3o de Lima, Aires Pereira, Sim\u00e3o Dandrade, Sim\u00e3o Martinz, and Sim\u00e3o Afonso, along another street which led up to a place where the Moors where at lance-thrusts with our men, and to patrol through all the city and not to give quarter to a single person they met, while he himself would come on behind them in support, with his royal standard; and although the Moors were very numerous, the Captains fell upon them so valiantly that, not being able to resist the fury of the onset with which they were attacked, they turned their backs and threw themselves into flight, and some, indeed, among them, who were nearest to our men, cast themselves into the sea, thinking that thereby they ensured their safety.<\/p>\n<p>The mariners, whom Afonso Dalboquerque had ordered to man the skiffs and row up and down the river, came up at once and put to death every one whom they could get at; and when it was sundown the Captains withdrew to the bridge, where they now had their stockades very strongly built on one side and on the other, and Afonso Dalboquerque took up his quarters in the middle, and they passed the whole of the night on the watch. And he ordered the Captains of the barques that were stationed in the river to keep up a continual fire upon the city all through the night with their bombards, and P\u00earo Gon\u00e7alvez, chief pilot, to take all the seamen to the ships to sleep there, and carry out the same instructions regarding the cannonade, and in this manner they remained all night. And it was a terrible thing to look at the city, for on account of the constant firing it seemed as if it were all on fire.<\/p>\n<p>When morning came, the Moors, terrified at the unexpected misfortune which they witnessed, dared not appear in the streets, and this went on for a period of ten days running without any cessation by night or by day, and during this time our men were continually spilling the blood of the Moors, for inasmuch as the hunger they suffered was extreme, they risked their lives to go and look for food in the city, and there they lost their lives. And when they perceived the troubles that had fallen upon them, and the great peril they were in of losing their lives, and the hopelessness of their case, some began to come to Afonso Dalboquerque and beg for mercy; and the first who came were the P\u00e9gus, and these he received very kindly and gave them a safeguard to enable them to prosecute their voyage, and permission to carry with them their property, and in like manner he allowed all the merchants who came from Cape Comorim to the eastwards, who had no ships there, free exportation of their merchandize, and they began to start their trade again, and revive the navigation from their lands to Malaca, and this was the principal reason why he did so.<\/p>\n<p>Utemutaraja, as I have already said, who had a safe conduct from Afonso Dalboquerque, seeing the destruction of the city, and fearing that he should incur displeasure because his son had gone over to the assistance of the King against our men \u2014 although indeed he was well rewarded for it, for he was severely wounded and many of his men were killed \u2014 came and made excuses for the behaviour of his son, making a show of being highly delighted at the ruin which had fallen upon the King. He received him with benignity, but nevertheless gave orders to the Captains to go always armed with all their men, and keep a good look out, for there could be no reliance placed upon him. Euy de Ara\u00fajo, remembering the kindnesses which he and the other christians had received at the hands of Ninachatu, a Hindoo by nation, during their captivity, brought him to Afonso Dalboquerque, begging that he would show him favour and honour him, for he could not repay him in any other way for the kindness of the treatment he had experienced. Afonso Dalboquerque entertained him, and told him that he would promise, before he left for India, he should be rewarded in accordance with what Euy de Ara\u00fajo had said of him.<\/p>\n<p>And when Afonso Dalboquerque found himself less troubled by the uproars which the Moors caused by day and night, and that there was no longer in the city any force which could resist them, and as a recompense for past labours, he gave permission to everyone to sack the city, and free power to keep or dispose of everything they took, only warning them not to touch the houses or the subterranean storehouses of Ninachatu. When the city had been sacked, certain merchants, who had fled away to their country houses, seeing the kind way in which Ninachatu had been treated, sent and begged a safe-conduct from Afonso Dalboquerque that they might come to the city; and he granted this to all, except the Malays, who were natives of the country, for as to these he gave orders that all should be put to death wheresoever they were found.<\/p>\n<p>In this second time of taking the city, many of our men were wounded, and some of those who were wounded with poison died, but all the others were cured, because Afonso Dalboquerque took very good care to give orders for their cure, and of the Moors, women and children, there died by the sword an infinite number, for no quarter was given to any of them. Three thousand pieces of artillery were taken, and among them there were about two thousand in bronze, and one very large gun which the King of Calicut had sent to the King of Malaca. The rest were of iron, of the fashion of our bei\u00e7os, and all this artillery had its proper complement of carriages, which could not be rivalled even by that of Portugal. Large matchlocks, poisoned blowing tubes, bows, arrows, armour-plated dresses, Javanese lances, and other sorts of weapons, it was marvellous what was taken, besides much merchandize of every kind.<\/p>\n<p>All this, and more which I leave, not to be prolix, Afonso Dalboquerque ordered to be divided among the Captains and among all the people of the Fleet, without taking anything for himself, except six large lions in bronze which he took for his tomb, and the bracelet, which I have already described, \u00a0and young girls of all the races of that country, and some toys, all which he took to send them to the King D. Manuel and to the Queen D. Maria, but they were lost in the ship Flor de la Mar, on the voyage back to India, as I shall narrate hereafter.<\/p>\n<p>Let not those who read this writing be astonished when I say that in Malaca were taken three thousand guns, for Buy de Ara\u00fajo and Ninachatu declared to Afonso Dalboquerque that there were eight thousand in Malaca, and this may well be believed, for in Malaca were much copper and much tin, and the gun founders were as good as those of Germany; on the other hand, the city was a league in length, and when Afonso Dalboquerque disembarked they aimed at him from on all sides, whence it appears that even this number was insignificant in comparison to what was required for the defence.<\/p>\n<em>Of how, after the Prince of Malaca had withdrawn from his father, he came to the river of Muar and fortified himself therein with a number of stockades, and the great Afonso Dalboquerque sent a force against him, and put him to flight.<\/em>\n<p>The great Afonso Dalboquerque, being desirous of setting the affairs of Malaca in order, determined to appoint Ninachatu, because he was a Hindoo, Governor of the Quilins and Chetins ; and in order to make the Moors more secure he made Utemutaraja their principal- chief, and with these two men, as they were prominent persons, the people began to settle down quietly, and merchants, a few at a time, returned to the city ; but with all this Afonso Dalboquerque did not put too much confidence in them, especially in Utemutaraja, and in order to get rid of this suspicion which he had, he tried all he could to get the king into his hands, and with this end in view he sent many boats up the river and along the coast to see if they could take him.<\/p>\n<p>The king, owing to the constant alarms which arose every day, and knowing the desire which Afonso Dalboquerque had of getting possession of him, fearing lest his own people should deliver him up, drew himself off from the city, a day&#8217;s journey, taking with him some Malay merchants and his captains and governors of the land, with the intention of keeping in that neighbourhood, waiting for his Lassamane, the Admiral of the Sea, whom he had sent to the Island of Ling\u00e1, to convey to them a numerous fleet with many men, and in their company the King of that Island who was called Rajaling\u00e1, who was subject to him, with determination of returning against the city; but this did not come to pass, for the Rajaling\u00e1, knowing that Afonso Dalboquerque was in possession of the city, did not dare to come; and the King of Malaca, being of the opinion that Afonso Dalboquerque simply meant to rob the city and then leave it and sail away with the spoil he might get out of it, kept about that place for a space of ten days, in expectation of the issue of these events. But when he was informed that Afonso Dalboquerque was beginning to establish a fortress of timber 4 wherein to shelter himself, and so acting as to shew his wish to make a settlement in Malaca with the intention of maintaining possession of it, terrified at this news, and not deeming himself safe in the locality where he then was, he went further off into the interior country, a distance of two days&#8217; march ; and because the party was sharply pressed for want of provisions the Prince separated himself from his father and set] out to pitch his settlement close to the river, and there he marked out some very strong stockades, and barred the river with a quantity of timber, so that our boats might not pass up to the place.<\/p>\n<p>As soon as Afonso Dalboquerque was informed that the Prince of Malaca was fortifying his position on the river, he despatched Fern\u00e3o Perez Dandrade, Sim\u00e3o Dandrade, his brother, Gaspar de Paiva, Francisco Sarram, Aires Pereira, Ruy de Ara\u00fajo, and Jorge Nunez de Li\u00e3o, with four hundred Portuguese soldiers, and six hundred Javanese who were given for the purpose by XJtemutaraja, and the P\u00e9gu Captains with three hundred of their men, to take boats and launches up the river and put to rout that nest of robbers which was beginning to form itself there, and they did so ; and when the expedition reached the stockade which the Prince had constructed, they began to root it up with machines which they took with them for this purpose, and when they had rooted it up, they pressed on to attack the enemy at their fortifications.<\/p>\n<p>The Prince, when he saw the fleet and the determined spirit with which the men came on, struck his camp, without making the least show of resistance, and fled away to the place where the King was, which was about a day&#8217;s journey distant, and our men entered in pell-mell into their buildings, and captured all that had been stored there which the Prince had been unable to remove ; among their spoil his palanquins, very rich and gilded, and painted, and seven elephants, with their castles and housings ; and having obtained this victory the force returned to the city.<\/p>\n<p>When the Prince reached the place where the King his father was, there arose differences between them concerning the loss of Malaca, each one seeking to put off the fault from his own to the other&#8217;s shoulders, and this dissension ran so high, that being thus divided in plans, and suffering also from the discomforts of famine, they departed and shaped their journey for the kingdom of P\u00e3o, through a region desert and marshy, mounted upon their elephants with their wives and children, taking with them fifty men whom they forced to accompany them in their flight [&#8230;]<\/p>\n<em>How the King of Malaca, having arrived at the kingdom of P\u00e3o, died ; and how the great Afonso Dalboquerque began to build the fortress ; and the inscription which he placed over the gate after it was finished, and what passed hereupon.<\/em>\n<p>As disasters kept following this ill-fated King of Malaca, Fortune not being content with placing him in the position of losing his city, wife, children and people, disheartened and deeply chagrined at his losses, after he had arrived but a few days at the kingdom of P\u00e3o, he died. When the King was dead, all the Moors of honourable estate, who had followed his fortune, scattered themselves through the forests there, and after the lapse of some days came down, seeking to get to the sea coast, and sent to beg permission from Afonso Dalboquerque that they might return to their city ; and to some of them, who were men of principal power, he granted permission, for he considered it was more prudent to have such men as these within the city, than that they should be going about outside, stirring up assemblies and inciting the merchants not to come to the port ; he therefore commanded the Javanese to band themselves together and scour the land, and bring back captive all the Malays found in the woods there, to work at the building of the fortress which he was anxious to begin ; and if among these captives any one should chance to be found who could be recognised as having taken a guilty part in the massacre of the men forming the company of Diogo Lopez de Sequeira, Afonso Dalboquerque commanded that proper punishment be meted out to him, and that the others, with iron chains upon them, should serve at the work.<\/p>\n<p>And in company with them there were brought to him one thousand five hundred slaves who had belonged to the king, with their women and children, and he took them all as captives of the King D. Manuel, just as they had been of the King of Malaca, and ordered that they should be supplied with wages and provisions when they worked at the building, in accordance with the native custom; and when they were not thus required to serve they worked for their own advantage, for after this manner they had been compelled to serve the King of Malaca ; and when he had thus arranged these matters, he ordered them to take off from the fortress the timber and woodwork which it carried for the protection of the men who were employed on the work, and to make ready lime, stone, and masonry for a beginning; and although Euy de Ara\u00fajo never expected to be able to find sufficient stone to build the fortress, yet as it was the will of our Lord that the Portuguese should make good their settlement in that city, and that His name should there be worshipped, so great a quantity of stone and masonry was discovered in some ancient sepulchres of bygone kings, which were situated on the land beneath the surface of the ground, and in the mosques that were thrown down, that two fortresses might well have been constructed ; and now, as there were plenty of helping hands to begin the work, and many labourers, Afonso Dalboquerque gave orders to open out the foundations, and he founded a very strong fortress, the foundation filled in to the depth of a war lance, for the position of the ground required it to be so, with two wells of very good water within the precincts for drinking purposes, that were there already built with worked stone masonry.<\/p>\n<p>And in order that our men, who were within the fortress, might be able to rally together for defence, if it were necessary, whenever they so desired, without the enemy being able to cut them off, he laid the foundation of a keep of four storey&#8217;s height along the sea, so that also from its height they might with their artillery defend a hill which the fortress has over against it, which commands its position.<\/p>\n<p>Now because it may be that some who read this history may find fault with building a fortress in an enemy&#8217;s country with such a weak point, the answer is that Afonso Dalboquerque put up with the commanding position of this hill because there was not in the whole of the city a more commodious place for the security of the captain and the forces that might be placed therein, for alongside of this tower one of our ships of two hundred tons burden could come whenever it was desired. And they called the fortress \u00a0&#8220;A Famosa&#8221;, i.e., &#8221; The Famous.&#8221; And as I have been told by many persons who nave seen it, it seems to have been very appropriately so called ; but I do not give a special account of its details of construction because it is very much frequented by our Portuguese. And because Afonso Dalboquerque was very much devoted to Our Lady he ordered the men to build a church, to which he gave the name of \u00a0&#8220;Nossa Senhora da Annunciada&#8221;, i.e., &#8220;Our Lady of the Annunciation.&#8221; And in order that the memory of the persons who had taken part in the conquest of this kingdom and foundation of the fortress might remain for ever, he ordered them to make a very large stone slab, upon which were inscribed the names of all the principal men. But, the Portuguese are by nature envious of honour, they would not, therefore, suffer Afonso Dalboquerque to make more account of one than of another, seeing that all were equally meritorious in the work, and in the conquest of that city ; and he, in order not to give them cause for displeasure, and yet not to abandon that which he had done, gave orders that the stone should be set up over the gateway with the inscribed names turned to the wall, and on the back of the slab that verse of David, which says : &#8220;LAFIDEM QUEM REPROBRAVERUNT EDIFICANTES,&#8221; that is, &#8220;The stone which the builders refused.&#8221;<\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<h6>Birch, Walter de Gray, trans.\u00a0<em>The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque, Second Viceroy of India, Vol. III<\/em>. London: Cambridge University Press for The Hakluyt Society, 1880. pp.101-108; 114-131;134-137.<\/h6>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<h2><strong>The\u00a0<em>Sejarah Melayu<\/em><\/strong><strong>\u00a0(Malay Annals), c. 1612<\/strong><\/h2>\n<p>The grand vizier of Goa, Alphonso Al-buquerco, after resigning his viziership, proceeded to Portugal, where he requested an armada. The King of Portugal gave him four great ships, five large caracks, four galleons, and Alphonso Albuquerco returned to Goa, where he again fitted out three ships, eight galleasses and four galleons, and four fasta, in all being forty-three sail, and proceeded to Malaca.<\/p>\n<p>When he reached Malaca, all the Malaca men were greatly alarmed at the sight of so numerous a fleet approaching the port, and they gave information to Sultan Ahmed, that a very numerous fleet was entering the harbour of Malaca. Sultan Ahmed quickly collected all his champions and subjects, and prepared for war. When they were all prepared, the Malaca men came forth, and the Frangis from their ships began to cannonnade, and balls fell like a thick falling shower of rain, and the sound of their cannon was like the thunder of Heaven, and the sound of their muskets like the rattling of dried pease, and the Malaca men could not maintain themselves on the sea-shore, on account of the severe shower of balls that rained on them. Then all the fleet of Malaca retreated, and as soon as the enemy observed their retreat, all the galleons and the fasta and galleasses made for the shore, and the enemy landed. As soon as the Malaca men saw this, they advanced to engage them in a great mass, and the sound of the weapons of the two hosts was like the day of judgment.<\/p>\n<p>Sultan Ahmed mounted his elephant, Jinaia, and marched out with Sri Audana, on the neck of the elephant, and Tun Ali on the croup. The Prince also carried Mukhdum with him, on the howder, for Mukhdam was the Prince&#8217;s guru. The raja advanced towards the quay, attended with a strong band of champions, and set upon the Frangis, who were very numerous, and the Frangis were broken, and were furiously amoked by the Malaca men till they fell back on the seashore, and retreated to their ships. As soon as they reached their ships, they rained away with their cannon like thunder-bolts, whizzing from the sky, and Sultan Ahmed moved a little way back from the quay, and multitudes run searching for a place to shelter themselves from the bullets.<\/p>\n<p>Then said Mukhdum to the Prince, &#8220;Sultan, this is noplace for the enjoyment of the divine union, let us return,&#8221;and he laid hold of the stay ropes of the howder with both his hands. Then the Frangis shouted from their prahus, &#8220;Haloo! you Malaca men, take notice, we will all of us land tomorrow, by God, (Demi Devasa,) therefore keep a good lookout.&#8221; &#8220;Very well,&#8221; said the Malaca men. That night he ordered a steady watch to be kept by all the mantris and hulubalangs, in their arms and armour. All the mantris and hulubalangs, and young nobles accordingly kept watch in the public hall, and they began to say to each other, &#8220;What is the use of sitting idly here? let us read a tale of war, which may be profitable to us.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>Then said Tun Muhammed Unta, &#8220;That is very true; let us therefore send Tun Indra Sagara to beg from the Prince the history of Muhammed Hanefiah, which he has sometimes favoured us with, for the Frangis are to make their attack tomorrow. Then Tun Indra Sagara entered to the Prince, and related to him the request of the young warriors. Then the Prince gave the Hikayat Hamdah, and said to Tun Indra Sagara, &#8220;Tell the young lads I will give them the story of Muhammed Hanefiah, but I fear they will not be so courageous as him, but if they will demean themselves like Hamdah, it will be very well. Therefore I give them the story of Hamda.<\/p>\n<p>Then Tun Indra Sagara brought out the history of Hamda, and told them what the raja said. Then all the young men were silent, till Tun Isup said to Tun Indra Sagara, &#8220;The raja has spoken amiss, go back, and tell him, that he has only to desire the young lads to show their valour like that of Benyar, since they wish to deprive us of our own country.&#8221; Then Indra Sagara returned to represent this to His Majesty. Then the Prince smiled: &#8220;it is very just, said he, that Tun Isup observes, and he gave him the history of Muhammed Hanefiah.<\/p>\n<p>When the day was lighted, the Frangis landed thousands on thousands, with their whole host and weapons of war. Sultan Muhammed quickly collected his hulubalangs, and marched out to encounter the Frangis. The Prince mounted the elephant named Juru Damang, with Sri Audana on the neck of the elephant, and Tun Ali on the croup. The two armies met, and the battle began, the Malaca men closing up stoutly, playing their creeses and spears, and the Frangis again fell back. When Alfonso de Albuquerco perceived his men giving way, he quickly supported them with a thousand soldiers with their musquetry, and set upon the Malaca men, and the sound of the musquetry was like thunder, and their balls fell like pease on a sieve (bidi). This was a severe attack, and the whole array of the Malaca men was broken, and all the champions of the Prince gave way, and the Prince stood all alone on his elephant.<\/p>\n<p>As soon as Alphonso de Albuquerco saw the Prince left alone, he enclosed him quickly round with soldiery, and the Prince singly contended with a long lance, against all these Frangis, \u2014 curse them \u2014 and the Prince was slightly wounded in the hand, and lifted up his hand which was wounded, and cried, &#8220;You race of the Malays, are you not all ashamed to see me wounded here, take courage and stand by me.&#8221; When the champions who had fled, heard this, they all returned, and again made a furious onset, and amoked the Frangis with their whole soul. When Tun Saleh saw the blood of the raja&#8217;s wound, he plunged singly into the Frangis host, pushing them vigorously with his lance; but they run him through the breast with a spear, and he fell dead. This day, in the amok attack on the Frangis, five-and-twenty chosen hulubalangs perished, and Sri Audana was also wounded through the groin, being pierced with a long lance. Then they made the raja&#8217;s elephant kneel down, and the Prince descending, returned to his palace, whither they also conveyed Sri Audana; and the raja ordered his physician to attend him, and he examined the wound, with the sharp point of a betel-leaf, and said, that it was of no consequence, and would easily be cured, though if the weapon had penetrated a barley-corn farther, he had been a dead man.<\/p>\n<p>By this time the Frangis had approached the exterior hall of the Prince&#8217;s palace, and all the Malaca men were flying. The Prince saw that all had fled, and then Sultan Ahmed himself had recourse to flight, and the bandahara, who was lame, was seized on by Si Sa-la-mat, and compelled to fly. Then the Frangis entered the fortress, and they saw that there was nobody in the fortress, and then they continued the pursuit. Then said the lame bandahara to Sa-la-mat, &#8220;Bear up, and bring me up with these accursed Frangis, that I may amok with them;&#8221; but his family would not permit him. He said &#8220;Fy, cowards I what a pity it is that I am lame. Were it not so, I would certainly die on Malaca ground; but now I see that all the young lads of the present day are not in the least sensible of shame, and in a crisis like this, there is not one of them to devote himself and amok.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>Than Sultan Ahmed retreated up to Moar, a place above, named Pagoh. As for Sultan Mahmud, he remained in Batu hampar, (spread stones,) and he founded a fort at Bentayen. In a short time, the Frangis appeared before Pagar, and prepared to attack it. In a few days Sang Satia died, and Pagoh was taken, and Sultan Ahmed made his retreat, and went up the river to Panarigan. The lame bandahara died, and was buried at Lubu Batu, (the stone-plumbs,) which is generally termed Bender-Lubu-batu. After this, Sultan Ahmed, with Sultan Mahmud, retired to Pahang, and Sultan Abdal Jamil received them with great kindness, and conducted him into the city, with a thousand testimonies of respect and honour.<\/p>\n<p>Sultan Mahmud gave his daughter, who was born of the Princess of Calantan, in marriage to the raja of Pahang, named Sultan Mansur Shah. Without remaining long in Pahang, he proceeded to Bentan, and Sultan Ahmed founded a city at Kopeh. This Sultan Ahmed was extremely proper in all his conduct, and kind to all his subjects. In one respect, however, he was not good, that he had no affection for his mantris and hulubalangs and great men, and was greatly attached to all the young lads, and his personal servants, and all his people eat and drank pleasantly, feasting on rice with turmeric, and roasfowls, all of them.<\/p>\n<p>Then the great men all came to wait on Sultan Ahmed, and they were hooted by all the young lads, saying, &#8220;Where are the fragments and leaving of our rice prepared with turmeric, and our roasted fowls, with the picked bones, to give to those old people, who are come from abroad, for such is the raja&#8217;s wish?&#8221; Sultan Mahmud heard of these proceedings, and was displeased at it, and by the power of God Almighty, the heart of Sultan Mahmud was expanded, and he sent a hulubalang, who killed him privately, so that few persons were acquainted with it, and the proceeding of the person respecting Sultan Ahmed was left in darkness. Thus died Sultan Ahmed, and was buried at Bukit-batu, (stone-hill,) and he is therefore called Merhum Bukit Batu, the deceased of the stone-hill.<\/p>\n<p>After the death of Sultan Ahmed, Sultan Mahmud placed on the throne his son, raja Mudhafer, to reign in his stead, and ordered him to be put under the tuition of a learned man, named Sham Selim, along with the sons of many other nobles. When Raja Mudhafer grew up, he married Tun Trang, the daughter of Tun Fatima, and begot a son, named Raja Mansur. The laksamana Khwajeh Hasan died with grief, and was buried at Gunung-pantei, (shore-hill,) and Hang Nadim succeeded him in the office of laksamana, who became so famous in war for fighting, till the earth was drenched in blood.<\/p>\n<p>This Hang Nadim was two descents from the laksamana Hang Tuah, and the bandahara Lubu Batu was also two descents from the same hero. Tun Fatimah, the Queen of Sultan Mahmud, bore a son, who was named Ala-eddin Gheyas Shah; who was commonly denominated Sultan Muda. Sultan Mudhafer, the sovereign, married Tun Trang, the daughter of Tun Fatimah, and he had also by Tun Ali, a son, named Raja Mansur. After the death of Sultan Ahmed, all the young nobles and the King&#8217;s servants were assembled by Sultan Mahmud, and said to them, &#8220;Do not be concerned about your situation, it shall be continued precisely as under Si Ahmed.&#8221; They replied, &#8220;We will submit to the authority of Your Majesty, as we formerly submitted to that of your son, and we now all return to your allegiance.<\/p>\n<p>All of them submitted themselves in this manner, except Tun Ali, who refused to pay allegiance to him, and whatever in-stance the Sultan made to satisfy him, he still refused, saying, &#8220;I never wish to look another raja in the face after that of His Majesty, your son, for His Majesty died not of disease, nor in war, but only by foul treason. Therefore, I request that Your Majesty would throw me where he lies; for what purpose do I survive?&#8221; By how many means did Sultan Ahmed endeavour to allure him, presenting him with gold and silver, and how many dresses! but not one of them would he receive, desiring only that the Prince would put him to death, which was at last done by Sultan Mahmud.<\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<p><strong>Leyden, John (trans.)\u00a0<em>Malay Annals<\/em>\u00a0:<em>\u00a0translated from the Malay Language, by the late Dr. John Leyden. With an Introduction, by Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles, F.R.S., &amp;c<\/em>. London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme and Brown, 1821. pp. 351-61.<\/strong><\/p>\n<h2>\n\t\tPerak\n\t<\/h2>\n\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--label-0\">The Treaty of Pangkor (1874)<\/a>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--icon-0\"><i>Expand<\/i><\/a>\n<p>Annotation<\/p>\n<p>The Pangkor Engagement of 1874 was a significant, if not watershed event that had far reaching consequences\/ramifications for the governance of the Malay states, as well as the nature of British intervention in the peninsular in the late 19th\u00a0century. The treaty led to the establishment of the \u2018Resident system\u2019 in Perak and acted as a precedent for further British intervention in other Malay States.<\/p>\n<p>The treaty came as a response to the Larut wars in Perak, a series of conflicts between rival Chinese secret societies allied to local rulers vying for control over tin mines and the throne of Perak, complicated by the increasing threat of piracy along the coast of Perak, which threatened the commercial as well as physical security of the Straits Settlements of Singapore and Penang respectively. The Larut wars were highly disruptive to tin-mining operations in Perak. Constant attacks by rival secret societies rendered most of the mines inoperable as miners fled the violence, shaking investor confidence in London and Singapore.<\/p>\n<p>The instability and violence stemming from the conflicts were increasingly unacceptable to the British government, which was keen to prevent rival Western powers from staking a claim in the region, as well as ensure the continued commercial success of the Straits Settlements. This led to active British military and political intervention, combining recognizing the claims of Sultan Abdullah as the lawful ruler of Perak with imposing the \u2018Resident system\u2019 whereby a British Resident was attached to the Sultan\u2019s court. It was understood the Sultan would consult this Resident, and accept his advice, on all matters except those concerning Malay religion and customs. This system was adapted from a model already in use in British India, and was eventually imposed on the rest of the Malay States.<\/p>\n<p>The treaty also highlighted the importance of the Chinese community in the economic as well as political life of 19th\u00a0century Malaya. Especially telling was the role of the Straits Chinese community in lobbying for British intervention, to protect their investments in the tin mines. For example, Tan Kim Cheng, a successful Straits Chinese merchant, was one of the key personalities pushing for the successful conclusion of the treaty, after one of the claimants of the Perak throne, Sultan Abdullah, appealed to Tan to seek assistance from the British to restore him to his throne, as well as ensure security for the smooth operations of the tin mines. This local convergence of interest provided an active and important pull to entice more systematic British intervention, constituting yet another example of how interactive the wider process of imperialism was in 19th\u00a0century Asia.<\/p>\n<p><a name=\"_GoBack\"><\/a>An immediate effect of this treaty was that the British were able to exert effective political control upon Perak, by suppressing the violence and piracy that plagued the state and hobbled its governance, while resolving the thorny issue of succession. However what is more important is that the treaty served as a model for future political intervention in the Malay states in the long 19th\u00a0century, culminating in British ascendancy throughout the peninsular.<\/p>\n<h3><strong>Pangkor Treaty \u2014 January 20, 1874<\/strong><\/h3>\nWhereas, a state of anarchy exists in the Kingdom of Perak owing to the want of settled government in the Country, and no efficient power exists for the protection of the people and for securing to them the fruits of their industry, and,\nWhereas, large numbers of Chinese are employed and large sums of money invested in Tin mining in Perak by British subjects and others residing in Her Majesty&#8217;s Possessions, and the said mines and property are not adequately protected, and piracy, murder and arson are rife in the said country, whereby British trade and interests greatly suffer, and the peace and good order of the neighbouring British Settlements are sometimes menaced, and,\nWhereas, certain Chiefs for the time being of the said Kingdom of Perak have stated their inability to cope with the present difficulties, and together with those interested in the industry of the country have requested assistance, and,\nWhereas, Her Majesty&#8217;s Government is bound by Treaty Stipulations to protect the said Kingdom and to assist its rulers, now,\nHis Excellency Sir Andrew Clarke, K.C.M.G., C.B., Governor of the Colony of the Straits Settlements, in compliance with the said request, and with a view of assisting the said rulers and of effecting a permanent settlement of affairs in Perak, has proposed the following Articles of arrangements as mutually beneficial to the Independent Rulers of Perak, their subjects, the subjects of Her Majesty, and others residing in or trading with Perak, that is to say:-\nI. First \u2013 That the Rajah Muda Abdullah be recognised as the Sultan of Perak.\nII. Second \u2013 That the Rajah Bandahara Ismail, now Acting Sultan, be allowed to retain the title of Sultan Muda with a pension and a certain small Territory assigned to him.\nIII. Third \u2013 That all the other nominations of great Officers made at the time the Rajah Bandahara Ismail received the regalia be confirmed.\nIV. Fourth \u2013 That the power given to the Orang Kayah Mantri over Larut by the late Sultan be confirmed.\nV. Fifth \u2013 That all Revenues be collected and all appointments made in the name of the Sultan.\nVI. Sixth \u2013 That the Sultan receive and provide a suitable residence for a British Officer to be called Resident, who shall be accredited to his Court, and whose advice must be asked and acted upon on all questions other than those touching Malay Religion and Custom.\nVII. Seventh \u2013 That the Governor of Larut shall have attached to him as Assistant Resident, a British Officer acting uner the Resident of Perak, with similar power and subordinate only to the said Resident.\nVIII. Eight \u2013 That the cost of these Residents with their Establishments be determined by the Government of the Straits Settlements and be a first charge on the Revenues of Perak.\nIX. Ninth \u2013 That a Civil List regulating the income to be received by the Sultan, by the Bandahara, by the Mantri, and by the other Officers be the next charge on the said Revenue.\nX. Tenth \u2013 That the collection and control of all Revenues and the general administration of the country be regulated under the advice of these Residents.\nXI. Eleventh \u2013 That the Treaty under which the Pulo Dinding and the islands of Pangkor were ceded to Great Britain having been misunderstood and it being desirable to readjust the same, so as to carry into effect the intention of the Framers thereof, it is hereby declared that the Boundaries of the said Territory so ceded shall be rectified as follows, that is to say:-\nFrom Bukit Sigari, as laid down in the Chart Sheet No. 1 Straits of Malacca, a tracing of which is annexed<sup>1<\/sup>, marked A, in a straight line to the sea, thence along the sea coast to the South, to Pulo Katta on the West, and from Pulo Katta a line running North East about five miles, and thence North to Bukit Sigari.\nXII. Twelfth \u2013 That the Southern watershed of the Krean River, that is to say, the portion of land draining into that River from the South be declared British Territory, as a rectification of the Southern Boundary of Province Wellesley. Such Boundary to be marked out by Commissioners; one named by the Government of the Straits Settlements, and the other by the Sultan of Perak.\nXIII. Thirteenth \u2013 That on the cessation of the present disturbances in Perak and the re-establishment of peace and amity among the contending factions in that Country, immediate measures under the control and supervision of one or more British Officers shall be taken for restoring as far as practicable the occupation of the Mines, and the possession of Machinery, &amp;c., as held previous to the commencement of these disturbances, and for the payment of compensation for damages, the decision of such officers shall be final in such case.\nXIV. Fourteenth \u2013 The Mantri of Larut engages to acknowledge as a debt due by him to the Government of the Straits Settlements, the charges and expenses incurred by this investigation, as well as charges and expenses to which the Colony of the Straits Settlements and Great Britain have been put or may be put by their efforts to secure the tranquility of Perak and the safety of trade.\nThe above Articles having been severally read and explained to the undersigned who having understood the same, have severally agreed to and accepted them as binding on them and their Heirs and Successors.\nThis done and concluded at Pulo Pangkor in the British Possessions, this Twentieth day of January, in the year of the Christian Era, one thousand eight hundred and seventy-four.\n<p>Executed before me,<\/p>\n<p>ANDREW CLARKE,<\/p>\n<p>Governor, Commander-in-Chief, and<\/p>\n<p>Vice-Admiral of the Straits Settlements.<\/p>\n<p>Chop of the Sultan of Perak.<\/p>\n<p>\u201c \u201c Bandahara of Perak.<\/p>\n<p>\u201c \u201c Tumongong of Perak.<\/p>\n<p>\u201c \u201c Mantri of Perak.<\/p>\n<p>\u201c \u201c Shahbander of Perak.<\/p>\n<p>\u201c \u201c Rajah Mahkota of Perak.<\/p>\n<p>\u201c \u201c Laxamana of Perak.<\/p>\n<p>\u201c \u201c Datoh Sa&#8217;gor.<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u3000<\/strong><\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<p><strong>Allen, J. De V., A. J. Stockwell, and L. R. Wright.\u00a0<em>A Collection of Treaties and Other Documents Affecting the States of Malaysia, 1761-1963<\/em>. No ed. Vol. I. London: Oceana Publications, 1981. 390-392.<\/strong><\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<p><sup>1<\/sup>\u00a0See Clarke to Kimberley, 26 Jan. 1874, enclosure 9, <em>P.P<\/em>., C.1111.<\/p>\n<p><em>Annotated by Aloysius Ng<\/em><\/p>\n<h2>\n\t\tChina\n\t<\/h2>\n\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--label-0\">Changle Stele (1413)<\/a>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--icon-0\"><i>Expand<\/i><\/a>\n<p>Annotation<\/p>\n<p>In December 1431 an impressive fleet of over a hundred seagoing ships anchored in the harbor of Changle, Fujian, awaiting the northern wind that enabled the first leg of an expedition through Southeast Asia into the Indian Ocean. The principal imperial envoys, Zheng He and Wang Jinghong, took this opportunity to erect a stele in commemoration of six similar voyages during the Yongle reign (1402-1424).<\/p>\n<p>The Yongle emperor took the throne from his nephew, the Jianwen emperor (r. 1398-1402), in a civil war that had long lasting effects on the relationship between the new emperor and the literate elite that staffed the bureaucratic system. The Yongle emperor relied on personal relations with castrated palace servants to circumvent bureaucracy, and in the process he allowed them to become a powerful faction at court. It is telling that the Changle stele was signed by Grand Directors and Regional Military Commissioners, in other words, eunuchs and military men, but not civil officials. According to Dreyer 70 eunuchs were in charge of the fleet that carried 302 military officers and 26,803 soldiers. 180 of the 190 civil officials were medical doctors, which leaves only 10 civil officials. (Dreyer. 2007: 127-8) The maritime expeditions to the Indian Ocean illustrated the personal influence of the Chinese emperor, which goes a long way to explain why six expeditions occurred during the Yongle reign, and one last expedition took place during the Xuande reign (1425-35).<\/p>\n<p>The stele states that the emperor delighted in tribute envoys from foreign lands and so he commanded Zheng He and others to \u201cgo to their countries and confer presents on them, so as to transform them by displaying our power while treating distant peoples with kindness.\u201d (Dreyer. 2007: 195) Imperial envoys travelled with foreign ambassadors on detached squadrons to numerous larger and smaller courts in Southeast Asia and the Indian Ocean littoral. In general they received a warm welcome, not in the least because tribute exchange profited foreign parties. On occasion the fleet met with hostility, or was drawn into local conflict by one or both parties. In the case of Chen Zuyi, a Palembang-based pirate from Guangdong, the detached squadrons reassembled before Chinese troops attacked and captured Chen. The Chinese envoys relied on a display of power, but when push came to shove they used military force to remove those who preyed on economic and diplomatic traffic along the maritime Silk Road.<\/p>\n<p>The maritime expeditions grew out of an expansive policy during the Yongle reign. The emperor sent his eunuchs to known destinations to inform the people of the world that he ascended the throne. As eunuchs traveled they encountered people from more distant regions, usually maritime merchants. They brought them back to China and presented them to the emperor as ambassadors. The emperor received their tribute and then ordered the eunuchs to accompany them back to their home countries. The eunuchs thus expanded the known world for Ming China. The Ming emperor made the universal claim to rule all under heaven and his eunuchs left steles at home and abroad to reinforce this worldview. Eunuch led missions reached as far north as Sakhalin Island opposite the Amur River mouth where a stele was erected to celebrate the official title that the Ming emperor bestowed on a local chieftain. Other eunuchs traveled into central Asia as far as Samarkand and Herat. Numerous maritime voyages carried eunuchs to countries in south and southeast Asia, though the seven large scale expeditions into the Indian Ocean tend to overshadow the shorter voyages.<\/p>\n<p>The Changle stele and a near identical stele at Liujiagang, where the fleet left the Yangzi River to enter the East China Sea, recorded the maritime expeditions in greater detail than most official sources, e.g.\u00a0<em>Ming Veritable Records<\/em>,\u00a0<em>Ming History<\/em>, perhaps because the civil officials responsible for official record keeping frowned upon the expensive voyages of their bitter rivals, the eunuchs. Furthermore, the inscriptions were commissioned by Zheng He and thus present the viewpoint of someone closely involved in the organization of the maritime expeditions. The inscriptions are therefore essential to a balanced understanding of the maritime expeditions. The two steles were erected near temples of Tianfei, a goddess associated with sailors, fishermen, and maritime merchants. The inscriptions praised her benevolence and at the same time they conveyed to temple visitors the extensive reach of Ming imperial power. A third stele at Galle, Sri Lanka, served a similar purpose. In Tamil, Persian, and Chinese it recorded the gifts that Zheng He bestowed on local temples in the name of the Yongle emperor. The steles are physical expressions of imperial power that remind the people at home and abroad of the extensive reach of the Ming emperor, even when the pious inscriptions give most of the credit to Tianfei and other deities.<\/p>\n<p><u>Bibliography<\/u><\/p>\n<p>Dreyer, Edward L.\u00a0<em>Zheng He: China and the Oceans in the Early Ming Dynasty, 1405-1433.<\/em>\u00a0New York: Pearson Longman, 2007.<\/p>\n<h3><strong>Changle Stele (Zheng He, 1431)<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p>This inscription was carved on a stele erected at a temple to the goddess the Celestial Spouse at Changle in Fujian province in 1431.<\/p>\n<p>Record of the miraculous answer (to prayer) of the goddess the Celestial Spouse.<\/p>\n<p>The Imperial Ming Dynasty unifying seas and continents, surpassing the three dynasties even goes beyond the Han and Tang dynasties. The countries beyond the horizon and from the ends of the earth have all become subjects and to the most western of the western or the most northern of the northern countries, however far they may be, the distance and the routes may be calculated. Thus the barbarians from beyond the seas, though their countries are truly distant, &#8220;with double translation&#8221; have come to audience bearing precious objects and presents.<\/p>\n<p>The Emperor, approving of their loyalty and sincerity, has ordered us (Zheng) He and others at the head of several tens of thousands of officers and flag-troops to ascend more than one hundred large ships to go and confer presents on them in order to make manifest the transforming power of the (imperial) virtue and to treat distant people with kindness. From the third year of Yongle (1405) till now we have seven times received the commission of ambassadors to countries of the western ocean. The barbarian countries which we have visited are: by way of Zhancheng (Champa), Zhaowa (Java), Sanfoqi (Palembang) and Xianlo (Siam) crossing straight over to Xilanshan (Ceylon) in South India, Guli (Calicut), and Kezhi (Cochin), we have gone to the western regions Hulumosi (Hormuz), Adan (Aden), Mugudushu (Mogadishu), altogether more than thirty countries large and small. We have traversed more than one hundred thousand li of immense water spaces and have beheld in the ocean huge waves like mountains rising sky-high, and we have set eyes on barbarian regions far away hidden in a blue transparency of light vapours, while our sails loftily unfurled like clouds day and night continued their course (rapid like that) of a star, traversing those savage waves as if we were treading a public thoroughfare. Truly this was due to the majesty and the good fortune of the Court and moreover we owe it to the protecting virtue of the divine Celestial Spouse.<\/p>\n<p>The power of the goddess having indeed been manifested in previous times has been abundantly revealed in the present generation. In the midst of the rushing waters it happened that, when there was a hurricane, suddenly there was a divine lantern shining in the mast, and as soon as this miraculous light appeared the danger was appeased, so that even in the danger of capsizing one felt reassured that there was no cause for fear. When we arrived in the distant countries we captured alive those of the native kings who were not respectful and exterminated those barbarian robbers who were engaged in piracy, so that consequently the sea route was cleansed and pacified and the natives put their trust in it. All this is due to the favours of the goddess.<\/p>\n<p>It is not easy to enumerate completely all the cases where the goddess has answered (prayers). Previously in a memorial to the Court we have requested that her virtue be registered in the Court of Sacrificial Worship and a temple be built at Nanking on the bank of the dragon river where regular sacrifices should be transmitted for ever. We have respectfully received an Imperial commemorative composition exalting the miraculous favours, which is the highest recompense and praise indeed. However, the miraculous power of the goddess resides wherever one goes. As for the temporary palace on the southern mountain at Changle, I have, at the head of the fleet, frequently resided there awaiting the (favorable) wind to set sail for the ocean.<\/p>\n<p>We, Zheng He and others, on the one hand have received the high favour of a gracious commission of our Sacred Lord, and on the other hand carry to the distant barbarians the benefits of respect and good faith (on their part). Commanding the multitudes on the fleet and (being responsible for) a quantity of money and valuables in the face of the violence of the winds and the nights our one fear is not to be able to succeed; how should we then dare not to serve our dynasty with exertion of all our loyalty and the gods with the utmost sincerity? How would it be possible not to realize what is the source of the tranquillity of the fleet and the troops and the salvation on the voyage both going and returning? Therefore we have made manifest the virtue of the goddess on stone and have moreover recorded the years and months of the voyages to the barbarian countries and the return in order to leave (the memory) for ever.<\/p>\n<p>I. In the third year of Yongle (1405) commanding the fleet we went to Guli (Calicut) and other countries. At that time the pirate Chen Zuyi had gathered his followers in the country of Sanfoqi (Palembang), where he plundered the native merchants. When he also advanced to resist our fleet, supernatural soldiers secretly came to the rescue so that after one beating of the drum he was annihilated. In the fifth year (1407) we returned.<\/p>\n<p>II. In the fifth year of Yongle (1407) commanding the fleet we went to Zhaowa (Java), Guli (Calicut), Kezhi (Cochin) and Xianle (Siam). The kings of these countries all sent as tribute precious objects, precious birds and rare animals. In the seventh year (1409) we returned.<\/p>\n<p>III. In the seventh year of Yongle (1409) commanding the fleet we went to the countries (visited) before and took our route by the country of Xilanshan (Ceylon). Its king Yaliekunaier (Alagakkonara) was guilty of a gross lack of respect and plotted against the fleet. Owing to the manifest answer to prayer of the goddess (the plot) was discovered and thereupon that king was captured alive. In the ninth year (1411) on our return the king was presented (to the throne) (as a prisoner); subsequently he received the Imperial favour of returning to his own country.<\/p>\n<p>IV. In the eleventh year of Yongle (1413) commanding the fleet we went to Hulumosi (Ormuz) and other countries. In the country of Sumendala (Samudra) there was a false king Suganla (Sekandar) who was marauding and invading his country. Its king Cainu-liabiding (Zaynu-&#8216;l-Abidin) had sent an envoy to the Palace Gates in order to lodge a complaint. We went thither with the official troups under our command and exterminated some and arrested (other rebels), and owing to the silent aid of the goddess we captured the false king alive. In the thirteenth year (1415) on our return he was presented (to the Emperor as a prisoner). In that year the king of the country of Manlajia (Malacca) came in person with his wife and son to present tribute.<\/p>\n<p>V. In the fifteenth year of Yongle (1417) commanding the fleet we visited the western regions. The country of Hulumosi (Ormuz) presented lions, leopards with gold spots and large western horses. The country of Adan (Aden) presented qilin of which the native name is culafa (giraffe), as well as the long-horned animal maha (oryx). The country of Mugudushu (Mogadishu) presented huafu lu (&#8220;striped&#8221; zebras) as well as lions. The country of Bulawa (Brava) presented camels which run one thousand li as well as camel-birds (ostriches). The countries of Zhaowa (Java) and Guli (Calicut) presented the animal miligao. They all vied in presenting the marvellous objects preserved in the mountains or hidden in the seas and the beautiful treasures buried in the sand or deposited on the shores. Some sent a maternal uncle of the king, others a paternal uncle or a younger brother of the king in order to present a letter of homage written on gold leaf as well as tribute.<\/p>\n<p>VI. In the nineteenth year of Yongle (1421) commanding the fleet we conducted the ambassadors from Hulumosi (Ormuz) and the other countries who had been in attendance at the capital for a long time back to their countries. The kings of all these countries prepared even more tribute than previously.<\/p>\n<p>VII. In the sixth year of Xuande (1431) once more commanding the fleet we have left for the barbarian countries in order to read to them (an Imperial edict) and to confer presents.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>We have anchored in this port awaiting a north wind to take the sea, and recalling how previously we have on several occasions received the benefits of the protection of the divine intelligence we have thus recorded an inscription in stone.<\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<p><strong>Teobaldo Filesi. David Morison trans. China and Africa in the Middle Ages. (London: Frank Cass, 1972). 57-61.<\/strong><\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<p><em>Annotated by Sander M. Molenaar<\/em><\/p>\n\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--label-1\">Hsu Kuang-chi&#8217;s memorial to the Wanli Emperor (1617)<\/a>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--icon-1\"><i>Expand<\/i><\/a>\n\t\t<p>Annotation<\/p>\n<p>In the early seventeenth century Matteo Ricci (1552-1610) successfully established a Jesuit presence in the Forbidden City, while European merchants were still stuck at the border. Ricci and colleagues utilized mathematical, geographical, and especially astronomical knowledge to interact on an intellectual level with the educated elite and forge personal relations. Posing as literati, as the Jesuits did, then allowed them to discuss religious and moral matters as well.<\/p>\n<p>Xu Guangqi (1562-1633) heard of Ricci\u2019s world map and in the spring of 1600 the two men briefly met in Najing. Three years later Xu returned to Nanjing. There he studied with the Jesuit Joao da Rocha, and within ten days he was baptized as Paolo. He passed the metropolitan exams in the following year and started his official career at the Hanlin Academy in Beijing, which allowed him to spend his leisure time in the company of Matteo Ricci. In 1606-07 Ricci and Xu worked on translating Euclid\u2019s\u00a0<em>Geometry<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>The Jesuit mission suffered a serious setback in 1615, five years after Ricci passed away. Valentim Carvalho (1559-1630) moved from Japan to Macao and instructed the Jesuit missionaries in China to stop teaching mathematics and to cease involvement in the official reform of the Ming calendar. In the same year Shen Que (d. 1624) became vice-minister of rites at Nanjing. He submitted a series of memorials to the throne in which he proposed expulsion of all Jesuit missionaries, suppression of their teachings, and punishment of Chinese converts. According to Shen Jesuit terminology, such as the \u2018Teaching of the Lord of Heaven\u2019 (<em>Tianzhu jiao<\/em>) or the \u2018Great West Ocean\u2019 (<em>da Xiyang<\/em>), challenged the imperial order of the Great Ming (<em>da Ming<\/em>) under the leadership of the Son of Heaven (<em>tianzi<\/em>). Furthermore, the Jesuits drew crowds of common people and their teachings even attracted literate men. Shen suspected rebellious intent behind the Jesuit organization.<\/p>\n<p>In 1617 Xu responded to the accusations of Shen Que, even though Shen had not mentioned Chinese converts by name. In a memorial to the throne Xu asked for a fair investigation. He argued that he was skeptical at first, but after thorough investigation he came to believe in the advantages of European mathematics and astronomy, and the purity of the Jesuit missionaries. A fair investigation would prove them innocent of all accusations, but Xu feared, correctly, that the Jesuits would not receive a fair trial. In his memorial Xu claims that the Jesuits came to China because they heard that ancient Chinese philosophers served Heaven by practicing self-cultivation, just as the Jesuits served the Lord of Heaven through the cultivation of personal virtue. Xu justified the presence of Jesuits on the basis of \u2018corresponding principles\u2019 between the worldviews of Jesuits and late Ming intellectuals. He also accused Buddhists and Daoists of spreading deceptive and unreasonable doctrines. In close to two millennia they had failed to bring order and stability to China. European countries, however, had been kind to each other for well over a millennium. Not only did these countries lack revolt and anarchy, but even these terms were non-existent.<\/p>\n<p>Xu needed to tread carefully in this confrontation with vice-minister Shen. Rather than subversive elements from abroad, the Jesuits could be useful tools in the cultivation of peaceful and morally upright imperial subjects, more useful at least than established religious and philosophical traditions. Xu tried to draw the emperor\u2019s attention to the witch-hunt Shen proposed, but his memorial failed to achieve this result and the Jesuits were ordered to leave China. Some Jesuits moved to Macao, others sheltered with Chinese converts, until the political climate changed. Xu Guangqi resigned on a plea of illness, but returned to office in the Ministry of Rites in 1628, one year after the Chongzhen emperor (r. 1627-1644) ascended the throne. In 1629 Xu submitted an eclipse prediction that was more accurate than that of the Directorate of Astronomy. This led to the establishment of an office for calendar reform, which allowed Xu to bring the Jesuits back into the Forbidden City where they stayed even after the Manchus conquered the Ming capital.<\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<strong>Hsu Kuang-chi&#8217;s memorial to the Wanli Emperor (1617)<br \/>\n<\/strong><em>Xu Guangqi<\/em><strong><br \/>\n<\/strong>\n<hr \/>\n<p>Su Kwangki, guardian and tutor of the sons of the Imperial house, and Chancellor of the National Institute, respectfully presents this memorial:<\/p>\n<p>Knowing full well that the arts and sciences of the foreigners are in a high degree correct, your majesty&#8217;s humble servant earnestly begs of his sacred Intelligence, the illustrious honor of issuing a manifesto in their behalf, so as to render his own felicity eternal, and give great tranquility to ten thousand generations. Your majesty&#8217;s servant has seen, in the Governmental Gazette, the report of the Board of Rites, impeaching Pantoya and others, your majesty&#8217;s European courtiers. In that Report it is said, &#8220;Their doctrines are penetrating deep, and spreading wide, so that even men of eminence are believing in them;&#8221; and, &#8220;although their discourses about astronomy are absurd, yet even scholars are falling into their cloudy visions.&#8221; By thus specifying &#8220;men of eminence&#8221; and &#8220;scholars,&#8221; ministers of the Board seem to fear that trunk and branches are being alike involved. Still they have failed to give the names of individuals. Now your servant is one of the ministers of the Imperial Court, who has been accustomed to discourse with your majesty&#8217;s courtiers on religious subjects; and he is one who believes in the many books they have published. With them also he has been accustomed to investigate the laws of mathematics; his earlier and later reports thereon have all been laid before the Imperial presence; and thus also your servant is among those who have &#8220;discoursed about astronomy.&#8221; If, therefore, your majesty&#8217;s courtiers are to be found guilty, how can your servant hope to be so fortunate as to escape uncondemned by the ministers of the Board?<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>As your servant for years past has been thus accustomed to engage in discussions and investigations with these courtiers, he has become well acquainted with them, and knows that they are not only in deportment and in heart wholly free from aught which can excite suspicion, but that they are indeed worthies and sages; that their doctrines are most correct; their regimen most strict; their learning most extensive; their knowledge most refined; their hearts most true; their views most steady; and that among the people of their own nations, there is not one in a thousand so accomplished, or one in ten thousand so talented as these men. Now the reason of their coming thousands of miles eastward, is because hearing that the teachers, the sages and worthies of China, served Heaven by the cultivation of personal virtue, just as the teachers in their respective nations by the cultivation of personal virtue, served the Lord of Heaven, and knowing that there was this correspondence in principles, they desired, notwithstanding the difficulties and dangers by land and by sea, to give their seal to the truth, in order that men might become good, and so realize high Heaven&#8217;s love to man.<\/p>\n<p>According to their sayings, the service of the High Ruler is a prime duty; the protection of the body and the salvation of the soul are grand essentials; fidelity, filial piety, compassion, and love are to be universally exercised; the reformation of errors and the practice of virtue are initiatory steps; repentance and purification are the requisites for personal improvement; the true fecilicity of life celestial is the glorious reward of doing good; and the eternal misery of earth&#8217;s prison is the bitter recompense of doing evil. All their commands and injunctions are in the highest degree compatible with the principles of Heaven and the feelings of men. Their laws can cause men to do good most truly, and to depart from evil most completely, for that which they say of the favor of the Lord of heaven&#8217;s producing, nourishing and saving, and of his principles of rewarding the good and punishing the evil, is perfectly plain and most strictly true; sufficient to move the hearts of men and to excite in them the love and confidence, the fear and dread, which naturally spring from internal rectitude.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>Your majesty&#8217;s servant has always been accustomed to consider the rewards and punishments ordained by the ancient rulers and kings, and the distinctions hetween right and wrong laid down by our sages and worthies, as most luminous and most perfectly adapted to guide men to what is good, and deter them from evil. All these, however, can reach only his external conduct, and cannot touch his inward feelings. An example in point are the words of Sz&#8217;-ma Tsien, &#8220;Yen-hwui&#8217;s untimely death, and Tau-chih&#8217;s long life,&#8221; which have led men to suspect that there is no future recompense of good and evil. Hence deceit and guile have increased in proportion as the restraints laid thereon have been multiplied. Where one law has been enacted, a hundred evil practices have sprung up, disappointing the heart&#8217;s desire for stable government, and exciting deep regret on account of the inadequacy of means to secure that end. With a view of supplying this deficiency, recourse was had to the sayings of the Buddhists, which declare that there will be a recompense of good and evil after the body dies; and that for their conduct and feelings both Yenhwui and Tau-chih might seem to have had a recompense, which, it was supposed, would cause other men without delay to depart from evil and do good. Why then is it that during the eighteen hundred years since the Buddhistic religion came to the East, the ways of the world and the hearts of men have not been reformed, except it be because, though seeming to be true, that religion is false? The doctrine of Lau and Chwang, as they are set forth by the Contemplatists, are dark, farfetched, and unreliable. All the schemes and legerdemain practiced by the doctors of the black art, are strangely deceptive and unreasonable. Moreover, they wish to elevate Buddha above the high Ruler, and thus do they act in opposition to the doctrines of the rulers and kings, the sages and worthies of antiquity. When all this is done, on whom then shall men depend? Whom shall they follow?<\/p>\n<p>If there be an absolute desire to have men do good in perfection, then the knowledge of serving Heaven, communicated by your majesty&#8217;s courtiers, is truly competent to repair and augment the royal Institutes, to strengthen and maintain the arts of the literati, and to restore and correct the laws of Buddha. The proof of this is, that the nations of Europe which are contiguous to each other, and more than thirty in number, receiving and practicing this religion, during a thousand and some hundreds of years up to the present time, whether great or small, have alike been kind to each other; whether high or low, have alike enjoyed repose; their prescribed boundaries have required no guard; nor has their sovereignty been hereditary; throughout their whole domain, there have been no deceivers nor liars; the vices of lewdness and theft from of old have never existed; no one would venture to take up an article dropped upon the highway; and even gates and doors of cities and houses it was not necessary to have closed by night. As to revolt and anarchy, rebels and insurgents, not only were there no such things and no such persons, but even such terms and such names had no existence. Thus for a long time, have these nations enjoyed tranquillity, and their governments have been well regulated.All their inhabitants have been thus intensely watchful only lest they should, by falling into error, become guilty of sinning against the Lord of Heaven. Accordingly it is most clear and most manifest that their laws assuredly can cause men to do well.<\/p>\n<p>Such is the religion and such are the manners and customs set forth by your majesty&#8217;s courtiers; and having repeatedly, and in the most thorough manner, examined their discourses and investigated their books, your majesty&#8217;s servant knows that they are all perfectly free from error.<\/p>\n<p>Your majesty&#8217;s servant has heard of Yu Yu, the ancient minister of Sijung, who gave support to the Tsin dynasty in its rise to greatness; and of Kinjihshin, the heir of Siyih, who became an illustrious statesman of the Han dynasty. If these men could be of essential service to the state, it was of no moment whether they came from far or not.<\/p>\n<p>Moreover the temples and pagodas of the Buddhists are to be seen in all parts of the empire, and the lama priests are continually coming to China. The Mohammedans also, whose sacred books have never yet been translated, so as to be adduced as testimonies of their faith, dynasty after dynasty have been freely tolerated with all their errors, and everywhere they have been allowed to build their own places of worship. Our high Emperor commanded two of his ministers Li Chung and Wu Pehtsung, members of the Imperial Academy, with two of the principal leaders of the Mohammedans, to translate their astronomical books. The result was that they prepared the work called Kien Yuen Sien Shing. The doing of all this brings out to view the sacred purposes of the first monarch of our dynasty, their profound desire to renovate the people and perfect their customs. Hence we see why it was that they sought out and commended [worthy men], not excepting those of countries far remote.<\/p>\n<p>Now with regard to all the writers of these two sects, the Buddhist and Rationalists, so imperfect are their doctrines and so incomplete their laws of instruction, that, during this long period of two hundred and fifty years (since the rise of our dynasty), they have not been able to realize the designs of our august sovereign in giving them his special countenance. Were the High Ruler worshiped as reverently as Buddha and Lao Zi, and were your majesty&#8217;s courtiers received as indulgently as the priests of those two sects, their royal instruction would rise and flourish, and the principles of rectitude be carried to such a degree of perfection, as to transcend all that was witnessed in the times of Lao and Shun and their immediate successors.<\/p>\n<p>During the seventeen years these courtiers have enjoyed your majesty&#8217;s support, no course has been opened by which they could requite the favors so generously bestowed upon them. Though they have earnestly and heartily desired it, yet they have found no means by which they could display before your majesty the virtues they cherish, and the constancy they have maintained. But knowing these, as your majesty&#8217;s servant has done, should he keep silence, he would be indeed guilty of an act of criminal concealment. Hence he has been so rash and so presumptuous as to come forward as their intercessor.<\/p>\n<p>If his sacred Intelligence would deign graciously to receive our apology, grant a manifesto, and for a short space of time, and on perfect equality with the disciples of Buddha and doctors of the Tao sect, allow these courtiers to remain [in the empire] to promulgate their doctrines and urge on their reformation, it is humbly conceived that, ere many years have elapsed, the hearts of men and the ways of the world, will be seen to have undergone a steady and gradual change, progressing till at length there shall be one grand reformation, and perfect virtue become universal. Then every law enacted shall go into effect, and no command given shall be opposed. No unfaithful minister will then be in the capital or in the provinces. The manners of all the people without exception will be such as to render them worthy of being employed in the imperial service. The glorious felicity enjoyed by your majesty&#8217;s sacred person will be infinite, and the peace of your blessed empire perpetuated to a myriad generations!<\/p>\n<p>Now since it might be difficult to secure full confidence were your majesty&#8217;s servant allowed a hearing, or suspicions might be entertained by those who are spectators, and thus cause much debate, your majesty&#8217;s servant, therefore, would respectfully suggest three modes of examination to ascertain the truth regarding said these courtiers, and also three modes of surveillance, all which herewith he begs to submit for your majesty&#8217;s consideration. The three modes of examination are:<\/p>\n<p>1st. Let all the courtiers, whose names have been included in the memorials, be called to the capital; and let a selection be made of your majesty&#8217;s ministers both in and out of the capital; let all these jointly translate the standard works that have been brought from the West; let subjects be taken up in detail&#8211;what is said on serving Heaven and loving man, what relates to natural and moral philosophy, to the systems of civil government, to astronomy, to mathematics, to physic and medicine, to agriculture and irrigation, to political economy, &amp;c.; and let a distinct treatise be prepared on each of these; and then let his majesty command the ministers of his own palace, in general assembly, to decide whether they are correct or erroneous. And if indeed they be subversive of the cardinal virtues and opposed to the classics, involving wicked doctrines and sinister means, then let the said courtiers be immediately dismissed and expelled; and your majesty&#8217;s servant will willingly abide the punishment appointed for those who aid and abet the deceivers of his majesty.<\/p>\n<p>2d. The words of the courtiers agreeing with those of the literati, but being at variance with those of the Buddhists and Taoists; therefore all who are of those two sects, hate and detest them, and spread abroad slanderous reports, greatly to their injury. Needful it is, then, to decide which is right and which is wrong and to beg your majesty will please command that these courtiers and the most notable of the Buddhists and Taoists write in discussion, make the most thorough investigation, and strive and seek to come to an agreement. Then, as before, let his majesty direct that statesmen from among the literati, in general council, decide on the merits of the case; and if the courtiers are not preferred for what they have said, or if they have reasoned fallaciously, or have been non-plussed; then let them be immediately dismissed and expelled, and let your majesty&#8217;s servant be punished with them.<\/p>\n<p>3d. As it would be difficult in the translation of their books to know where to stop, and as the Buddhists and Taoists may perhaps not have the men [competent to take part in this], let your majesty&#8217;s courtiers be instructed to draw up a compendium of their religion, in detail, stating its prohibitions and injunctions, with its requisitions and rewards. Let this, with some thirty of the volumes that have been already translated, and ten or more of the original volumes, be together submitted for your majesty&#8217;s inspection, and if these be found contradictory, and opposed to the principles of reason, incompetent to urge men to do good, and to guard them from evil, to change and improve their manners and customs; then immediately let these courtiers be dismissed and expelled, and let your majestey&#8217;s servant be punished with them.<\/p>\n<p>These are the three modes of examination [which are here suggested in order] to ascertain the truth concerning said courtiers. The three modes of surveillance are these:<\/p>\n<p>1st. Regarding the item of expenditure \u2014 which has specially subjected your majesty&#8217;s courtiers to suspicion \u2014 both those who suspect they make silver and gold, and those who suspect they are supported by the barbarian merchants at Canton, are in error. Having voluntarily left their homes, and not engaging in any lucrative occupation, they are of course the recipients of what has been contributed. At present, however, their entire provision for food and clothing comes from contributors in Europe; and in its transmission, by exposure to winds and waves, to robbers and pirates, much fails to reach its destination, thus causing them great distress. Yet during these twenty years since their arrival, they have not received from the people a single thing, a single cash; and yet they fear that some, not being observant, will suspect they received it for nought, or had obtained it by deceit or fraud, thus adding iniquity to transgression, especially as large demands were made on them by their extensive and varied intercourse. By the present scheme, besides allowing to them a stipend as heretofore, from your majesty&#8217;s Court of Banquets, let orders be given that these courtiers may receive a measured amount of contributions from the Chinese for food and clothing, and let them be allowed to follow their own convenience, since, in their dis-interestedness, they will never consent to receive aught beyond what is sufficient for their personal use. A sufficient support being thus provided, orders may be given that the barbarian merchants at Canton forward no more presents, and that the money, which is sent on from Europe, on its reaching the custom-house, may be intercepted and remanded. In this way all communication with Europe will be cut off, and every suspicion removed.<\/p>\n<p>2d. As your majesty&#8217;s courtiers, in whatever place they may reside, are competent in the most faithful manner to instruct both the scholars and the people, whether they be poor and mean, or rich and honorable henceforth, therefore, in whatever place they choose to reside, let them be allowed the exercise of their appropriate functions; and let the magistrate treat them with becoming courtesy, allowing them to influence and guide whomsoever they please. Should the magistrate, in any case, be unable to repose confidence in them, then let them command the scholars and people \u2014 selecting such as have character and property \u2014 to unite in companies of ten or twenty families, and give bonds of security to the magistrate for them. Should it indeed happen that any of the teachers, losing their virtue, conduct themselves in an irregular manner, harboring vain purposes, uttering wicked words, and displaying a want of principle, then let them, according to what has been proposed, be expelled and banished; and let those who gave bonds for them, share in their guilt. Such as are without any bonds for their security must not be allowed to remain in the country. Should any of the people, hearing rumors of their behaving in an irregular manner, bring accusations against them, then let the magistrates be required to investigate the facts, and search out the true circumstances of the case. Thus the practice of deceit will be impossible; and those who are true, and those who are hypocritical, will be brought out to view in their own characters.<\/p>\n<p>3d. If the native securities unite to conceal and hide offenders so as to make it difficult to repose confidence, then again, let the magistrates be instructed at any time they please to make careful investigation. After having former offenders at once exposed, then let all such native scholars and people, as have maintained a pure and elevated course of conduct, be allowed to choose their own teachers; and let these teachers, each being furnished from the magistracy with a stamped and duly authenticated register in duplicate, be required, by means of these to make, at the magistrate&#8217;s office, a continued report. At the year&#8217;s end, let each magistrate carefully examine all those who have followed these teachers, and afterwards transfer into a separate register, the names of all such as either have not been accused, or if accused have not been found guilty. Once in three years let there be a general examination; and let the magistrates and teachers freely commend all those who, having followed this religion, are not only free from all error and crime, but have made many and commendable advances in well doing; let them also ascertain the number, and determine the degree of criminality of such as are guilty of wicked conduct; and let those who gave bonds for the same, in like manner receive due punishment. If there be those who have purposely offended, and who after having been warned and admonished by their associates and teachers, will not reform, then let these be reported to the magistrates that their names may be removed from the register. Should any be informed against by their own associates before their names are removed from the registers; or should the offenses of any one, committed before entering this religion be subsequently discovered; in all such cases, let the criminality be restricted to the offenders themselves, and let their associates be in no way implicated. By this means, officers of government will have reliable registers for reference, and all the people can clearly see that due examination has been made; and though the number of disciples be small, each in his own sphere will be useful. Moreover, if the Buddhists and Taoists should ever succeed in raising religious discussions, there will be no further necessity for any scheme that can produce excitement; since it will only be needful, carefully distinguishing between the people and the teachers, to have all cases examined, and rewards and punishments meted out by the methods now proposed: in no very long lapse of time it will be abundantly evident who is right and who wrong, which is useful and which injurious.<\/p>\n<p>Your majesty&#8217;s servant, with profoundest reverence, begs to lay the foregoing clauses before his sacred Intelligence, to scan and to select, and to cause to be carried into effect such as shall be deemed desirable. Being younger than the ministers of the Board of Rites, he would not presume to place himself in collision with them nor oppose their words. This only he does: after the most thorough and careful investigation he clearly sees, and testifies, that for perfecting the administration of the empire, and securing peace and good government, nothing can surpass this that is taught by your majesty&#8217;s courtiers. If now the recommendation of the Board be granted, these men must at once return to their own countries. Knowing so much and having said so little in their behalf, your majesty&#8217;s servant is filled with the deepest regret, and therefore, after having fasted and performed the requisite ablutions, he does not shrink from the responsibility of laying their case before the Throne.<\/p>\n<p>As to the things which ministers of the Board say they have heard, they are only such as your servant himself heard in former days, and which then filled him with suspicion. But after years of careful examination and inquiry \u2014 when he had a sincere mind to see the truth in them, and was able to understand them most thoroughly \u2014 then his confidence became strong and undoubting. Were there indeed the smallest reason for entertaining suspicion regarding these men, then there might be some shadow of doubt in your servant&#8217;s mind; and although free from the smallest fault, yet if these men were not truly sages and worthies, then too, they might not be of great advantage; and it would be to your servant of little moment, whether they were sent away or were retained.<\/p>\n<p>As it regards the improvement of the imperial Calendar, that is also a matter of little importance. Being as he is, however, one of those ministers who are appointed to attend on his majesty, how can your servant dare rashly to plead in their behalf, insult and deceive his princely Father, and expose himself to condign punishment! If ministers of the Board would but examine and inquire thoroughly, as your servant has done, then he apprehends that they would not be behind him in advocating their cause.<\/p>\n<p>Your servant in rashly presuming to approach the Heavenly Majesty, is overwhelmed with infinite fear and dread, while he earnestly awaits the imperial mandate in reply to this memorial.<\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<p><strong>The\u00a0Chinese Repository, Vol. 19 (March 1850), pp. 118-126.<\/strong><\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<p><em>Annotated by Sander M. Molenaar<\/em><\/p>\n\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--label-2\">The Treaty of Nerchinsk (1689)<\/a>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--icon-2\"><i>Expand<\/i><\/a>\n\t\t<strong>Treaty of Nerchinsk (Nibuchu), 1689<br \/>\n<\/strong><em>Fyodor Alexeyevich Golovin; Songgotu<\/em><strong><br \/>\n<\/strong>\n<hr \/>\nRUSSIAN TEXT\n<p>\u0411\u043e\u0436\u0438\u0435\u044e \u043c\u0438\u043b\u043e\u0441\u0442\u0438\u044e \u0432\u0435\u043b\u0438\u043a\u0438\u0445 \u0433\u043e\u0441\u0443\u0434\u0430\u0440\u0435\u0439, \u0446\u0430\u0440\u0435\u0439 \u0438 \u0432\u0435\u043b\u0438\u043a\u0438\u0445 \u043a\u043d\u044f\u0437\u0435\u0439 \u0418\u043e\u0430\u043d\u043d\u0430 \u0410\u043b\u0435\u043a\u0441\u0435\u0435\u0432\u0438\u0447\u0430, \u041f\u0435\u0442\u0440\u0430 \u0410\u043b\u0435\u043a\u0441\u0435\u0435\u0432\u0438\u0447\u0430, \u0432\u0441\u0435\u0430 \u0412\u0435\u043b\u0438\u043a\u0438\u044f \u0438 \u041c\u0430\u043b\u044b\u044f \u0438 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\u0447\u0438\u043d\u0438\u0442\u044c \u043a\u0430\u0437\u043d\u044c \u0436\u0435\u0441\u0442\u043e\u043a\u0443\u044e; \u0431\u0443\u0434\u0435\u0442 \u0436\u0435 \u0441\u043e\u0435\u0434\u0438\u043d\u044f\u0441\u044c \u043c\u043d\u043e\u0433\u043e\u043b\u044e\u0434\u0441\u0442\u0432\u043e\u043c \u0438 \u0443\u0447\u0438\u043d\u044f\u0442 \u0442\u0430\u043a\u043e\u0435 \u0432\u044b\u0448\u0435\u043f\u0438\u0441\u0430\u043d\u043d\u043e\u0435 \u0432\u043e\u0440\u043e\u0432\u0441\u0442\u0432\u043e, \u0438 \u0442\u0430\u043a\u0438\u0445 \u0441\u0432\u043e\u0435\u0432\u043e\u043b\u044c\u043d\u0438\u043a\u043e\u0432, \u043f\u0435\u0440\u0435\u043b\u043e\u0432\u044f, \u043e\u0442\u0441\u044b\u043b\u0430\u0442\u044c \u043a \u043f\u043e\u0440\u0443\u0431\u0435\u0436\u043d\u044b\u043c \u0432\u043e\u0435\u0432\u043e\u0434\u0430\u043c, \u0430 \u0438\u043c \u0437\u0430 \u0442\u043e \u0447\u0438\u043d\u0438\u0442\u044c \u0441\u043c\u0435\u0440\u0442\u043d\u0430\u044f \u043a\u0430\u0437\u043d\u044c. \u0410 \u0432\u043e\u0439\u043d\u044b \u0438 \u043a\u0440\u043e\u0432\u043e\u043f\u0440\u043e\u043b\u0438\u0442\u0438\u044f \u0441 \u043e\u0431\u043e\u0438\u0445 \u0441\u0442\u043e\u0440\u043e\u043d \u0434\u043b\u044f \u0442\u0430\u043a\u0438\u0445 \u043f\u0440\u0438\u0442\u0447\u0438\u043d \u0438 \u0437\u0430 \u0441\u0430\u043c\u044b\u0435 \u043f\u043e\u0433\u0440\u0430\u043d\u0438\u0447\u043d\u044b\u0445 \u043b\u044e\u0434\u0435\u0439 \u043f\u0440\u0435\u0441\u0442\u0443\u043f\u043a\u0438 \u043d\u0435 \u0432\u0441\u0447\u0438\u043d\u0430\u0442\u044c, \u0430 \u043e \u0442\u0430\u043a\u0438\u0445 \u0441\u0441\u043e\u0440\u0430\u0445 \u043f\u0438\u0441\u0430\u0442\u044c, \u0438\u0437 \u043a\u043e\u0442\u043e\u0440\u044b\u0435 \u0441\u0442\u043e\u0440\u043e\u043d\u044b \u0442\u043e \u0432\u043e\u0440\u043e\u0432\u0441\u0442\u0432\u043e \u0431\u0443\u0434\u0435\u0442, \u043e\u0431\u043e\u0438\u0445 \u0441\u0442\u043e\u0440\u043e\u043d \u043a \u0433\u043e\u0441\u0443\u0434\u0430\u0440\u0435\u043c \u0438 \u0440\u043e\u0437\u0440\u044b\u0432\u0430\u0442\u0438 \u0442\u0435 \u0441\u0441\u043e\u0440\u044b \u043b\u044e\u0431\u0438\u0442\u0435\u043b\u044c\u043d\u044b\u043c\u0438 \u043f\u043e\u0441\u043e\u043b\u044c\u0441\u043a\u0438\u043c\u0438 \u043f\u0435\u0440\u0435\u0441\u044b\u043b\u043a\u0438.<\/p>\n<p>\u041f\u0440\u043e\u0442\u0438\u0432 \u0443\u0441\u0438\u0445 \u043f\u043e\u0441\u0442\u0430\u043d\u043e\u0432\u043b\u0435\u043d\u043d\u044b\u0445 \u043e \u0433\u0440\u0430\u043d\u0438\u0446\u0435 \u043f\u043e\u0441\u043e\u043b\u044c\u0441\u043a\u0438\u043c\u0438 \u0434\u043e\u0433\u043e\u0432\u043e\u0440\u044b \u0441\u0442\u0430\u0442\u0435\u0439, \u0435\u0441\u0442\u043b\u0438 \u043f\u043e\u0445\u043e\u0447\u0435\u0442 \u0431\u0443\u0433\u0434\u044b\u0445\u0430\u043d\u043e\u0432\u043e \u0432\u044b\u0441\u043e\u0447\u0435\u0441\u0442\u0432\u043e \u043f\u043e\u0441\u0442\u0430\u0432\u0438\u0442\u044c \u043e\u0442 \u0441\u0435\u0431\u044f \u043f\u0440\u0438 \u0433\u0440\u0430\u043d\u0438\u0446\u0430\u0445 \u0434\u043b\u044f \u043f\u0430\u043c\u044f\u0442\u0438 \u043a\u0430\u043a\u0438\u0435 \u043f\u0440\u0438\u0437\u043d\u0430\u043a\u0438, \u0438 \u043f\u043e\u0434\u043f\u0438\u0441\u0430\u0442\u044c \u043d\u0430 \u043d\u0438\u0445 \u0441\u0438\u0438 \u0441\u0442\u0430\u0442\u044c\u0438, \u0438 \u0442\u043e \u043e\u0442\u0434\u0430\u0435\u043c \u043c\u044b \u043d\u0430 \u0432\u043e\u043b\u044e \u0431\u0443\u0433\u0434\u044b\u0445\u0430\u043d\u043e\u0432\u0430 \u0432\u044b\u0441\u043e\u0447\u0435\u0441\u0442\u0432\u0430.<\/p>\n<p>\u0414\u0430\u043d \u043f\u0440\u0438 \u0433\u0440\u0430\u043d\u0438\u0446\u0430\u0445 \u0446\u0430\u0440\u0441\u043a\u043e\u0433\u043e \u0432\u0435\u043b\u0438\u0447\u0435\u0441\u0442\u0432\u0430 \u0432 \u0414\u0430\u0443\u0440\u0441\u043a\u043e\u0439 \u0437\u0435\u043c\u043b\u0435, \u043b\u0435\u0442\u0430 7197-\u0433\u043e \u0430\u0432\u0433\u0443\u0441\u0442\u0430 27-\u0433\u043e \u0434\u043d\u044f.<\/p>\n<p>\u0422\u0430\u043a\u043e\u0432\u043e \u0436 \u043f\u0438\u0441\u044c\u043c\u043e \u0440\u0443\u043a\u0438 \u0410\u043d\u0434\u0440\u0435\u044f \u0411\u0435\u043b\u043e\u0431\u043e\u0446\u043a\u043e\u0433\u043e \u043d\u0430\u043f\u0438\u0441\u0430\u043d\u043e \u0438 \u043d\u0430 \u043b\u0430\u0442\u0438\u043d\u0441\u043a\u043e\u043c \u044f\u0437\u044b\u043a\u0435.<\/p>\n<p>\u0421\u043a\u0440\u0435\u043f\u0430 \u043f\u043e \u043b\u0438\u0441\u0442\u0430\u043c \u0441\u0435\u043a\u0440\u0435\u0442\u0430\u0440\u044f \u0424\u0435\u0434\u043e\u0440\u0430 \u041f\u0440\u043e\u0442\u043e\u043f\u043e\u0432\u0430.<\/p>\n<p>\u0421 \u043f\u043e\u0434\u043b\u0438\u043d\u043d\u043e\u044e \u043a\u043e\u043f\u0438\u0435\u044e \u0447\u0438\u0442\u0430\u043b \u043f\u0435\u0440\u0435\u0432\u043e\u0434\u0447\u0438\u043a \u0424\u043e\u043c\u0430 \u0420\u043e\u0437\u0430\u043d\u043e\u0432.<\/p>\nTRANSLATION\n<p>Their Majesties the Grand Dukes Joann Alexeevitch and Peter Alexeevitch, by the Grace of God [Joint] Emperors, Czars, and Autocrats of all the Russias, Great, Small, and White; Emperors and Lords over, and successors from immediate and remote ancestors to the Crowns of, many Kingdoms and Countries, Eastern, Western, and Northern; having appointed as their Envoys and Plenipotentiaries Theodorus Alexeevitch Golovin, Minister of the Presence and Governor-General of Briansk; Ivan Astaffjevitch Vlasoff, Minister of the Household and Governor-General of Elatomsk; and Sem\u00ebn Kornitsky, Deacon [of the Orthodox Church];<\/p>\n<p>And His Majesty the Bogdokhan (i.e., Heavenly-appointed Ruler) of China, Supreme Ruler of Great Asiatic Countries, the Most Powerful Monarch, Wisest Ruler, Exponent of Heaven\u2019s Law, Most Enlightened Noble, entrusted by Heaven with the government of China for the welfare and glory of its people, having appointed as his Envoys Sag-mu-tu, Commander of the Imperial Body Guard, Grand Secretary, and Councillor of State; Tum-ke-kam, Grand Secretary, Prince of the First Rank, Commander of Banner Corps, and Member of the Imperial Clan; and Lam-tan, Commander of Banner Corps, etc.:<\/p>\n<p>And the aforesaid Envoys having met near Nerchinsk, they have agreed upon the following Articles: \u2014<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article I.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The river Gorbitza, which joins the Schilka from its left side near the river Tchernaya, is to form the boundary between the two Empires. The boundary from the source of that river to the sea will run along the top of the mountain chain [in which the river rises]. The jurisdiction of the two Empires will be divided in such a way that all the rivers or streams flowing from the southern slope of these mountains to join the Amur shall belong to the Empire of China [<em>lit<\/em>. of Han], while all the rivers flowing down from the other [or northern] side of these mountains shall be similarly under the rule of His Majesty the Czar of the Russian Empire. As to the the other rivers which lie between the Russian river Oud and the aforesaid mountains\u2014running near the Amur and extending to the sea \u2014 which are now under Chinese rule, the question of the jurisdiction over them is to remain open. On this point the [Russian] Ambassadors are [at present] without explicit instructions from the Czar. Hereafter, when the Ambassadors on both sides shall have returned [? to their respective countries], the Czar and the Emperor of China [Han] will decide the question on terms of amity, either by sending Plenipotentiaries or by written correspondence.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article II.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Similarly, the river Argun, which flows into the Amur, will form the frontier along its whole length. All territory on the left bank is to be under the rule of the Emperor of China [Khan of Han]; all on the right bank will be included in the Empire of the Czar. All habitations on the south side will be transferred to the other.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article III.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The fortified town of Albazin, built by His Majesty the Czar, is to be completely demolished, and the people residing there, with all military and other stores and equipment, are to be moved into Russian territory. Those moved can take all their property with them, and they are not to be allowed to suffer loss [by detention of any of it].<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article IV.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Fugitives [<em>lit<\/em>. runaways] from either side who may have settled in the other\u2019s country previous to the date of this Treaty may remain. No claims for their rendition will be made on either side. But those who may take refuge in either country after the date of this Treaty of Amity are to be sent without delay to the frontier and at once handed over to the chief local officials.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article V.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>It is to be understood by both Governments that from the time when this Treaty of Amity is made, the subjects of either nation, being provided with proper passports, may come and go [across the frontier] on their private business and may carry on commerce [<em>lit<\/em>. buy and sell].<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article VI.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>All the differences [<em>lit<\/em>. quarrels] which may have occurred between the subjects [of each nation] on the frontier up to the date of this Treaty will be forgotten and [claims arising out of them will] not be entertained. But if hereafter any of the subjects [lit. traders or craftsmen] of either nationality pass the frontier [as if] for private [and legitimate] business, and [while in the foreign territory] commit crimes of violence to property and life, they are at once to be arrested and sent to the frontier of their own country and handed over to the chief local authority [military], who will inflict upon them the death penalty as a punishment for their crimes. Crimes and excesses committed by private people on the frontier must not be made the cause of war and bloodshed by either side. When cases of this kind arise, they are to be reported by [the officers of] the side on which they occur to the Sovereigns of both Powers, for settlement by diplomatic negotiation in an amicable manner.<\/p>\n<p>If the Emperor of China desires to engrave [on stone] the Articles of the above Treaty agreed upon by the Envoys for the determination of the frontier, and to place the same [at certain positions] on the frontier as a record, he is at liberty to do so. Whether this is to be done or not is left entirely to the discretion of His Majesty the Emperor of China.<\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\nLATIN TEXT\n<p>Sancti Sinarum Imperatoris mandate missi ad determinados limites Magnates.<\/p>\n<p>Som Go Tu Praetorianorum militum praefectus interioris palatii Palatinus, Imperii consiliarius etc.<\/p>\n<p>Tum Que Cam interioris palatii palatinus, primi ordinis comes, Imperialis vexilli dominus, Imperatoris avunculus etc.<\/p>\n<p>Lam Tan vnius etiam vexilli dominus<\/p>\n<p>Pam Tarcha item vnius vexilli dominus<\/p>\n<p>Sap so circa Sagalien Via aliasque terras generalis exercituum praefectus<\/p>\n<p>Ma La vnius vexilli praefectus<\/p>\n<p>Wen Ta exterorum tribunalis alter praeses et caeteri una cum missis.<\/p>\n<p>Dei gratia magnorum dominatorum Tzarum Magnorumque Ducum Ioannis Alexiewicz, Petri Alexiewicz totius magnae ac parvae, nec non albae Russiae Monarcharum, multorumque dominiorum ac terrarum Orientalium, Occidentalium ac Septemtrionalium, Prognatorum Haeredum, ac Successorum, dominatorum ac possessorum<\/p>\n<p>Magnis ac plenipotentibus Suae Tzareae Majestatis Legatis Proximo Okolnitio ac locitenente Branski Theodoro Alexiewicz Golovin dapifero ac locitenente I\u00e9latomski, Ioanne Eustahievicz Wlasoph Cancellario Simeone Cornitski<\/p>\n<p>Anno Cam Hi 28<sup>-o<\/sup>\u00a0crocei serpentis dicto 7<sup>-ae<\/sup>\u00a0Lunae die 24 props oppidum Nipehou congregatitum ad coercendam et reprimendam insolentiam eorum inferioris notae venatorum hominum, qui extra proprios limites, sive venabundi, sive se mutuo occidentes, sive depraedantes, sive perturbationes aut tumultus quoscumque commoventes pro suo arbitrio excurrunt, turn ad limites inter utrumque Imperium Sinicum videlicet et Ruthenicum clar\u00e9 ac perspicu\u00e9 determinandos ac constituendos, turn denique ad pacem perpetuam stabiliendam aeternumque foedus percutiendum, sequentia puncta ex mutuo consensu statuimus ac determinavimus.<\/p>\n<p><strong>I.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Rivulus nomine Kerbichi, qui rivo Chorna Tartaric\u00e9 Vrum dicto proximus adiacet et fiuvium Sagalien Via influit, limites inter utrumque Imperium constituet. Item a vertice rupis seu montis lapidei, qui est supra dicti rivuli Kerbichi fontem et originem et per ipsa huius montis cacumina usque ad mare, utriusque Imperii ditionem ita dividet, ut omnes terrae et fluvii sive parvi sive magni qui a meridionali huius montis parte in fiuvium Sagalien Via infiuunt sint sub Imperii Sinici dominio, omnes terrae vero et omnes rivi qui ex altera montis parte ad Borealem plagam vergunt sub Ruthenici Imperii dominio remaneant, ita tamen, ut quicunque fluvii in mare influunt et quaecumque terrae sunt intermediae inter fiuvium Vdi et seriem montium pro limitibus designatam prointerim indeterminatae rehnquantur. De his autem post uniuscuiusque Imperii legatorum in proprium regnum reditum rit\u00e9 examinatis et clare cognitis vel per legatos vel per Utteras postea determinabitur. Item fluvius nomine Ergon qui etiam supra dictum fiuvium Sagalien Via influit, limites ita constituet, ut omnes terrae quae sunt ex parte meridionali ad Sinicum, quae vero sunt ex parte boreali, ad Ruthenicum Imperium pertineant: et omnes aedes quae ex parte dicti fluminis meridionali in faucibus fluvii nomine Meyrelke extructae sunt ad littus boreale transferentur.<\/p>\n<p><strong>II.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Arx seu fortalitia in loco nomine Yagsa a Russis extructa funditus eruetur ac destruetur. Omnesque illam incolentes Rutheni Imperii subditi cum omnibus suis cuiuscumque generis rebus in Russi Imperii terras deducentur.<\/p>\n<p>Atque extra hos limites determinatos nullam ob causam utriusque Imperii venatores transibunt.<\/p>\n<p>Quod si unus aut duo inferioris notae homines extra hos statutos limites vel venabundi, vel latrocinaturi divagabuntur, statim in vincula coniecti ad illarum terrarum constitutos in utroque Imperio Praefectos deducentur, qui cognitam illorum culpam debit\u00e2 poen\u00e2 muletabunt\u00a0: Si vero ad decem aut quindecim simul congregati et armis instructi, aut venabuntur, aut alterius Imperii homines Occident, aut depraedabuntur de hoc ad uniuscuiusque Imperii Imperatores referetur, omnesque huius criminis rei capitali poen\u00e2 mulctabuntur, nee bellum propter quoscumque particularium hominum excessus suscitabitur, aut sanguinis effusio procurabitur.<\/p>\n<p><strong>III.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Quaecumque prius acta sunt, cuiuscumque generis sint, aetern\u00e2 oblivione sopiantur. Ab eo die quo inter utrumque Imperium haec aeterna pax iurata fuerit, nulli in posterum ex altero Imperio transfugae in alteram Imperium admittentur\u00a0: sed in vincula coniecti statim reducentur.<\/p>\n<p><strong>IV.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Quicumque ver\u00f3 Rutheni Imperii subditi in Sinico et quicumque Sinici Imperii in Ruthenico nunc sunt, in eodem statu relinquantur.<\/p>\n<p><strong>V.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Propter nunc contractam amicitiam atque aeternum foedus stabihtum, cuiuscumque generis homines litteras patentes iteneris sui afferentes, licit\u00e9 accedent ad regna utriusque dominii, ibique vendent et ement quaecumque ipsis videbuntur necessaria mutuo commercio.<\/p>\n<p><strong>VI.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Conciho inter utriusque Imperii legatos celebrato, et omnibus utriuisque Regni lihmitum contentionibus diremptis, paceque stabilit\u00e2, et aeterno amicitiae foedere percusso, si hae omnes determinatae conditiones rit\u00e9 observabuntur, nullus erit amplius perturbationi locus.<\/p>\n<p>Ex utraque parte hujus foederis conditiones scripto mandabuntur, duplexque exemplar huic conform e sigillo munitum sibi invicem tradent magni utriusque Imperii legati.<\/p>\n<p>Demum et iuxta hoc idem exemplar eaedem conditiones Sinico Ruthenico et latino idiomate lapidibus incidentur, qui lapides in utriusque Imperii limitibus in perpetuum ac aeternum monumentum erigentur.<\/p>\n<p>Datum apud Nipchou anno Cam Hi 28<sup>-o<\/sup>\u00a07<sup>-ae<\/sup>\u00a0Lunae die 24.<\/p>\nTRANSLATION\n<p>The Divine Emperor of China, having mandated these Lords sent to determine the border:<\/p>\n<p>Som Go Tu, Commander of the Imperial Body Guard, Grand Secretary, and Councillor of State etc.;<\/p>\n<p>Tum Que Cam, Grand Secretary, Prince of the First Rank, Banner Corps Commander, Uncle of the Emperor, etc.;<\/p>\n<p>Lam Tan, Banner Corps Commander;<\/p>\n<p>Pam Tarcha, Banner Corps Commander;<\/p>\n<p>Sap So, Garrison Commander of the Sagalien;<\/p>\n<p>Ma La, Captain-General of the Guards;<\/p>\n<p>Wen Ta, Vice Minister of the Li-fan Y\u00fcan:<\/p>\n<p>And the Grand Dukes Ioannis Alexiewicz and Petri Alexiewicz, by Grace of God Monarchs of all the Russias, Great, Small, and White, born heirs, successors, lords and possessors to many domains and lands, Eastern, Western, and Northern;<\/p>\n<p>Their great and powerful Czarist Majesties having appointed the following as their envoys Theodoro Alexiewicz Golovin,\u00a0<em>Okolnichy<\/em>\u00a0and Governor-General of Branski; Ioanne Eustahievicz Wlasoph, steward and Governor-General of I\u00e9latomski; and Simeone Cornitski, chancellor;<\/p>\n<p>Having gathered on Monday the 24th, of the 7th month, 28th year of Kangxi (year of the Earth Snake) near the town of Nipchou to\u00a0prevent and repress the insolence\u00a0of worthless hunters, who, outside the proper limits, engage at pleasure in hunting, or mutual killings, or robbery,\u00a0or disorders, disturbances, and agitations of all kinds;\u00a0and to fix clearly the boundary between both empires of China and Russia, with a view to perpetuating peaceful relations between them; have agreed by mutual consent upon the following Articles: \u2014<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article I.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The river Kerbichi, which joins the Sagalien from its left side near the river Chorna \u2014 or Vrum in the Tartar language \u2014 is to form the boundary between the two countries. The boundary from the source of that river to the sea will run along the top of the mountain chain: the land and all the rivers or streams flowing from the southern [slope] of these mountains to join the Sagalien shall be under the administration of China, while the land and all the rivers flowing from the northern side of these mountains shall be under the jurisdiction of Russia. As to the rivers and lands which lie between the river Vdi and the aforesaid mountains, the question of how to divide them is to remain undecided for now. When the Ambassadors of both sides have returned to their respective countries, and after detailed investigation, the question will be decided either by the sending of Envoys or by written correspondence. Also, the river Ergon, which flows into the Sagalien, will form the frontier along its whole length. All territory on the south bank belongs to China; all on the north bank to Russia. All habitations at the mouth of the Meyrelke river on the south side of the Ergon will be moved to the north side.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article II.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The fortified town at Yagsa, built by the Russians, is to be completely demolished, and the people residing there, with all military and other stores and equipment are to be moved, unhindered, into Russian territory.<\/p>\n<p>Those from hunting households of the two Empires, no matter for what reason, are not allowed to cross the fixed boundary at will.<\/p>\n<p>If one or two worthless persons, for purposes of hunting or thievery, presumptuously cross the boundary, they are to be arrested and handed back to the domestic officials of their respective sides and, once their case has been clarified, immediately punished according to law. If ten or more [larger groups of] persons cross the boundary and assemble, whether armed for hunting or for killing people and plundering, this must be reported to the Emperors of the two countries and they must be punished with the death penalty for their crime. Crimes and excesses committed by a few [private] persons on the frontier must definitely not be permitted to become the cause for war, even less for bloodshed.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article III.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>All the issues which may have occurred prior to this Treaty will be forgotten. But, now that perpetual peace has been established between the two Empires, if in future there are fugitives, neither side will take them in, but must apprehend and return them.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article IV.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Russians presently in China and Chinese presently in Russia, will be treated as in the past.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article V.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>From the date of this Peace Treaty, any subject of either nation carrying a passport may come and go across the frontier and may carry on commerce in both markets.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article VI.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Now that peace has been established, the two countries will forever maintain friendly relations, and henceforward all frontier disagreements will be done away with, for if both sides seriously adhere to the treaty clauses, controversies cannot arise.<\/p>\n<p>The Commissioners of the two countries have each signed and sealed the collated treaty texts, and each retains both an original and a copy.<\/p>\n<p>This treaty will be engraved in the Chinese, Russian and Latin languages in stone, to be set up on the boundary between the two countries, to serve forever as boundary marker[s].<\/p>\n<p>Done in Nipchou in the 28th year of Kangxi, 7th month, Monday the 24th.<\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\nMANCHU TEXT\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/fass.nus.edu.sg\/hist\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/7\/2020\/11\/nerchinsk-e1606276896193-300x69.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"300\" height=\"69\" \/>&nbsp;<\/p>\nTRANSLATION OF MANCHU TEXT\n<p>The Divine Emperor of China, having appointed as Imperial Border-Defining Commissioners So-e-t&#8217;u, Commander of the Imperial Body Guard, Grand Secretary, and Councillor of State; Tung Kuo-kang, Grand Secretary, Prince of the First Rank, Banner Corps Commander, and Uncle of the Emperor; Lang-t&#8217;an, Banner Corps Commander; Pan-ta-li-sha, Banner Corps Commander; Sa-pu-su, Garrison Commander of Hei-lung-chiang etc.; Ma-la, Captain-General of the Guards; and Wen-ta, Vice Minister of the Li-fan Y\u00fcan, in conjunction with the envoys of the Russian Ch&#8217;ahan Khan E-kun-ni (Kornitski) etc., in public deliberation at this place of Nerchinsk, have agreed:<\/p>\n<p>(1) Let the Kerbechi River near the Shorna River (Cho-er-na), i.e., the Urwin River (Wu-lung-mu) which flows northward into the Hei-lungchiang, serve as the natural demarcation line. Along the upper tributary of this said river in the desert region, let the Hsing-an Mountains (Shihta Hsing-an), which extend toward the sea, also serve as natural boundaries. South of the Hsing-an Mountains, the rivers and brooks flowing into the Hei-lung-chiang belong to China; north of the mountains the rivers and brooks belong to Russia.<\/p>\n<p>(2) Let the Ergone River (E-er-ku-na), which flows into the Hei-lung- chiang, serve as another natural demarcation line. The south bank of this river belongs to China and the north bank belongs to Russia. At the mouth of the Meriken River (Mei-le-er-k&#8217;o) all Russian houses must be moved to the north bank.<\/p>\n<p>(3) All of the cities (ostrogs) which Russia built in the area of Ya-k&#8217;o- sa shall be destroyed. The Russian people who dwell at Ya-k&#8217;o-sa should withdraw with all their belongings into the territory of the Ch&#8217;ahan Khan.<\/p>\n<p>(4) Hunters and subjects of these two Empires are absolutely forbidden to cross the boundary. If they disobey, they should be seized immediately and sent to the local administrators who control them directly. They should be punished according to the degree of their crimes. If incidents occur where ten or fifteen armed persons gather to hunt, to kill or to plunder, they must be reported to the Throne. The violators must be executed. However, small accidents cannot hinder great affairs. Russia will still be friendly with China and will cause no conflict so that strife will be forgotten. All Russian subjects in China and all Chinese subjects in Russia shall remain where they are and do not need to be repatriated.<\/p>\n<p>(5) From now on [the two empires] will be permanent friends; therefore, all travellers are allowed to trade, provided they have passports.<\/p>\n<p>(6) After peace is made and an oath is sworn neither empire will be allowed to harbor fugitives. All fugitives should be repatriated immediately.<\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<p><strong>Bakradze, D.Z.\u00a0<em>Sbornik dogovorov Rossii s Kitaem, 1689-1881<\/em>\u00a0<em>gg<\/em>. (Collection of Agreements of Russia with China, 1689-1881). Sankt Peterburg: Izdanie Ministerstva Inostrannykh Del. 1889. pp. 1-10. (Latin, Russian and Manchu texts)<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>China.\u00a0<em>Treaties, Conventions, etc., between China and Foreign States, misc. series no. 30<\/em>. Shanghai: Statistical Department of the Inspectorate General of Customs, 1917. pp. 3-13. (English translation of Russian text)<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Fu, Lo-shu.\u00a0<em>A Documentary Chronicle of Sino-Western Relations (1644-1820)<\/em>. Tuscon: University of Arizona Press, 1966. pp. 101. (English translation of Manchu text)<\/strong><\/p>\n\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--label-3\">Letter to George III (1793)<\/a>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--icon-3\"><i>Expand<\/i><\/a>\n\t\t<strong>Qianlong\u2019s Letter to George III, 1793<br \/>\n<\/strong><em>Hongli, the Qianlong Emperor<\/em><strong><br \/>\n<\/strong>\n<hr \/>\n<p>You, O King, live beyond the confines of many seas. Nevertheless, impelled by your humble desire to partake of the benefits of our civilisation, you have dispatched a mission respectfully bearing your memorial. Your Envoy has crossed the seas and paid his respects at my Court on the anniversary of my birthday. To show your devotion, you have also sent offerings of your country&#8217;s produce.<\/p>\n<p>I have perused your memorial: the earnest terms in which it is couched reveal a respectful humility on your part, which is highly praiseworthy. In consideration of the fact that your Ambassador and his deputy have come a long way with your memorial and tribute, I have shown them high favour and have allowed them to be introduced into my presence. To manifest my indulgence, I have entertained them at a banquet and made them numerous gifts. I have also caused presents to be forwarded to the Naval Commander and six hundred of his officers and men, although they did not come to Peking, so that they too may share in my all-\u00adembracing kindness.<\/p>\n<p>As to your entreaty to send one of your nationals to be accredited to my Celestial Court and to be in control of your country&#8217;s trade with China, this request is contrary to all usage of my dynasty and cannot possibly be entertained. It is true that Europeans, in the service of the dynasty, have been permitted to live at Peking, but they are compelled to adopt Chinese dress, they are strictly confined to their own precincts and are never permitted to return home. You are presumably familiar with our dynastic regulations. Your proposed Envoy to my Court could not be placed in a position similar to that of European officials in Peking who are forbidden to leave China, nor could he, on the other hand, be allowed liberty of movement and the privilege of corresponding with his own country; so that you would gain nothing by his residence in our midst.<\/p>\n<p>Moreover, our Celestial dynasty possesses vast territories, and tribute missions from the dependencies are provided for by the Department for Tributary States, which ministers to their wants and exercises strict control over their movements. It would be quite impossible to leave them to their own devices. Supposing that your Envoy should come to our Court, his language and national dress differ from that of our people, and there would be no place in which to bestow him. It may be suggested that he might imitate the Europeans permanently resident in Peking and adopt the dress and customs of China, but, it has never been our dynasty&#8217;s wish to force people to do things unseemly and inconvenient. Besides, supposing I sent an Ambassador to reside in your country, how could you possibly make for him the requisite arrangements? Europe consists of many other nations besides your own: if each and all demanded to be represented at our Court, how could we possibly consent? The thing is utterly impracticable. How can our dynasty alter its whole procedure and system of etiquette, established for more than a century, in order to meet your individual views? If it be said that your object is to exercise control over your country&#8217;s trade, your nationals have had full liberty to trade at Canton for many a year, and have received the greatest consideration at our hands. Missions have been sent by Portugal and Italy, preferring similar requests. The Throne appreciated their sincerity and loaded them with favours, besides authorising measures to facilitate their trade with China. You are no doubt aware that, when my Canton merchant, Wu Chao-ping, who was in debt to foreign ships. I made the Viceroy advance the monies due, out of the provincial treasury, and ordered him to punish the culprit severely. Why then should foreign nations advance this utterly unreasonable request to be represented at my Court? Peking is nearly two thousand miles from Canton, and at such a distance what possible control could any British representative exercise?<\/p>\n<p>If you assert that your reverence for Our Celestial dynasty fills you with a desire to acquire our civilisation, our ceremonies and code of laws differ so completely from your own that, even if your Envoy were able to acquire the rudiments of our civilisation, you could not possibly transplant our manners and customs to your alien soil. Therefore, however adept the Envoy might become, nothing would be gained thereby.<\/p>\n<p>Swaying the wide world, I have but one aim in view, namely, to maintain a perfect governance and to fulfil the duties of the State: strange and costly objects do not interest me. If I have commanded that the tribute offerings sent by you, O King, are to be accepted, this was solely in consideration for the spirit which prompted you to dispatch them from afar. Our dynasty&#8217;s majestic virtue has penetrated unto every country under Heaven, and Kings of all nations have offered their costly tribute by land and sea. As your Ambassador can see for himself, we possess all things. I set no value on objects strange or ingenious, and have no use for your country&#8217;s manufactures. This then is my answer to your request to appoint a representative at my Court, a request contrary to our dynastic usage, which would only result in inconvenience to yourself. I have expounded my wishes in detail and have commanded your tribute Envoys to leave in peace on their homeward journey. It behoves you, O King, to respect my sentiments and to display even greater devotion and loyalty in future, so that, by perpetual submission to our Throne, you may secure peace and prosperity for your country hereafter. Besides making gifts (of which I enclose an inventory) to each member of your Mission, I confer upon you, O King, valuable presents in excess of the number usually bestowed on such occasions, including silks and curios-a list of which is likewise enclosed. Do you reverently receive them and take note of my tender goodwill towards you! A special mandate.<\/p>\n<p>You, O King, from afar have yearned after the blessings of our civilisation, and in your eagerness to come into touch with our converting influence have sent an Embassy across the sea bearing a memorial. I have already taken note of your respectful spirit of submission, have treated your mission with extreme favour and loaded it with gifts, besides issuing a mandate to you, O King, and honouring you with the bestowal of valuable presents. Thus has my indulgence been manifested.<\/p>\n<p>Yesterday your Ambassador petitioned my Ministers to memorialise me regarding your trade with China, but his proposal is not consistent with our dynastic usage and cannot be entertained. Hitherto, all European nations, including your own country&#8217;s barbarian merchants, have carried on their trade with our Celestial Empire at Canton. Such has been the procedure for many years, although our Celestial Empire possesses all things in prolific abundance and lacks no product within its own borders. There was therefore no need to import the manufactures of outside barbarians in exchange for our own produce. But as the tea, silk and porcelain which the Celestial Empire produces, are absolute necessities to European nations and to yourselves, we have permitted, as a signal mark of favour, that foreign\u00a0<em>hongs\u00a0<\/em>[merchant firms] should be established at Canton, so that your wants might be supplied and your country thus participate in our beneficence. But your Ambassador has now put forward new requests which completely fail to recognise the Throne&#8217;s principle to &#8220;treat strangers from afar with indulgence,&#8221; and to exercise a pacifying control over barbarian tribes, the world over. Moreover, our dynasty, swaying the myriad races of the globe, extends the same benevolence towards all. Your England is not the only nation trading at Canton. If other nations, following your bad example, wrongfully importune my ear with further impossible requests, how will it be possible for me to treat them with easy indulgence? Nevertheless, I do not forget the lonely remoteness of your island, cut off from the world by intervening wastes of sea, nor do I overlook your excusable ignorance of the usages of our Celestial Empire. I have consequently commanded my Ministers to enlighten your Ambassador on the subject, and have ordered the departure of the mission. But I have doubts that, after your Envoy&#8217;s return he may fail to acquaint you with my view in detail or that he may be lacking in lucidity, so that I shall now proceed . . . to issue my mandate on each question separately. In this way you will, I trust, comprehend my meaning&#8230;.<\/p>\n<p>(3) Your request for a small island near Chusan, where your merchants may reside and goods be warehoused, arises from your desire to develop trade. As there are neither foreign\u00a0<em>hongs\u00a0<\/em>nor interpreters in or near Chusan, where none of your ships have ever called, such an island would be utterly useless for your purposes. Every inch of the territory of our Empire is marked on the map and the strictest vigilance is exercised over it all: even tiny islets and far\u00adlying sand\u00adbanks are clearly defined as part of the provinces to which they belong. Consider, moreover, that England is not the only barbarian land which wishes to establish . . . trade with our Empire: supposing that other nations were all to imitate your evil example and beseech me to present them each and all with a site for trading purposes, how could I possibly comply? This also is a flagrant infringement of the usage of my Empire and cannot possibly be entertained.<\/p>\n<p>(4) The next request, for a small site in the vicinity of Canton city, where your barbarian merchants may lodge or, alternatively, that there be no longer any restrictions over their movements at Aomen, has arisen from the following causes. Hitherto, the barbarian merchants of Europe have had a definite locality assigned to them at Aomen for residence and trade, and have been forbidden to encroach an inch beyond the limits assigned to that locality&#8230;. If these restrictions were withdrawn, friction would inevitably occur between the Chinese and your barbarian subjects, and the results would militate against the benevolent regard that I feel towards you. From every point of view, therefore, it is best that the regulations now in force should continue unchanged&#8230;.<\/p>\n<p>(7) Regarding your nation&#8217;s worship of the Lord of Heaven, it is the same religion as that of other European nations. Ever since the beginning of history, sage Emperors and wise rulers have bestowed on China a moral system and inculcated a code, which from time immemorial has been religiously observed by the myriads of my subjects. There has been no hankering after heterodox doctrines. Even the European (missionary) officials in my capital are forbidden to hold intercourse with Chinese subjects; they are restricted within the limits of their appointed residences, and may not go about propagating their religion. The distinction between Chinese and barbarian is most strict, and your Ambassador&#8217;s request that barbarians shall be given full liberty to disseminate their religion is utterly unreasonable.<\/p>\n<p>It may be, O King, that the above proposals have been wantonly made by your Ambassador on his own responsibility, or peradventure you yourself are ignorant of our dynastic regulations and had no intention of transgressing them when you expressed these wild ideas and hopes&#8230;. If, after the receipt of this explicit decree, you lightly give ear to the representations of your subordinates and allow your barbarian merchants to proceed to Ch\u00eakiang and Tientsin, with the object of landing and trading there, the ordinances of my Celestial Empire are strict in the extreme, and the local officials, both civil and military, are bound reverently to obey the law of the land. Should your vessels touch the shore, your merchants will assuredly never be permitted to land or to reside there, but will be subject to instant expulsion. In that event your barbarian merchants will have had a long journey for nothing. Do not say that you were not warned in due time! Tremblingly obey and show no negligence! A special mandate!<\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<p><strong>Backhouse, E. and J. O. P. Bland,\u00a0<em>Annals and Memoirs of the Court of Peking.\u00a0<\/em>Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1914. pp. 322-\u00ad331.<\/strong><\/p>\n\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--label-4\">Letter to Queen Victoria (1839)<\/a>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--icon-4\"><i>Expand<\/i><\/a>\n\t\t<strong>Letter to the queen of England, from the high imperial commissioner Lin, and his colleagues, 1839<br \/>\n<\/strong><em>Lin Zexu<\/em><strong><br \/>\n<\/strong>\n<hr \/>\n<p>Lin, high imperial commissioner, a president of the Board of War, viceroy of the two Ke\u00e4ng provinces, &amp;c., Tang, a president of the Board of War, viceroy of the two Kwang provinces, &amp;c., and E., a vice-president of the Board of War, lieut.-governor of Kwangtung, &amp;c., hereby conjointly address this public dispatch to the queen of England for the purpose of giving her clear and distinct information (on the state of affairs) &amp;c.<\/p>\n<p>It is only our high and mighty emperor, who alike supports and cherishes those of the Inner Land, and those from beyond the seas-who looks upon all mankind with equal benevolence \u2014 who, if a source of profit exists anywhere, diffuses it over the whole world \u2014 who, if the tree of evil takes root anywhere, plucks it up for the benefit of all nations :\u2014 who, in a word, hath implanted in his breast that heart (by which beneficent nature herself) governs the heavens and the earth! You, the queen of your honorable nation, sit upon a throne occupied through successive generations by predecessors, all of whom have been styled respectful and obedient. Looking over the public documents accompanying the tribute sent (by your predecessors) on various occasions, we find the following: &#8220;All the people of my country, arriving at the Central Land for purposes of trade, have to feel grateful to the great emperor for the most perfect justice, for the kindest treatment,&#8221; and other words to that effect. Delighted did we feel that the kings of your honorable nation so clearly understood the great principles of propriety, and were so deeply grateful for the heavenly goodness (of our emperor) :\u2014 therefore, it was that we of the heavenly dynasty nourished and cherished your people from afar, and bestowed upon them redoubled proofs of our urbanity and kindness. It is merely from these circumstances, that your country \u2014 deriving immense advantage from its commercial intercourse with us, which has endured now two hundred years \u2014 has become the rich and flourishing kingdom that it is said to be!<\/p>\n<p>But, during the commercial intercourse which has existed so long, among the numerous foreign merchants resorting hither, are wheat and tares, good and bad; and of these latter are some, who, by means of introducing opium by stealth, have seduced our Chinese people, and caused every province of the land to overflow with that poison. These then know merely to advantage themselves, they care not about injuring others! This is a principle which heaven&#8217;s Providence repugnates; and which mankind conjointly look upon with abhorrence! Moreover, the great emperor hearing of it, actually quivered with indignation, and especially dispatched me, the commissioner, to Canton, that in conjunction with the viceroy and lieut.-governor of the province, means might be taken for its suppression!<\/p>\n<p>Every native of the Inner Land who sells opium, as also all who smoke it, are alike adjudged to death. Were we then to go back and take up the crimes of the foreigners, who, by selling it for many years have induced dreadful calamity and robbed us of enormous wealth, and punish them with equal severity, our laws could not but award to them absolute annihilation! But, considering that these said foreigners did yet repent of their crime, and with a sincere heart beg for mercy; that they took 20,283 chests of opium piled up in their store-ships, and through Elliot, the superintendent of the trade of your said country, petitioned that they might be delivered up to us, when the same were all utterly destroyed, of which we, the imperial commissioner and colleagues, made a duly prepared memorial to his majesty; \u2014 considering these circumstances, we have happily received a fresh proof of the extraordinary goodness of the great emperor, inasmuch as he who voluntarily comes forward, may yet be deemed a fit subject for mercy, and his crimes be graciously remitted him. But as for him who again knowingly violates the laws, difficult indeed will it be thus to go on repeatedly pardoning! He or they shall alike be doomed to the penalties of the new statute. We presume that you, the sovereign of your honorable nation, on pouring out your heart before the altar of eternal justice, cannot but command all foreigners with the deepest respect to reverence our laws! If we only lay clearly before your eyes, what is profitable and what is destructive, you will then know that the statutes of the heavenly dynasty cannot but be obeyed with fear and trembling!<\/p>\n<p>We find that your country is distant from us about sixty or seventy thousand miles, that your foreign ships come hither striving the one with the other for our trade, and for the simple reason of their strong desire to reap a profit. Now, out of the wealth of our Inner Land, if we take a part to bestow upon foreigners from afar, it follows, that the immense wealth which the said foreigners amass, ought properly speaking to be portion of our own native Chinese people. By what principle of reason then, should these foreigners send in return a poisonous drug, which involves in destruction those very natives of China? Without meaning to say that the foreigners harbor such destructive intentions in their hearts, we yet positively assert that from their inordinate thirst after gain, they are perfectly careless about the injuries they inflict upon us! And such being the case, we should like to ask what has become of that conscience which heaven has implanted in the breasts of all men?<\/p>\n<p>We have heard that in your own country opium is prohibited with the utmost strictness and severity :\u2014 this is a strong proof that you know full well how hurtful it is to mankind. Since then you do not permit it to injure your own country, you ought not to have the injurious drug transferred to another country, and above all others, how much less to the Inner Land! Of the products which China exports to your foreign countries, there is not one which is not beneficial to mankind in some shape or other. There are those which serve for food, those which are useful, and those which are calculated for re-sale; but all are beneficial. Has China (we should like to ask) ever yet sent forth a noxious article from its soil? Not to speak of our tea and rhubarb, things which your foreign countries could not exist a single day without, if we of the Central Land were to grudge you what is beneficial, and not to compassionate your wants, then wherewithal could you foreigners manage to exist? And further, as regards your woolens, camlets, and longells, were it not that you get supplied with our native raw silk, you could not get these manufactured! If China were to grudge you those things which yield a profit, how could you foreigners scheme after any profit at all? Our other articles of food, such as sugar, ginger, cinnamon, &amp;c., and our other articles for use, such as silk piece-goods, chinaware, &amp;c., are all so many necessaries of life to you; how can we reckon up their number! On the other hand, the things that come from your foreign countries are only calculated to make presents of, or serve for mere amusement. It is quite the same to us if we have them, or if we have them not. If then these are of no material consequence to us of the Inner Land, what difficulty would there be in prohibiting and shutting our market against them? It is only that our heavenly dynasty most freely permits you to take off her tea, silk, and other commodities, and convey them for consumption everywhere, without the slightest stint or grudge, for no other reason, but that where a profit exists, we wish that it be diffused abroad for the benefit of all the earth!<\/p>\n<p>Your honorable nation takes away the products of our central land, and not only do you thereby obtain food and support for yourselves, but moreover, by re-selling these products to other countries you reap a threefold profit. Now if you would only not sell opium, this threefold profit would be secured to you: how can you possibly consent to forgo it for a drug that is hurtful to men, and an unbridled craving after gain that seems to know no bounds! Let us suppose that foreigners came from another country, and brought opium into England, and seduced the people of your country to smoke it, would not you, the sovereign of the said country, look upon such a procedure with anger, and in your just indignation endeavor to get rid of it? Now we have always heard that your highness possesses a most kind and benevolent heart, surely then you are incapable of doing or causing to be done unto another, that which you should not wish another to do unto you! We have at the same time heard that your ships which come to Canton do each and every of them carry a document granted by your highness&#8217; self, on which are written these words &#8220;you shall not be permitted to carry contraband goods;&#8221; this shows that the laws of your highness are in their origin both distinct and severe, and we can only suppose that because the ships coming here have been very numerous, due attention has not been given to search and examine; and for this reason it is that we now address you this public document, that you may clearly know how stern and severe are the laws of the central dynasty, and most certainly you will cause that they be not again rashly violated!<\/p>\n<p>Moreover, we have heard that in London the metropolis where you dwell, as also in Scotland, Ireland, and other such places, no opium whatever is produced. It is only in sundry parts of your colonial kingdom of Hindostan, such as Bengal, Madras, Bombay, Patna, Malwa, Benares, Malacca, and other places where the very hills are covered with the opium plant, where tanks are made for the preparing of the drug; month by month, and year by year, the volume of the poison increases, its unclean stench ascends upwards, until heaven itself grows angry, and the very gods thereat get indignant! You, the queen of the said honorable nation, ought immediately to have the plant in those parts plucked up by the very root! Cause the land there to be hoed up afresh, sow in its stead the five grains, and if any man dare again to plant in these grounds a single poppy, visit his crime with the most severe punishment. By a truly benevolent system of government such as this, will you indeed reap advantage, and do away with a source of evil. Heaven must support you, and the gods will crown you with felicity! This will get for yourself the blessing of long life, and from this will proceed the security and stability of your descendants!<\/p>\n<p>In reference to the foreign merchants who come to this our central land, the food that they eat, and the dwellings that they abide in, proceed entirely from the goodness of our heavenly dynasty: the profits which they reap, and the fortunes which they amass, have their origin only in that portion of benefit which our heavenly dynasty kindly allots them: and as these pass but little of their time in your country, and the greater part of their time in our&#8217;s, it is a generally received maxim of old and of modern times, that we should conjointly admonish, and clearly make known the punishment that awaits them.<\/p>\n<p>Suppose the subject of another country were to come to England to trade, he would certainly be required to comply with the laws of England, then how much more does this apply to us of the celestial empire! Now it is a fixed statute of this empire, that any native Chinese who sells opium is punishable with death, and even he who merely smokes it, must not less die. Pause and reflect for a moment: if you foreigners did not bring the opium hither, where should our Chinese people get it to re-sell? It is you foreigners who involve our simple natives in the pit of death, and are they alone to be permitted to escape alive? If so much as one of those deprive one of our people of his life, he must forfeit his life in requital for that which he has taken: how much more does this apply to him who by means of opium destroys his fellow-men? Does the havoc which he commits stop with a single life? Therefore it is that those foreigners who now import opium into the Central Land are condemned to be beheaded and strangled by the new statute, and this explains what we said at the beginning about plucking up the tree of evil, wherever it takes root, for the benefit of all nations.<\/p>\n<p>We further find that during the second month of this present year, the superintendent of your honorable country, Elliot, viewing the law in relation to the prohibiting of opium as excessively severe, duly petitioned us, begging for &#8220;an extension of the term already limited, say five months for Hindostan and the different parts of India, and ten for England, after which they would obey and act in conformity with the new statute,&#8221; and other words to the same effect. Now we, the high commissioner and colleagues, upon making a duly prepared memorial to the great emperor, have to feel grateful for his extraordinary goodness, for his redoubled compassion. Any one who within the next year and a half may by mistake bring opium to this country, if he will but voluntarily come forward, and deliver up the entire quantity, he shall be absolved from all punishment for his crime. If, however, the appointed term shall have expired, and there are still persons who continue to bring it, then such shall be accounted as knowingly violating the laws, and shall most assuredly be put to death! On no account shall we show mercy or clemency! This then may be called truly the extreme of benevolence, and the very perfection of justice!<\/p>\n<p>Our celestial empire rules over ten thousand kingdoms! Most surely do we possess a measure of godlike majesty which ye cannot fathom! Still we cannot bear to slay or exterminate without previous warning, and it is for this reason that we now clearly make known to you the fixed laws of our land. If the foreign merchants of your said honorable nation desire to continue their commercial intercourse, they then must tremblingly obey our recorded statutes, they must cut off for ever the source from which the opium flows, and on no account make an experiment of our laws in their own persons! Let then your highness punish those of your subjects who may be criminal, do not endeavor to screen or conceal them, and thus you will secure peace and quietness to your possessions, thus will you more than ever display a proper sense of respect and obedience, and thus may we unitedly enjoy the common blessings of peace and happiness. What greater joy! What more complete felicity than this!<\/p>\n<p>Let your highness immediately, upon the receipt of this communication, inform us promptly of the state of matters, and of the measure you are pursuing utterly to put a stop to the opium evil. Please let your reply be speedy. Do not on any account make excuses or procrastinate. A most important communication.<\/p>\n<p>P. S. We annex an abstract of the new law, now about to be put in force.<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>&#8220;Any foreigner or foreigners bringing opium to the Central Land, with design to sell the same, the principals shall most assuredly be decapitated, and the accessories strangled; and all property (found on board the same ship) shall be confiscated. The space of a year and a half is granted, within the which, if any one bringing opium by mistake, shall voluntarily step forward and deliver it up, he shall be absolved from all consequences of his crime.&#8221;<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>This said imperial edict was received on the 9th day of the 6th month of the 19th year of Taoukwang, (19th July, 1839) at which the period of grace begins, and runs on to the 9th day of the 12th month of the 20th year of Taoukwang (15th January, 1841), when it is completed.<\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<p><strong>The Chinese Repository, Vol. 8 (February 1840), pp. 497-503.<\/strong><\/p>\n\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--label-5\">The Treaty of Nankin (1842)<\/a>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--icon-5\"><i>Expand<\/i><\/a>\nAnnotation\nThe Treaty of Nanking (Nanjing), proposed in 1842 and ratified in 1843, marked the conclusion of the conflict between Great Britain and Qing China commonly known as the 1st Opium War (1839-1842). Sir Henry Pottinger and High Commissioners Keying and Elepoo, the respective plenipotentiaries of Queen Victoria and Emperor Tao-kwang, brokered the treaty. It was the first conflict that pitted Qing Imperial forces against an industrial European power.\nThe causes and origins of the 1st Opium War remain the subject of lively study and debate. Most historians agree the conflict emerged from a number of pressures combining over time, the tipping point coming when Qing Imperial Commissioner Lin Zexu intentionally destroyed privately-owned chests of opium in 1839. Initially a solution to the drain of British silver through the lucrative Chinese tea trade, the astounding growth of Opium import and consumption within China in the 19th century contributed to the breakdown of moral and social order that the Court in Beijing desperately sought to address. This was a dangerous combination: the appointment of a zealous commissioner to tackle a pressing domestic problem, by a central authority unaware of, even disinterested in, the power and attitudes of the European forces arrayed behind the lucrative trade. A disorganized imperial China wound up fighting to defend its sovereign authority over trade against a divided but ruthless British power, pressed by commercial interests determined to open up this lucrative revenue flow.\nThe Treaty of Nanking was a significant milestone in the study of empires in Asia for a variety of reasons. It was the treaty that marked what became the reluctant but sustained Qing concession that other states had to be dealt with as equals in status, not just strength. This was reflected through Qing acquiescence to European concepts of international law regarding negotiating and formalizing a treaty. British representatives refused to start negotiations until a Qing official of sufficient rank and representative power was sent and accredited (i.e. Commissioner Keying). Also, Article II of the treaty effectively began the transformation of Asian maritime trade because it sparked what became the dismantling of the closed Canton trade system and opened up four other ports (Amoy, Foochow-fu, Ningpo, and Shanghai) for British trade, on British terms of access. Consequently, when the weakened Qing state proved unable to control its external trade any longer, other Western powers obtained the same concessions secured by the British, in subsequent treaties. Lastly, the Treaty of Nanking shed light on differences in attitudes towards economics, trade and commerce. Article V highlighted the perennial problem of the Hong merchants\u2019 debt accrued through trade by noting \u201cHis Imperial Majesty further agrees to pay the British Government the sum of Three Millions of Dollars, on account of the debts due to the British Subjects by some of the said Hong Merchants (or Cohong), who have become insolvent, and who owe very large sums of money to Subjects of Her Britannic Majesty.\u201d Insolvency as a consequence of unregulated Hong merchant trading underlined the indifference of the Qing court towards regulating international trade, which of course was the root cause of the dilemma the Chinese state found itself in, trapped by the unsupervised greed of regional private Chinese interests.\nIt is worth highlighting that the five ports of Canton, Amoy, Foochow-fu, Ningpo and Shanghai were not selected at random. British merchants had been surveying the Chinese coastline for some time, looking for suitably profitably ports from which to develop a lucrative China trade. These outlets were in fact what the 1793 Macartney Mission sought to obtain, as British interests strove for decades to break free of the restrictive conditions imposed on them at Canton.\nSome studies still describe the Treaty of Nanking as the pact that bestowed upon the United Kingdom the infamous rights of extraterritoriality and the status of the \u201cMost Favored Nation\u201d, but these were in fact conceded in a supplementary treaty, commonly known as the Treaty of the Bogue (1843). Hence, the Treaty of Nanking must be seen I combination with this supplementary treaty.\nScholars interested in interactions between Western and indigenous Asian agendas during the long 19th century, particularly in contacts between two apparently quite different self-defined world systems, will find the Treaty of Nanking and its negotiation process an important event upon which to reflect. In addition, scholars interested in the early stages of British colonialism in Asia or the historical experience of Hong Kong must note that the Treaty\u2019s Article III stipulated that the island of Hong Kong was to be ceded in perpetuity to the United Kingdom for the purpose of establishing a naval supply base in the region for British state and private interests. It also allowed the British to govern the island inhabitants as they saw fit, paving the way for Hong Kong\u2019s rise to the status of a Crown Colony after both British and Asian merchants flocked to this new secure port resting under the Union Jack and connected to the British world-system, with all that that entailed.\n<h3><strong>Treaty of Nanking \u2014 1842<\/strong><\/h3>\nHER. Majesty, the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and His Majesty the Emperor of China, being desirous of putting an end to the misunderstandings and consequent hostilities which have arisen between the two countries, have resolved to conclude a treaty for that purpose, and have therefore named as their plenipotentiaries, that is to say: Her Majesty the Queen of Great Britain and Ireland, sir Henry Pottinger, bart., a major-general in the service of the East India Company, &amp;c., &amp;c. And his Imperial Majesty the Emperor of China, the high commissioners Kiying, a member of the Imperial House, a guardian of the Crown Prince, and general of the garrison of Canton; and I&#8217;l\u00edp\u00fa, of the Imperial Kindred, graciously permitted to wear the insignia of the first rank, and the distinction of a peacock&#8217;s feather, lately minister and governor-general, &amp;c., and now lieutenant-general commanding at Ch\u00e1p\u00fa :&#8211; Who, after having communicated to each other their respective full powers, and found them to be in good and due form, have agreed upon and concluded the following Articles:\n\nART. I. There shall henceforward be peace and friendship between Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and His Majesty the Emperor of China, and between their respective subjects, who shall enjoy full security and protection for their persons and property within the dominions of the other.\n\nART. II. His Majesty the Emperor of China agrees, that British subjects, with their families and establishments, shall be allowed to reside, for the purpose of carrying on their mercantile pursuit, without molestation or restraint, at the cities and towns of Canton, Amoy, Fuchau f\u00fa, Ningpo, and\nShanghai; and Her Majesty the Queen of Great Britain, &amp;c., will appoint superintendents, or consular officers, to reside at each of the abovenamed cities or towns, to be the medium of communication between the Chinese authorities and the said merchants, and to see that the just duties and other dues of the Chinese government, as hereaftcr provided for, are duly discharged by Her Britannic Majesty&#8217;s subjects.\n\nART. III. It being obviously necessary and desirable that British subjects should have some port whereat they may careen and refit their ships when required, and keep stores for that purpose, His Majesty the Emperor of China cedes to Her Majesty the Queen of Great Britain, &amp;c., the island of Hongkong, to be possessed in perpetuity by Her Britannic Majesty, her heirs and successors, and to be governed by such laws and regulations as Her Majesty the Queen of Great Britain, &amp;C., shall see fit to direct.\n\nART. IV. The Emperor of China agrees to pay the sum of six millions of dollars, as the value of the opium which was delivered up at Canton in the month of March 1839, as a ransom for the lives of Her Britannic Majesty&#8217;s superintendent and subjects, who had been imprisoned and threatened with death by the Chinese high officers.\n\nART. V. The government of China having compelled the British merchants trading at Canton to deal exclusively with certain Chinese merchants, called hong-merchants (or co-hong), who had been licensed by the Chinese government for that purpose, thc Emperor of China agrees to abolish that practice in future at all ports where British merchants may reside, and to permit them to carry on their mercantile transactions with whatever pcrsons they please; and His Imperial Majesty further agrees to pay to the British government the sum of three millions of dollars, on account of debts due to British subjects by some of the said hong-merchants, or co-hong, who have become insolvent, and who owe very large sums of money to subjects of Her Britannic Majesty.\n\nART. VI. The government of Her Britannic Majesty having been obliged to send out an expedition to demand and obtain redress for the violent and unjust proceedings of the Chinese high authorities towards Her Britannic Majesty&#8217;s officer and subjects, the Emperor of China agrees to pay the sum of twelve millions of dollars, on account of the expenses incurred; and Her Britannic Majesty&#8217;s plenipotentiary voluntarily agrees, on behalf of Her Majesty, to deduct from the said amount of twelve millions of dollars, any sums which may have been received by Her Majesty&#8217;s combined forces, as ransom for cities and towns in China, subsequent to the 1st day of August, 1841.\n\nART. VII. It is agreed, that the total amount of twenty-one millions of dollars, described in the three preceding Articles, shall be paid as follows:\n\nSix millions immediately. Six millions in 1843; that is, three millions on or before the 30th of the month of June, and three millions on or before the 31st of December. Five millions in 1844; that is, two millions and half on or before the 30th of June, and two millions and a half on before the 3lst of December. Four millions in 1845; that is, two millions on or before the 30th of June, and two millions on or before the 31st of December.\n\nAnd it is further stipulated, that interest, at the rate of 5 per cent. per annum, shall be paid by the government of China on any portion of the above sums that are not punctually discharged at the periods fixed.\n\nART. VIII. The Emperor of China agrees to release, unconditionally, all subjects of Her Britannic Majesty (whether natives of Europe or India), who may be in confinement at this moment in any part of the Chinese empire.\n\nART. IX. The Emperor of China agrees to publish and promulgate, under His Imperial Sign Manual and Seal, a full and entire amnesty and act of indemnity to all subjects of China, on account of their having resided under, or having had dealings and intercourse with, or having entered the service of, Her Britannic Majesty, or of Her Majesty&#8217;s officers; and His Imperial Majesty further engages to release all Chinese subjects who may be at this moment in confinement for similar reasons.\n\nART. X. His Majesty the Emperor of China agrees to establish at all the ports which are, by the second article of this Treaty, to be thrown open for the resort of British merchants, a fair and regular tariff of export and import customs and other dues, which tariff shall be publicly notified and promulgated for general information; and the Emperor further engages, that when British merchandize shall have one paid at any of the said ports the regulated customs and dues, agreeable to the Tariff to be hereafter fixed, such merchandize may be conveyed by Chinese merchants to any province or city in the interior of the empire of China, on paying a further amount as transit duties, which shall not exceed per cent. on the tariff value of such goods.\n\nART. XL. It is agreed that Her Britannic Majesty&#8217;s chief high officer in China shall correspond with the Chinese high officers, both at the capital and in the provinces, under the term &#8220;communication;\u201d the subordinate British officers and Chinese high officers in the provinces, under the terms &#8220;statement,&#8221; on the part of the former, and on the part of the latter, &#8220;declaration;&#8221; and the subordinates of both countries on a footing of perfect equality; merchants and others not holding official situations, and therefore not included in the above, on both sides, to use the term &#8220;representation&#8221; in all papers addressed to, or intended for the notice of the respective governments.\n\nART. XII. On the assent of the Emperor of China to this Treaty being received, and the discharge of the first instalment money, Her Britannic Majesty&#8217;s forces will retire from Nanking and the Grand Canal, and will no longer molest or stop the trade of China. The military post at Chinhai will also be withdrawn; but the islands of K\u00fal\u00e1ng s\u00fa and that of Chusan will continue to be held by Her Majesty&#8217;s forces until the money payments, and the arrangements for opening the ports to British merchants, be completed.\n\nART. XII. The ratification of this treaty by Her Majesty the Queen of Britain, &amp;c., and His Majesty the Emperor of China, shall be exchanged as soon as the great distance which separates England from China will admit; but, in the meantime, counterpart copies of it, signed and sealed by the plenipotentiaries on behalf of their respective sovereigns, shall be mutually delivered, and all its provisions and arrangements shall take effect.\n\nDone at Nanking, and signed and sealed by the plenipotentiaries on board Her Britannic Majesty&#8217;s ship Cornwallis, this twenty-ninth day of August, 1842; corresponding with the Chinese date, twenty-fourth day of the seventh month, in the twenty-second year of T\u00e1ukw\u00e1ng.\n\n<p>(L.S.) HENRY POTTINGER.<\/p>\n<p>(L.S.) Kiying (in Tartar)<\/p>\n<p>(L.S.) I&#8217;l\u00edp\u00fa (in Tartar)<\/p>\n<p><em>The Chinese Depository<\/em><\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<p><em>Annotated by Wilfred Teo Weijie<\/em><\/p>\n<h2>\n\t\tJapan\n\t<\/h2>\n\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--label-0\">The Sakoku Edict (1635)<\/a>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--icon-0\"><i>Expand<\/i><\/a>\n\t\t<strong>Sakoku (Closed Country) Edict, 1636<br \/>\n<\/strong><em>Tokugawa Iemitsu<\/em><strong><br \/>\n<\/strong>\n<hr \/>\n<p>1. No Japanese ships may leave for foreign countries.<\/p>\n<p>2. No Japanese may go abroad secretly. If anybody tries to do this, he will be killed, and the ship and owner\/s will be placed under arrest whilst higher authority is informed.<\/p>\n<p>3. Any Japanese now living abroad who tries to return to Japan will be put to death.<\/p>\n<p>4. If any Kirishitan believer is discovered, you two (Nagasaki bugyo) will make a full investigation.<\/p>\n<p>5. Any informer\/ revealing the whereabouts of a bateren will be paid 200 or 300 pieces of silver. If any other categories of Kirishitans are discovered, the informer\/s will be paid at your discretion as hitherto.<\/p>\n<p>6. On the arrival of foreign ships, arrangements will be made to have them guarded by ships provided by the Omura clan whilst report is being made to Yedo, as hitherto.<\/p>\n<p>7. Any foreigners who help the bateren or other criminal foreigners will be imprisoned at Omjra as hitherto.<\/p>\n<p>8. Strict search will be made for bateren on all incoming ships.<\/p>\n<p>9. No offspring of southern Barbarians will be allowed to remain. Anyone violating this order will be killed, and all relatives punished according to the gravity of the offence.<\/p>\n<p>10. If any Japanese have adopted the offspring of southern Barbarians they deserve to die. Nevertheless, such adopted children and their foster-parents will be handed over to the Southern Barbarians for deportation.<\/p>\n<p>11. If any deportees should try to return or to communicate with Japan by letter or otherwise, they will of course be killed if they are caught, whilst their relatives will be severely dealt with, according to the gravity of the offence.<\/p>\n<p>12. Samurai are not allowed to have direct commercial dealings with either foreign or Chinese shipping at Nagasaki.<\/p>\n<p>13. Nobody other than those of the five places (Yedo, Kyoto, Osaka, Sakai and Nagasaki) is allowed to participate in the allocation of ito-wappu.<\/p>\n<p>14. Purchases can only be made after the ito-wappu is fixed. However, as the Chinese chips are small, you will not be too rigorous with them. Only twenty days are allowed for the sale.<\/p>\n<p>15. The twentieth day of the ninth month is the deadline for the return of foreign ships, but latecomers will be allowed fifty days grace from the date of their arrival Chinese ships will be allowed to leave a little after the departure of the (Portuguese) galliots.<\/p>\n<p>16. Unsold goods cannot be left in charge of Japanese for storage or safekeeping.<\/p>\n<p>17. Representatives of the five (shogunal) cities should arrive at Nagasaki not later that the fifth day of the long month. Late arrivals will not be allowed to participate in the silk allocation and purchase.<\/p>\n<p>18. Ships arriving at Hirado will not be allowed to transact business until after the nineteenth day of the fifth month of the thirteenth year of Kwanei (June 22, 1636)<\/p>\n<p>Addressed to Sakakibara Hia-no-kami and Baba Saburozayemon, the joint bugyo of Nagasaki, and signed by Hotta Kaga-no-kami, Abe Bungo-no-kami, Sakai Sanuki-no-kami and Do Oi-no-suk\u00e9, the four great councillors of Go-roju.<\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<p><strong>C.R. Boxer.<em>\u00a0The Christian Century in Japan: 1549-1650<\/em>. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1951. pp. 439-440.<\/strong><\/p>\n\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--label-1\">The Sino-Japanese Friendship, Commerce and Navigation Treaty (1871)<\/a>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--icon-1\"><i>Expand<\/i><\/a>\n\t\t<strong>The Sino-Japanese Friendship, Commerce and Navigation Treaty, 1871<br \/>\n<\/strong><em>Li Hongzhang; Date Muneki<\/em>\n<hr \/>\n<p>This was the first formal treaty signed between Japan and an Asian country in the modern era.<sup>1<\/sup>\u00a0It followed a series of treaties between Japan and Western Powers from 1854, the consequence of Japan being compelled by force majeure to open its ports for trade.<sup>2<\/sup>\u00a0The treaty with the Qing Empire was signed by Li Hongzhang and Date Munenari on September 13, 1871. It terms were to reinforce friendly relations, cooperation and the policy of mutual non-intervention in internal affairs, while also recognizing consular jurisdiction in both states. Besides the 18 main articles, the Treaty included special sections regulating Commerce and Maritime Customs Law. The Trade Regulation specified the ports to be open in both countries (8 ports in Japan and 15 in China),<sup>3 <\/sup>as well as the rules to be followed in the ports. The Maritime Customs Law described in detail goods, weight, measures and tariff rates to be charged. There were more than 89 items from Japan and also 55 from China with specific volume and tax to be applied, as well as goods described as duty-free. Trade between both countries was then conducted in terms of silver and the majority of the products were related to agricultural commodities. Yet there were also manufactured goods, especially textiles. However, unlike the Treaties conducted in the same period by Western Powers with Japan, well known as the \u201cunequal treaties\u201d, this document indicated Japanese willingness to accept a quite balanced treaty with China; Japan did not even claim the status of most-favored nation, a typical clause in a trade agreement between parties not really equal in economic power. That development only unfolded in 1895, after the First Sino-Japanese War. This document therefore indicates an early sense of parity between Meiji Japan and Qing China. The Treaty was written in Chinese and Japanese.<\/p>\n<h3><strong>Treaty of Tientsin \u2014 September 13, 1871<\/strong><\/h3>\nCHINESE TEXT\n<p>\u4e00\u516b\u4e03\u4e00\u5e74\u4e5d\u6708\u5341\u4e09\u65e5\uff0c\u540c\u6cbb\u5341\u5e74\u4e03\u6708\u4e8c\u5341\u4e5d\u65e5\uff0c\u660e\u6cbb\u56db\u5e74\u4e03\u6708\u4e8c\u5341\u4e5d\u65e5\uff0c\u5929\u6d25\u3002<\/p>\n<p>\u5927\u6e05\u570b\u3001\u5927\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u7d20\u6566\u53cb\u8abc\uff0c\u6b77\u6709\u5e74\u6240\uff0c\u8332\u6b32\u540c\u4fee\u820a\u597d\uff0c\u76ca\u56fa\u90a6\u4ea4\uff0c\u662f\u4ee5<\/p>\n<p>\u5927\u6e05\u570b\u6b3d\u5dee\u5168\u6b0a\u5927\u81e3\u8fa6\u7406\u901a\u5546\u4e8b\u52d9\u592a\u5b50\u592a\u4fdd\u5354\u8fa6\u5927\u5b78\u58eb\u5175\u90e8\u5c1a\u66f8\u76f4\u96b8\u7e3d\u7763\u90e8\u5802\u4e00\u7b49\u8085\u6bc5\u4f2f\u674e\uff1b<\/p>\n<p>\u5927\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u6b3d\u5dee\u5168\u6b0a\u5927\u81e3\u5f9e\u4e8c\u4f4d\u5927\u85cf\u5152\u5152\u537f\u4f0a\u9054\uff1b<\/p>\n<p>\u5404\u9075\u6240\u5949\u8aed\u65e8\uff0c\u516c\u540c\u6703\u8b70\u8a02\u7acb\u4fee\u597d\u689d\u898f\uff0c\u4ee5\u671f\u5f7c\u6b64\u4fe1\u5b88\uff0c\u6b77\u4e45\u5f17\u6e1d\u3002\u6240\u6709\u8b70\u5b9a\u5404\u689d\u958b\u5217\u65bc\u5de6\uff1a<\/p>\n<strong>\u7b2c\u4e00\u689d<\/strong><br \/>\n\u55e3\u5f8c\u5927\u6e05\u570b\u3001\u5927\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u88ab\u6566\u548c\u8abc\uff0c\u8207\u5929\u58e4\u7121\u7aae\u3002\u5373\u5169\u570b\u6240\u5c6c\u90a6\u571f\uff0c\u4ea6\u5404\u4ee5\u79ae\u76f8\u5f85\uff0c\u4e0d\u53ef\u7a0d\u6709\u4fb5\u8d8a\uff0c\u4ffe\u7372\u200b\u200b\u6c38\u4e45\u5b89\u5168\u3002\n<strong>\u7b2c\u4e8c\u689d<\/strong><br \/>\n\u5169\u570b\u65e2\u7d93\u901a\u597d\uff0c\u81ea\u5fc5\u4e92\u76f8\u95dc\u5207\u3002\u82e5\u4ed6\u570b\u5076\u6709\u4e0d\u516c\u53ca\u8f15\u85d0\u4e4b\u4e8b\uff0c\u4e00\u7d93\u77e5\u7167\uff0c\u5fc5\u9808\u5f7c\u6b64\u76f8\u52a9\uff0c\u6216\u5f9e\u4e2d\u5584\u70ba\u8abf\u8655\uff0c\u4ee5\u6566\u53cb\u8abc\u3002\n<strong>\u7b2c\u4e09\u689d<\/strong><br \/>\n\u5169\u570b\u653f\u4e8b\u7981\u4ee4\uff0c\u5404\u6709\u7570\u540c\uff0c\u5176\u653f\u4e8b\u61c9\u807d\u5df1\u570b\u81ea\u4e3b\uff0c\u5f7c\u6b64\u5747\u4e0d\u5f97\u4ee3\u8b00\u5e72\u9810\uff0c\u5f37\u8acb\u958b\u8fa6\u3002\u5176\u7981\u4ee4\u4ea6\u61c9\u4e92\u76f8\u70ba\u52a9\uff0c\u5404\u98ed\u5546\u6c11\uff0c\u4e0d\u51c6\u8a98\u60d1\u571f\u4eba\u7a0d\u6709\u9055\u72af\u3002\n<strong>\u7b2c\u56db\u689d<\/strong><br \/>\n\u5169\u570b\u5747\u53ef\u6d3e\u79c9\u6b0a\u5927\u81e3\uff0c\u4e26\u651c\u5e36\u7737\u5c6c\u96a8\u54e1\uff0c\u99d0\u7d2e\u4eac\u5e2b\u3002\u6216\u9577\u884c\u5c45\u4f4f\uff0c\u6216\u96a8\u6642\u5f80\u4f86\uff0c\u7d93\u904e\u5167\u5730\u5404\u8655\uff0c\u6240\u6709\u8cbb\u7528\u5747\u4fc2\u81ea\u5099\u3002\u5176\u79df\u8cc3\u5730\u57fa\u623f\u5c4b\u4f5c\u70ba\u5927\u81e3\u7b49\u516c\u9928\uff0c\u4e26\u884c\u674e\u5f80\u4f86\u53ca\u5c08\u5dee\u9001\u6587\u7b49\u4e8b\uff0c\u5747\u9808\u59a5\u70ba\u7167\u6599\u3002\n<strong>\u7b2c\u4e94\u689d<\/strong><br \/>\n\u5169\u570b\u5b98\u54e1\u96d6\u6709\u5b9a\u54c1\uff0c\u6388\u8077\u5404\u7570\u3002\u5982\u5f7c\u6b64\u57f7\u638c\u76f8\u7b49\uff0c\u6703\u6664\u79fb\u6587\uff0c\u5747\u7528\u5e73\u884c\u4e4b\u79ae\u3002\u8077\u5351\u8005\u8207\u4e0a\u5b98\u76f8\u898b\uff0c\u5247\u884c\u5ba2\u79ae\u3002\u9047\u6709\u516c\u52d9\uff0c\u5247\u7167\u6703\u57f7\u638c\u76f8\u7b49\u4e4b\u5b98\u8f49\u7533\uff0c\u7121\u9808\u5f91\u9054\u3002\u5982\u76f8\u62dc\u6703\uff0c\u5247\u5404\u7528\u5b98\u4f4d\u540d\u5e16\u3002\u51e1\u5169\u570b\u6d3e\u54e1\u521d\u5230\u4efb\u6240\uff0c\u9808\u5c07\u5370\u6587\u9001\u9a57\uff0c\u4ee5\u675c\u5047\u5192\u3002\n<strong>\u7b2c\u516d\u689d<\/strong><br \/>\n\u55e3\u5f8c\u5169\u570b\u5f80\u4f86\u516c\u6587\uff0c\u4e2d\u570b\u7528\u6f22\u6587\uff0c\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u7528\u65e5\u672c\u6587\uff0c\u9808\u526f\u4ee5\u8b6f\u6f22\u6587\uff0c\u6216\u53ea\u7528\u6f22\u6587\uff0c\u4ea6\u5f9e\u5176\u4fbf\u3002\n<strong>\u7b2c\u4e03\u689d<\/strong><br \/>\n\u5169\u570b\u65e2\u7d93\u901a\u597d\uff0c\u6240\u6709\u6cbf\u6d77\u5404\u53e3\u5cb8\uff0c\u5f7c\u6b64\u5747\u61c9\u6307\u5b9a\u8655\u6240\uff0c\u6e96\u807d\u5546\u6c11\u4f86\u5f80\u8cbf\u6613\uff0c\u4e26\u53e6\u7acb\u901a\u5546\u7ae0\u7a0b\uff0c\u4ee5\u4fbf\u5169\u570b\u5546\u6c11\u6c38\u9060\u9075\u5b88\u3002\n<strong>\u7b2c\u516b\u689d<\/strong><br \/>\n\u5169\u570b\u6307\u5b9a\u5404\u53e3\uff0c\u5f7c\u6b64\u5747\u53ef\u8a2d\u7406\u4e8b\u5b98\uff0c\u7d04\u675f\u5df1\u570b\u5546\u6c11\u3002\u51e1\u4ea4\u6d89\u8ca1\u7522\u8a5e\u8a1f\u6848\u4ef6\uff0c\u7686\u6b78\u5be9\u7406\uff0c\u5404\u6309\u5df1\u570b\u5f8b\u4f8b\u6838\u8fa6\u3002\u5169\u570b\u5546\u6c11\u5f7c\u6b64\u4e92\u76f8\u63a7\u8a34\uff0c\u4ff1\u7528\u7980\u5448\u3002\u7406\u4e8b\u5b98\u61c9\u5148\u70ba\u52f8\u606f\uff0c\u4f7f\u4e0d\u6210\u8a1f\u3002\u5982\u6216\u4e0d\u80fd\uff0c\u5247\u7167\u6703\u5730\u65b9\u5b98\u6703\u540c\u516c\u5e73\u8a0a\u6bb5\u3002\u5176\u7aca\u76dc\u900b\u6b20\u7b49\u6848\uff0c\u5169\u570b\u5730\u65b9\u5b98\u53ea\u80fd\u67e5\u62ff\u8ffd\u8fa6\uff0c\u4e0d\u80fd\u4ee3\u511f\u3002\n<strong>\u7b2c\u4e5d\u689d<\/strong><br \/>\n\u5169\u570b\u6307\u5b9a\u5404\u53e3\u5018\u672a\u8a2d\u7406\u4e8b\u5b98\uff0c\u5176\u8cbf\u6613\u4eba\u6c11\u5747\u6b78\u5730\u65b9\u5b98\u7d04\u675f\u7167\u7ba1\u3002\u5982\u72af\u7f6a\u540d\uff0c\u6e96\u4e00\u9762\u67e5\u62ff\uff0c\u4e00\u9762\u5c07\u6848\u60c5\u77e5\u7167\u9644\u8fd1\u5404\u53e3\u7406\u4e8b\u5b98\uff0c\u6309\u5f8b\u79d1\u65b7\u3002\n<strong>\u7b2c\u5341\u689d<\/strong><br \/>\n\u5169\u570b\u5b98\u5546\u5728\u6307\u5b9a\u5404\u53e3\uff0c\u5747\u6e96\u50f1\u50ad\u672c\u5730\u6c11\u4eba\u670d\u5f79\u5de5\u4f5c\uff0c\u7ba1\u7406\u8cbf\u6613\u7b49\u4e8b\uff0c\u5176\u96c7\u4e3b\u61c9\u96a8\u6642\u7d04\u675f\uff0c\u52ff\u4efb\u85c9\u7aef\u6b3a\u4eba\uff0c\u7336\u4e0d\u53ef\u504f\u807d\u79c1\u8a00\uff0c\u81f4\u4ee4\u751f\u4e8b\u3002\u5982\u6709\u72af\u6848\uff0c\u6e96\u7531\u5404\u5730\u65b9\u5b98\u67e5\u62ff\u8a0a\u8fa6\uff0c\u96c7\u4e3b\u4e0d\u5f97\u5f87\u79c1\u3002\n<strong>\u7b2c\u5341\u4e00\u689d<\/strong><br \/>\n\u5169\u570b\u5546\u6c11\u5728\u6307\u5b9a\u5404\u53e3\uff0c\u5f7c\u6b64\u5f80\u4f86\uff0c\u5404\u5b9c\u53cb\u611b\uff0c\u4e0d\u5f97\u651c\u5e36\u5200\u68b0\uff0c\u9055\u8005\u8b70\u7f70\uff0c\u5200\u68b0\u5165\u5b98\u3002\u4e26\u9808\u5404\u5b89\u672c\u5206\u3002\u7121\u8ad6\u5c45\u4f4f\u4e45\u66ab\uff0c\u5747\u807d\u5df1\u570b\u7406\u4e8b\u5b98\u7ba1\u8f44\u3002\u4e0d\u51c6\u6539\u63db\u8863\u51a0\uff0c\u5165\u7c4d\u8003\u8a66\uff0c\u81f4\u6ecb\u5192\u6df7\u3002\n<strong>\u7b2c\u5341\u4e8c\u689d<\/strong><br \/>\n\u6b64\u570b\u4eba\u6c11\u56e0\u72af\u6b64\u570b\u6cd5\u7981\uff0c\u96b1\u533f\u5f7c\u570b\u516c\u7f72\u5546\u8239\u884c\u68e7\uff0c\u53ca\u6f5b\u9003\u5f7c\u570b\u5404\u8655\u8005\uff0c\u4e00\u7d93\u6b64\u570b\u5b98\u67e5\u660e\u7167\u6703\u5f7c\u570b\u5b98\uff0c\u5373\u61c9\u8a2d\u6cd5\u67e5\u62ff\uff0c\u4e0d\u5f97\u5f87\u7e31\u3002\u5176\u62ff\u7372\u89e3\u9001\u6642\uff0c\u6cbf\u9014\u7d66\u4e88\u8863\u98df\uff0c\u4e0d\u53ef\u51cc\u8650\u3002\n<strong>\u7b2c\u5341\u4e09\u689d<\/strong><br \/>\n\u5169\u570b\u4eba\u6c11\u5982\u6709\u5728\u6307\u5b9a\u53e3\u5cb8\uff0c\u52fe\u7d50\u5f37\u5f92\u70ba\u76dc\u70ba\u532a\uff0c\u6216\u6f5b\u5165\u5167\u5730\uff0c\u9632\u706b\u6bba\u4eba\u6436\u52ab\u8005\uff0c\u5176\u5728\u5404\u53e3\u7531\u5730\u65b9\u5b98\u4e00\u9762\u81ea\u884c\u56b4\u6355\uff0c\u4e00\u9762\u5c07\u6848\u60c5\u98db\u77e5\u7406\u4e8b\u5b98\uff0c\u5018\u6562\u7528\u51f6\u5668\u62d2\u6355\uff0c\u5747\u6e96\u683c\u6bba\u52ff\u8ad6\u3002\u60df\u9808\u5c07\u81f4\u6bba\u60c5\u8de1\u6703\u540c\u7406\u4e8b\u5b98\u67e5\u9a57\u3002\u5982\u4e8b\u767c\u5167\u5730\u4e0d\u53ca\u67e5\u9a57\u8005\uff0c\u5373\u7531\u5730\u65b9\u5b98\u5c07\u5be6\u5728\u60c5\u7531\u7167\u6703\u7406\u4e8b\u5b98\u67e5\u7167\u3002\u5176\u62ff\u7372\u5230\u6848\u8005\uff0c\u5728\u5404\u53e3\u7531\u5730\u65b9\u5b98\u6703\u540c\u7406\u4e8b\u5b98\u5be9\u8fa6\u3002\u5728\u5167\u5730\u5373\u7531\u5730\u65b9\u5b98\u81ea\u884c\u5be9\u8fa6\uff0c\u5c07\u6848\u60c5\u7167\u6703\u7406\u4e8b\u5b98\u67e5\u7167\u3002\u5018\u6b64\u570b\u4eba\u6c11\u5728\u5f7c\u570b\u805a\u773e\u6ecb\u64fe\uff0c\u6578\u5728\u5341\u4eba\u4ee5\u5916\uff0c\u53ca\u8a98\u7d50\u901a\u8b00\u5f7c\u570b\u4eba\u6c11\u4f5c\u5bb3\u5730\u65b9\u60c5\u4e8b\uff0c\u61c9\u807d\u5f7c\u570b\u5b98\u5f91\u884c\u67e5\u62ff\u3002\u5176\u5728\u5404\u53e3\u8005\u77e5\u7167\u7406\u4e8b\u5b98\u6703\u5be9\uff0c\u5176\u5728\u5167\u5730\u8005\uff0c\u7531\u5730\u65b9\u5b98\u5be9\u5be6\uff0c\u200b\u200b\u7167\u6703\u7406\u4e8b\u5b98\u67e5\u7167\uff0c\u5747\u5728\u5211\u4e8b\u5730\u65b9\u6b63\u6cd5\u3002\n<strong>\u7b2c\u5341\u56db\u689d<\/strong><br \/>\n\u5169\u570b\u5175\u8239\u5f80\u4f86\u6307\u5b9a\u5404\u53e3\uff0c\u4fc2\u70ba\u4fdd\u8b77\u5df1\u570b\u5546\u6c11\u8d77\u898b\u3002\u51e1\u6cbf\u6d77\u672a\u7d93\u6307\u5b9a\u53e3\u5cb8\uff0c\u4ee5\u53ca\u5167\u5730\u6cb3\u6e56\u652f\u6e2f\uff0c\u6982\u4e0d\u51c6\u99db\u5165\uff0c\u9055\u8005\u622a\u7559\u8b70\u7f70\uff0c\u60df\u56e0\u906d\u98a8\u907f\u96aa\u6536\u53e3\u8005\uff0c\u4e0d\u5728\u6b64\u4f8b\u3002\n<strong>\u7b2c\u5341\u4e94\u689d<\/strong><br \/>\n\u55e3\u5f8c\u5169\u570b\u5018\u6709\u8207\u5225\u570b\u7528\u5175\u4e8b\u60c5\u4e8b\uff0c\u61c9\u9632\u5404\u53e3\u5cb8\uff0c\u4e00\u7d93\u4e0d\u77e5\uff0c\u4fbf\u61c9\u66ab\u505c\u8cbf\u6613\u53ca\u8239\u96bb\u51fa\u5165\uff0c\u514d\u81f4\u8aa4\u6709\u50b7\u640d\uff0c\u5176\u5e73\u6642\u65e5\u672c\u4eba\u5728\u4e2d\u570b\u6307\u5b9a\u53e3\u5cb8\u53ca\u9644\u8fd1\u6d0b\u9762\uff0c\u4e2d\u570b\u4eba\u5728\u65e5\u672c\u6307\u5b9a\u53e3\u5cb8\u53ca\u9644\u8fd1\u6d0b\u9762\uff0c\u5747\u4e0d\u51c6\u8207\u4e0d\u548c\u4e4b\u570b\u4e92\u76f8\u722d\u9b25\u6436\u52ab\u3002\n<strong>\u7b2c\u5341\u516d\u689d<\/strong><br \/>\n\u5169\u570b\u7406\u4e8b\u5b98\u5747\u4e0d\u5f97\u517c\u4f5c\u8cbf\u6613\uff0c\u4ea6\u4e0d\u51c6\u517c\u651d\u7121\u7d04\u5404\u570b\u7406\u4e8b\u3002\u5982\u8fa6\u4e8b\u4e0d\u548c\u773e\u5fc3\uff0c\u78ba\u6709\u5be6\u64da\uff0c\u5f7c\u6b64\u5747\u53ef\u884c\u6587\u77e5\u7167\u79c9\u6b0a\u5927\u81e3\uff0c\u67e5\u660e\u64a4\u56de\uff0c\u514d\u56e0\u4e00\u4eba\u50e8\u4e8b\uff0c\u81f4\u50b7\u5169\u570b\u53cb\u8abc\u3002\n<strong>\u7b2c\u5341\u4e03\u689d<\/strong><br \/>\n\u5169\u570b\u8239\u96bb\u65d7\u865f\uff0c\u5404\u6709\u5b9a\u5f0f\uff0c\u5018\u5f7c\u570b\u8239\u96bb\u5047\u5192\u6b64\u570b\u65d7\u865f\uff0c\u79c1\u4f5c\u4e0d\u6cd5\u60c5\u4e8b\uff0c\u8ca8\u8239\u5747\u7f70\u5165\u5b98\uff0c\u5982\u67e5\u7cfb\u5b98\u70ba\u767c\u7d66\uff0c\u5373\u884c\u53c3\u64a4\u3002\u81f3\u5169\u570b\u66f8\u7c4d\uff0c\u5f7c\u6b64\u5982\u9858\u8aa6\u7fd2\uff0c\u61c9\u6e96\u4e92\u76f8\u63a1\u8cb7\u3002\n<strong>\u7b2c\u5341\u516b\u689d<\/strong><br 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\/>\n\u4e21\u56fd\u3001\u79c9\u6a29\u5927\u81e3\u3092\u5dee\u51fa\u3057\u3001\u5176\u7737\u5c5e\u968f\u54e1\u3092\u53ec\u5177\u3057\u3066\u4eac\u5e2b\u306b\u5728\u7559\u3057\u3001\u6216\u306f\u9577\u304f\u5c45\u7559\u3057\u3001\u6216\u306f\u6642\u3005\u5f80\u6765\u3057\u3001\u5185\u5730\u5404\u6240\u3092\u901a\u884c\u3059\u308b\u3053\u3068\u3092\u5f97\u3079\u3057\u3002\u5176\u5165\u8cbb\u306f\u4f55\u308c\u3082\u81ea\u5206\u3088\u308a\u6255\u3046\u3079\u3057\u3002\u5176\u5730\u9762\u5bb6\u5b85\u3092\u8cc3\u501f\u3057\u3066\u5927\u81e3\u7b49\u306e\u516c\u9928\u3068\u70ba\u3057\u3001\u4e26\u306b\u884c\u674e\u306e\u5f80\u6765\u53ca\u3073\u98db\u811a\u306e\u4ed5\u7acb\u66f8\u72b6\u3092\u9001\u308b\u7b49\u306e\u3053\u3068\u306f\u4f55\u308c\u3082\u4e0d\u90fd\u5408\u306a\u304d\u69d8\u4e16\u8a71\u3044\u305f\u3059\u3079\u3057\u3002\n<strong>\u3000\u3000\u7b2c\u4e94\u6761<\/strong><br 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\/>\n\u4e21\u56fd\u306e\u958b\u6e2f\u5834\u306b\u3001\u82e5\u3057\u672a\u3060\u7406\u4e8b\u5b98\u3092\u7f6e\u3056\u308b\u6642\u306f\u3001\u5176\u4eba\u6c11\u8cbf\u6613\u4f55\u308c\u3082\u5730\u65b9\u5b98\u3088\u308a\u53d6\u7de0\u308a\u4e16\u8a71\u3059\u3079\u3057\u3002\u82e5\u3057\u7f6a\u79d1\u3092\u72af\u3055\u3070\u672c\u4eba\u3092\u6355\u3048\u3066\u541f\u5473\u3092\u9042\u3052\u3001\u5176\u4e8b\u60c5\u3092\u6700\u5bc4\u958b\u6e2f\u5834\u306e\u7406\u4e8b\u5b98\u3078\u639b\u5408\u3044\u3001\u5f8b\u3092\u7167\u3057\u3066\u88c1\u65ad\u3059\u3079\u3057\u3002\n<strong>\u3000\u3000\u7b2c\u5341\u6761<\/strong><br \/>\n\u4e21\u56fd\u306e\u5b98\u540f\u5546\u4eba\u306f\u8af8\u958b\u6e2f\u5834\u306b\u65bc\u3066\u4f55\u308c\u3082\u5176\u5730\u306e\u6c11\u4eba\u3092\u96c7\u3044\u3001\u96d1\u5f79\u624b\u4ee3\u7b49\u306b\u7528\u308b\u3053\u3068\u52dd\u624b\u306b\u70ba\u3079\u3057\u3002\u5c24\u3001\u5176\u96c7\u4e3b\u3088\u308a\u6642\u3005\u53d6\u7de0\u3092\u70ba\u3057\u3001\u4e8b\u306b\u5bc4\u305b\u4eba\u3092\u6b3a\u304f\u3053\u3068\u306a\u304b\u3089\u3057\u3081\u3001\u5225\u3057\u3066\u5176\u79c1\u8a00\u3092\u504f\u8074\u3057\u3066\u4e8b\u3092\u751f\u305c\u3057\u3080\u3079\u304b\u3089\u305a\u3002\u82e5\u3057\u72af\u7f6a\u306e\u8005\u6709\u3089\u3070\u3001\u5176\u5730\u65b9\u5b98\u3088\u308a\u53ec\u6355\u308a\u7cfa\u5f01\u3059\u308b\u306b\u4efb\u305b\u3001\u96c7\u4e3b\u3088\u308a\u5e87\u3046\u3053\u3068\u3092\u5f97\u305a\u3002\n<strong>\u3000\u3000\u7b2c\u5341\u4e00\u6761<\/strong><br \/>\n\u4e21\u56fd\u306e\u5546\u6c11\u3001\u8af8\u958b\u6e2f\u5834\u306b\u3066\u5f7c\u6b64\u5f80\u6765\u3059\u308b\u306b\u4ed8\u3066\u306f\u4e92\u306b\u53cb\u611b\u3059\u3079\u3057\u3002\u5200\u5263\u985e\u3092\u643a\u5e2f\u3059\u308b\u3053\u3068\u3092\u5f97\u305a\u3002\u9055\u3046\u8005\u306f\u7f70\u3092\u884c\u3044\u3001\u5200\u5263\u306f\u5b98\u306b\u53d6\u4e0a\u3050\u3079\u3057\u3002\u53c8\u4f55\u308c\u3082\u5176\u672c\u6587\u3092\u5b88\u308a\u3001\u6c38\u4f4f\u66ab\u5c45\u306e\u5dee\u5225\u7121\u304f\u5fc5\u305a\u81ea\u56fd\u7406\u4e8b\u5b98\u306e\u652f\u914d\u306b\u5f93\u3046\u3079\u3057\u3002\u8863\u51a0\u3092\u66ff\u3048\u6539\u3081\u3001\u5176\u4ed6\u306e\u4eba\u5225\u306b\u5165\u308a\u3001\u5b98\u9014\u306b\u5c31\u304d\u3001\u7d1b\u308f\u3057\u304d\u5100\u6709\u308b\u3053\u3068\u3092\u8a31\u3055\u305a\u3002\n<strong>\u3000\u3000\u7b2c\u5341\u4e8c\u6761<\/strong><br \/>\n\u6b64\u56fd\u306e\u4eba\u6c11\u3001\u6b64\u56fd\u306e\u6cd5\u5ea6\u3092\u72af\u305b\u3093\u3053\u3068\u6709\u3066\u3001\u5f7c\u56fd\u306e\u5f79\u6240\u3001\u5546\u8239\u3001\u4f1a\u793e\u7b49\u306e\u5185\u306b\u96a0\u3057\u5fcd\u3073\u3001\u6216\u306f\u5f7c\u56fd\u5404\u51e6\u306b\u9041\u3052\u6f5c\u307f\u5c45\u308b\u8005\u3092\u3001\u6b64\u56fd\u306e\u5b98\u3088\u308a\u67fb\u660e\u3057\u3066\u639b\u5408\u8d8a\u3055\u3070\u3001\u5f7c\u56fd\u306e\u5b98\u306b\u3066\u65e9\u901f\u53ec\u6355\u308a\u3089\u3048\u898b\u9041\u3059\u3053\u3068\u3092\u5f97\u305a\u3002\u56da\u4eba\u3092\u5f15\u9001\u308b\u6642\u306e\u9014\u4e2d\u3001\u8863\u98df\u3092\u4e0e\u3048\u51cc\u8650\u3059\u3079\u304b\u3089\u305a\u3002\n<strong>\u3000\u3000\u7b2c\u5341\u4e09\u6761<\/strong><br \/>\n\u4e21\u56fd\u306e\u4eba\u6c11\u3001\u82e5\u3057\u958b\u6e2f\u5834\u306b\u65bc\u3066\u5147\u5f92\u3092\u8a9e\u5408\u3044\u76d7\u8cca\u60aa\u4e8b\u3092\u306a\u3057\u3001\u6216\u306f\u5185\u5730\u306b\u6f5c\u307f\u5165\u308a\u3001\u706b\u3092\u4ed8\u3051\u3001\u4eba\u3092\u6bba\u3057\u3001\u52ab\u596a\u3092\u70ba\u3059\u8005\u6709\u3089\u3070\u3001\u5404\u6e2f\u306b\u3066\u306f\u5730\u65b9\u5b98\u3088\u308a\u53b3\u304f\u6355\u3048\u76f4\u306b\u5176\u6b21\u7b2c\u3092\u7406\u4e8b\u5b98\u306b\u77e5\u3089\u3059\u3079\u3057\u3002\u82e5\u3057\u5147\u5668\u3092\u7528\u3066\u624b\u5411\u3044\u305b\u3070\u3001\u4f55\u308c\u306b\u65bc\u3066\u3082\u683c\u6bba\u3057\u3066\u8ad6\u306a\u304b\u308b\u3079\u3057\u3002\u4f75\u3057\u4e4b\u3092\u6bba\u305b\u3057\u4e8b\u60c5\u306f\u3001\u7406\u4e8b\u5b98\u3068\u51fa\u4f1a\u3057\u3066\u3001\u4e00\u540c\u306b\u67fb\u9a13\u3059\u3079\u3057\u3002\u82e5\u3057\u5176\u4e8b\u5185\u5730\u306b\u767a\u308a\u3066\u7406\u4e8b\u5b98\u81ea\u3089\u8d74\u304d\u67fb\u9a13\u3059\u308b\u3053\u3068\u5c4a\u304d\u304b\u306c\u308b\u6642\u306f\u3001\u5176\u5730\u65b9\u5b98\u3088\u308a\u5b9f\u5728\u306e\u60c5\u7531\u3092\u7406\u4e8b\u5b98\u306b\u7167\u4f1a\u3057\u3066\u67fb\u7167\u305b\u3057\u3080\u3079\u3057\u3002\u5c24\u3001\u7e1b\u3057\u3066\u53d6\u308b\u305f\u308b\u7f6a\u4eba\u306f\u3001\u5404\u6e2f\u306b\u3066\u306f\u5730\u65b9\u5b98\u3068\u7406\u4e8b\u5b98\u3068\u4f1a\u5408\u3057\u3066\u541f\u5473\u3057\u3001\u5185\u5730\u306b\u3066\u306f\u5730\u65b9\u5b98\u4e00\u624b\u306b\u3066\u541f\u5473\u3057\u3001\u5176\u4e8b\u60c5\u3092\u7406\u4e8b\u5b98\u306b\u7167\u4f1a\u3057\u3066\u67fb\u7167\u305b\u3057\u3080\u3079\u3057\u3002\u82e5\u3057\u6b64\u56fd\u306e\u4eba\u6c11\u3001\u5f7c\u56fd\u306b\u5728\u3066\u4e00\u63c6\u5f92\u515a\u3092\u4f01\u3066\u3001\u5341\u4eba\u4ee5\u4e0a\u306e\u6570\u306b\u53ca\u3073\u3001\u4e26\u306b\u5f7c\u56fd\u4eba\u6c11\u3092\u8a98\u7d50\u901a\u8b00\u3057\u3001\u5bb3\u3092\u5730\u65b9\u306b\u4f5c\u3059\u306e\u4e8b\u6709\u3089\u3070\u3001\u5f7c\u56fd\u306e\u5b98\u3088\u308a\u65e9\u901f\u67fb\u62cf\u3057\u3001\u5404\u6e2f\u306b\u3066\u306f\u7406\u4e8b\u5b98\u306b\u639b\u5408\u3044\u4f1a\u5be9\u3057\u3001\u5185\u5730\u306b\u3066\u306f\u5730\u65b9\u5b98\u3088\u308a\u7406\u4e8b\u5b98\u306b\u7167\u4f1a\u305b\u3057\u3081\u3001\u4f55\u308c\u3082\u4e8b\u3092\u72af\u305b\u3057\u5730\u65b9\u306b\u65bc\u3066\u6cd5\u3092\u6b63\u3059\u3079\u3057\u3002\n<strong>\u3000\u3000\u7b2c\u5341\u56db\u6761<\/strong><br \/>\n\u4e21\u56fd\u306e\u5175\u8239\u3001\u958b\u6e2f\u5834\u306b\u5f80\u6765\u3059\u308b\u3053\u3068\u306f\u81ea\u56fd\u306e\u5546\u6c11\u3092\u4fdd\u8b77\u3059\u308b\u305f\u3081\u306a\u308c\u3070\u3001\u90fd\u3066\u672a\u958b\u6e2f\u5834\u53ca\u3073\u5185\u5730\u306e\u6cb3\u6e56\u652f\u6e2f\u3078\u4e57\u5165\u308b\u3053\u3068\u3092\u8a31\u3055\u305a\u3002\u9055\u3046\u8005\u306f\u5f15\u7559\u3066\u7f70\u3092\u884c\u3046\u3079\u3057\u3002\u5c24\u3001\u98a8\u306b\u9047\u3044\u96e3\u3092\u907f\u308b\u305f\u3081\u306b\u4e57\u5165\u308a\u305f\u308b\u8005\u306f\u6b64\u4f8b\u306b\u5728\u3089\u305a\u3002\n<strong>\u3000\u3000\u7b2c\u5341\u4e94\u6761<\/strong><br \/>\n\u6b64\u5f8c\u4e21\u56fd\u3001\u82e5\u3057\u5225\u56fd\u3068\u5175\u3092\u7528\u3086\u308b\u4e8b\u6709\u308b\u306b\u4ed8\u3001\u9632\u79a6\u3044\u305f\u3059\u3079\u304d\u5404\u6e2f\u306b\u65bc\u3066\u5e03\u544a\u3092\u306a\u3055\u3070\u3001\u66ab\u304f\u8cbf\u6613\u4e26\u306b\u8239\u96bb\u306e\u51fa\u5165\u3092\u5dee\u6b62\u3081\u3001\u8aa4\u3066\u50b7\u640d\u3092\u53d7\u3051\u3056\u3089\u3057\u3080\u3079\u3057\u3002\u53c8\u5e73\u6642\u306b\u65bc\u3066\u5927\u65e5\u672c\u4eba\u306f\u5927\u6e05\u306e\u958b\u6e2f\u5834\u53ca\u3073\u6700\u5bc4\u6d77\u4e0a\u306b\u3066\u3001\u4f55\u308c\u3082\u4e0d\u548c\u306e\u56fd\u3068\u4e92\u306b\u4e89\u95d8\u6436\u523c\u3059\u308b\u3053\u3068\u3092\u8a31\u3055\u305a\u3002\n<strong>\u3000\u3000\u7b2c\u5341\u516d\u6761<\/strong><br \/>\n\u4e21\u56fd\u306e\u7406\u4e8b\u5b98\u306f\u3001\u4f55\u308c\u3082\u8cbf\u6613\u3092\u70ba\u3059\u3053\u3068\u3092\u5f97\u305a\u3002\u4ea6\u6761\u7d04\u306a\u304d\u56fd\u306e\u7406\u4e8b\u5b98\u3092\u517c\u52e4\u3059\u308b\u3053\u3068\u3092\u8a31\u3055\u305a\u3002\u82e5\u3057\u4e8b\u52d9\u306e\u8a08\u3044\u65b9\u3001\u8846\u4eba\u306e\u5fc3\u306b\u53f6\u308f\u3056\u308b\u5b9f\u62e0\u6709\u3089\u3070\u3001\u5f7c\u6b64\u4f55\u308c\u3082\u66f8\u9762\u3092\u4ee5\u3066\u79c9\u6a29\u5927\u81e3\u306b\u639b\u5408\u3044\u3001\u67fb\u660e\u3057\u3066\u5f15\u53d6\u3089\u3057\u3080\u3079\u3057\u3002\u4e00\u4eba\u4e8b\u3092\u7834\u308b\u306b\u56e0\u3066\u4e21\u56fd\u306e\u53cb\u8abc\u3092\u640d\u50b7\u3059\u308b\u306b\u81f3\u3089\u3057\u3081\u305a\u3002\n<strong>\u3000\u3000\u7b2c\u5341\u4e03\u6761<\/strong><br \/>\n\u4e21\u56fd\u306e\u8239\u5370\u306f\u5404\u5b9a\u5f0f\u3042\u308a\u3002\u4e07\u4e00\u5f7c\u56fd\u306b\u8239\u3001\u6b64\u56fd\u306e\u8239\u5370\u3092\u4eee\u5190\u3057\u3066\u79c1\u306b\u4e0d\u6cd5\u306e\u4e8b\u3092\u70ba\u3055\u3070\u3001\u5176\u8239\u4e26\u306b\u8377\u7269\u3068\u3082\u53d6\u4e0a\u3050\u3079\u3057\u3002\u82e5\u3057\u5176\u8239\u5370\u3001\u5b98\u54e1\u3088\u308a\u6e21\u3057\u305f\u308b\u8005\u306a\u3089\u3070\u5176\u7b4b\u306b\u7533\u7acb\u3001\u5b98\u3092\u7f77\u3081\u3057\u3080\u3079\u3057\u3002\u53c8\u4e21\u56fd\u306e\u66f8\u7c4d\u306f\u5f7c\u6b64\u8aa6\u7fd2\u308f\u3093\u3068\u9858\u308f\u3070\u3001\u4e92\u306b\u58f2\u8cb7\u3059\u308b\u3053\u3068\u3092\u8a31\u3059\u3002\n<strong>\u3000\u3000\u7b2c\u5341\u516b\u6761<\/strong><br \/>\n\u4e21\u56fd\u8b70\u5b9a\u305b\u3057\u6761\u898f\u306f\u3001\u4f55\u308c\u3082\u9810\u3081\u9632\u7bc4\u3092\u70ba\u3057\u3001\u5076\u5acc\u9699\u3092\u751f\u305a\u308b\u3092\u514d\u308c\u3057\u3081\u3001\u4ee5\u3066\u8b1b\u4fe1\u4fee\u597d\u306e\u9053\u3092\u5c3d\u3059\u6240\u306a\u308a\u3002\u662f\u306b\u56e0\u3066\u4e21\u56fd\u6b3d\u5dee\u5168\u6a29\u5927\u81e3\u3001\u8a3c\u62e0\u306e\u305f\u3081\u5148\u305a\u82b1\u62bc\u3092\u8abf\u5370\u3092\u306a\u3057\u7f6e\u304d\u3001\u4e21\u56fd\u5fa1\u7b46\u306e\u6279\u51c6\u76f8\u6e08\u306b\u4e92\u306b\u53d6\u66ff\u308f\u305b\u3057\u5f8c\u3061\u3001\u7248\u523b\u3057\u3066\u5404\u51e6\u306b\u901a\u884c\u3057\u3001\u5f7c\u6c11\u306b\u666e\u304f\u9075\u5b88\u305b\u3057\u3092\u6c38\u304f\u4ee5\u3066\u597d\u3092\u70ba\u3059\u3079\u3057\u3002\nTRANSLATION\n<p>Having examined all the Articles mentioned in the Treaty of Friendship and Trade Regulations concluded between the Empire of Japan and the Empire of China by Date Muneki, Minister of Finance, who had been directed to proceed to China, and having sanctioned their maintenance in force during perpetuity, for the promotion of friendship between both countries, We hereby command it to be notified to all the high authorities of the\u00a0<em>fu\u00a0\u00a0<\/em>and\u00a0<em>ken<\/em>\u00a0 within the Empire, that they may know and observe in the transactions of business everything necessary for the observance of this Treaty, after the exchange of its ratification.<\/p>\n<p>Signed by Soyeshima Tanewomi, Minister for Foreign Affairs, the 9th day, 3rd month, in the 6th year of Meiji, and two thousand five hundred and thirty-three years since the accession of Gimmu Tenno.<\/p>\n<p>By Imperial Order,<\/p>\n<p>(Signed)\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Soyeshima Tanewomi,<\/p>\n<p><em>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Minister for Foreign Affairs<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Seal.<\/p>\n<p>The Empire of China and the Empire of Japan having been on good terms of friendship for a long period of years, now desire by common action to cement their ancient relations and to make the intercourse subsisting between the two countries more close.<\/p>\n<p>To this end, Li, by Imperial appointment Plenipotentiary Minister of the Empire of China for the management of commercial affairs, Senior Guardian of the Heir Apparent, Assistant Grand Secretary, President of the Board of War, Governor General of the province of Chihli, and invested with the first degree of the third order of nobility; and Date, Minister Plenipotentiary of the Empire of Japan, etc., etc.; each acting in obedience to the decrees of their respective Sovereigns, have conferred together and have agreed to articles for the reconstruction of relations, to the end that they may be observed with good faith on both sides in perpetuity.<\/p>\n<p>The Articles agreed upon are as follows: \u2014<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article I.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Relations of amity shall henceforth be maintained in redoubled force between China and Japan, in measure as boundless as the heaven and the earth.\u00a0 In all that regards the territorial possessions of either country the two Governments shall treat each the other with proper courtesy, without the slightest infringement or encroachment on either side, to the end that there may be for evermore peace between them undisturbed.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article II.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Friendly intercourse thus existing between the two Governments, it is the duty of each to sympathise with the other, and in the event of any other nation acting unjustly or treating either of the two Powers with contempt, on notice being given [by the one to the other], mutual assistance shall be rendered or mediation offered for the arrangement of the difficulty, in fulfilment of the duty imposed by relations of friendship.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article III.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The system of government and the penal enactments of the two Governments being different from each other each shall be allowed to act in entire independence.\u00a0 There shall be no interference offered, nor shall requests for innovations be obtruded.\u00a0 Each shall aid the other in enforcement of the laws, nor shall either allow its subjects to entice the people of the other country to commit acts in violation of the laws.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article IV.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>It will be competent for either Government to send Plenipotentiary Ministers, with their families and suites, to reside in the capital of the other, either permanently or from time to time.\u00a0 Their travelling expenses as they pass through the country will be defrayed by themselves.\u00a0 In the matter of their hiring ground or buildings to serve as Legations, of the passage of their baggage to and fro, of the conveyance of their correspondence by special couriers, and the like, due assistance shall be rendered on either side.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article V.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Although the functionaries of the two Governments have fixed grades, the nature of the offices conferred are different on either side.\u00a0 Officers of equivalent rank will meet and correspond with each other on a footing of equality.\u00a0 When an officer visits a superior, the intercourse between them will be such as is prescribed by the rites of hospitality.\u00a0 For the transaction of public business, the officials of the two countries will address communications to officers of their own rank, who will report in turn to their respective superiors; they will not address the superior officer directly.\u00a0 In visits, cards with the official title of the visitor shall be sent on either side.\u00a0 All officials sent on the part of either Government to the other shall present for inspection a letter bearing an official stamp, in order to guard against false personation.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article VI.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>In official correspondence, China will use the Chinese language, and Japan will use either the Japanese language accompanied by a Chinese version, or a Chinese version alone, as may be found on her side preferable.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article VII.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Friendly intercourse having been established between the two Governments, it will behove them both to appoint certain ports on the seaboard which their merchants will be authorised to frequent for purposes of trade, and to lay down, separately, Regulations of Trade that their respective mercantile communities may abide by in perpetuity.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article VIII.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>At the ports appointed in the territory of either Government it will be competent for the other to station Consuls for the control of its own merchant community.\u00a0 All suits in which they (the Consul\u2019s nationals) are the only parties, the matter in dispute being money or property, it will fall to the Consul to adjudicate according to the law of his own State.\u00a0 In mixed suits, the plaint having been laid before the Consul, he will endeavour in the first instance to prevent litigation by friendly counsel; if this be not possible, he will write officially to the local authority, and in concert with him will fairly try the case and decide it.\u00a0 Where acts of theft or robbery are committed, and where debtors abscond, the local authorities can do no more than search for and apprehend the guilty parties; they shall not be held liable to make compensation.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article IX.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>At any of the ports appointed at which no Consul shall have been stationed, the control and care of the traders resorting thither shall devolve on the local authorities.\u00a0 In case of the commission of any act of crime, the guilty party shall be apprehended, and the particulars of his offence communicated to the Consul at the nearest port, by whom he shall be tried and punished according to law.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article X.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>At the ports named in either country the officials and people of the other shall be at liberty to engage natives for service, or as artizans, or to attend to commercial business.\u00a0 The persons so engaged shall be kept in order by the persons so engaging them, who shall not allow them to perpetrate acts of fraud under any pretext; still less shall they give rise to cause of complaint by giving ear to statements advanced from illicit motives.\u00a0 In the case of any offence being committed by any person employed in the manner above mentioned, the local authority shall be at liberty to apprehend and punish the delinquent; the employer shall not favour or protect him.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article XI.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Whereas it is the duty of the subjects of either Power residing at the ports declared open in either country to live on friendly terms with the native inhabitants, it is provided that they shall not be allowed to wear arms; infraction of this rule will be punishable by a fine, accompanied by the confiscation of the arms.\u00a0 Residents as aforesaid shall attend peaceably to their own avocations, and whether residing permanently or for the time being at a port, they shall submit to the authority of their Consul.\u00a0 They shall not be allowed to adopt the costume of the country in which they may reside, nor to obtain local registration and compete at the literary examinations, lest disorder and confusion be produced.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article XII.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>If any subject of either Power, having violated the law of his own country, secrete himself in any official building, merchant vessel, or warehouse of the other State, or escape to any place in the territory of the other, on official application being made by the authority of the State of which such offender is a subject to the authority of the other, the latter shall immediately take steps for the arrest of the offender, without show of favour.\u00a0 Whilst in custody he shall be provided with food and clothing, and shall not be subjected to ill-usage.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article XIII.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>If any subject of either Power connect himself at any of the open ports with lawless offenders for purposes of robbery or other wrongdoing, or if any work his way into the interior and commit acts of incendiarism, murder, or robbery, active measures for his apprehension shall be taken by the proper authority, and notice shall at the same time be given without delay to the Consul of the offender\u2019s nationality.\u00a0 Any offender who shall venture with weapons of a murderous nature to resist capture may be slain in the act without further consequences, but the circumstances which have led to his life being thus taken shall be investigated at an inquest which will be held by the Consul and the local authority together.\u00a0 In the event of the occurrence taking place in the interior, so far from the port that the Consul cannot arrive in time for the inquest, the local authority shall communicate a report of the facts of the case to the Consul.<\/p>\n<p>When arrested and brought up for trial, the offender, if at a port, shall be tried by the local authority and the Consul together; in the interior, he shall be tried and dealt with by the local authority, who will officially communicate the facts of the case to the Consul.<\/p>\n<p>If subjects of either Power shall assemble to the number of ten or more to foment disorder and commit excesses in the dominions of the other, or shall induce subjects of the other therein to conspire with them for the doing of injury to the other Power, the authorities of the latter shall be free at once to arrest them.\u00a0 If at a port, their Consul shall be informed, in order that he may take part in their trial; if in the interior, the local authority shall duly try them, and shall officially communicate particulars to the Consul.\u00a0 In either case capital punishment shall be inflicted at the scene of the commission of the offence.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article XIV.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Vessels of war of either Power shall be at liberty to frequent the ports of the other for the protection of the subjects of their own country, but they shall in no case enter ports not declared open by Treaty, nor rivers, lakes, and streams in the interior.\u00a0 Any vessels infringing this rule shall be placed under embargo and fined.\u00a0 This stipulation shall not, however, apply to vessels driven into port by stress of weather.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article XV.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>If either State of the two should be involved in war with any other Power, measures for the defence of the coast being thereby entailed, on notice being given, trade shall be suspended for the time being, together with the entry and departure of ships, lest injury befall them.\u00a0 Japanese subjects ordinarily established in the appointed ports of China, or being in the seas adjoining China, and Chinese subjects ordinarily established at the open ports of Japan, or being in the seas adjoining thereunto, shall not be permitted to engage in collisions with subjects of a hostile Power, or to attack and plunder them.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article XVI.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>No Consul of either Power shall be allowed to trade or to act as Consul for a Power not in Treaty relations with the other.\u00a0 In the case of any Consul so acting as to render himself generally unacceptable, on substantial proof to this effect being produced, it shall be competent for the Government interested to communicate officially with the Minister Plenipotentiary, who, when he shall have ascertained the truth, shall remove the Consul, in order that the friendly relations of the two Governments may not suffer detriment through the misconduct of a single individual.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article XVII.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The flags carried by the vessels of either country are of a fixed design.\u00a0 If a vessel of either, having falsely assumed the colours of the other, shall do that which is contrary to law, the vessel and goods shall be confiscated; and if it appear that the false colours were given by an official, he shall be denounced and removed from his post.<\/p>\n<p>The subjects of either country shall be at liberty to purchase the books of the other, if desirous of studying its literature.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article XVIII.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The foregoing Articles are agreed to by the two Contracting Powers in order to the prevention of misunderstanding, to the end that perfect confidence and improved relations may subsist between them.\u00a0 In testimony whereof the Ministers Plenipotentiary of the two Contracting Powers do now accordingly sign and affix their seals hereto.\u00a0 So soon as the Present Treaty shall have been ratified by their respective Sovereigns, and ratified copies of it exchanged, it shall be printed and published, and circulated throughout the dominions of either Power, for the information of the subjects of both countries, to the end that there may be a good understanding between them for evermore.<\/p>\n<p>Dated the 29th day of the 7th moon of the 10th year of T\u2019ung Chih, corresponding to the 29th day of the 7th month in the 4th year of Meiji.<\/p>\n<p>[L.S.]\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 (Signed)\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 LI HUNG-CHANG.<\/p>\n<p>[L.S.]\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 (Signed)\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 DATE MUNEKI.<\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<p><strong>China.\u00a0<em>Treaties, Conventions, etc., between China and Foreign States<\/em>, misc. series no. 30. Shanghai: Statistical Department of the Inspectorate General of Customs, 1917. pp. 507-584.<\/strong><\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<p><sup>1<\/sup>\u00a0Japanese and Chinese merchants were already developing private business during the Tokugawa-Bakufu regime that was well known for the state of seclusion (<i>sakoku<\/i>) regarding foreigners. Yet, both countries had no formal institutionalized diplomatic relationship. Besides China, Japan maintained relationships with Korea (formal diplomatic), the Ryukyus and the Netherlands during the same period. T. Kazui, S.D. Videen, \u2018Foreign Relations during the Edo Period: Sakoku Reexamined,\u2019\u00a0<i>Journal of Japanese Studies<\/i>, 8, 2, 1982, 283-306<\/p>\n<p><sup>2<\/sup> *For further details on treaties signed by Japan, see M.R. Auslin,\u00a0<i>Negotiating with Imperialism: the unequal treaties and the culture of Japanese diplomacy<\/i>, (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004).<\/p>\n<p><sup>3<\/sup>\u00a0The ports in Japan: Yokohama, Hakodate, Osaka, Kobe, two ports in Niigata, Nagasaki, and Tsukiji. The ports in China: Shanghai, Zhenjiang, Ningbo, Jiujiang, Hnakou, Tianjin, Yingkou, Zhifu, Guangzhou, Shantou, Qiongzhou, Fuzhou, Xiamen, Taiwan, and Danshui.<\/p>\n<p><em>Annotated by Miriam Kaminishi<\/em><\/p>\n\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--label-2\">The Tientsin Convention (1885)<\/a>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--icon-2\"><i>Expand<\/i><\/a>\n\t\t<strong>The Tientsin Convention, 1885<br \/>\n<\/strong><em>Li Hongzhang; It\u014d Hirobumi<\/em>\n<hr \/>\n<p>The Convention was an attempt to reduce tension in Korea after the Gapsin Coup occurred, pitting the pro-Chinese conservative party against the pro-Japanese Korean progressive clique, in 1884. Given that China and Japan maintained considerable influence over Korea, this stirred serious political and military tension. The main content of the Convention was to ensure the withdrawal of both Chinese and Japanese troops from the Korean domain within four months, and also assure that the two countries would not dispatch military advisers to assist the Korean national army\u2019s modernization. In addition, it was agreed that each country would previously notify the other if it sent troops back into Korea. The document indicates the real beginning of deteriorating relations and strategic competition between Qing China and Meiji Japan, as the latter steadily increased in power and ambition.<\/p>\n<h3><strong>Convention of Tientsin \u2014 April 18, 1885<\/strong><\/h3>\nCHINESE TEXT\n<p>\u5927\u6e05\u570b\u7279\u6d3e\u5168\u6b0a\u5927\u81e3\u592a\u5b50\u592a\u5085\u6587\u83ef\u6bbf\u5927\u5b78\u58eb\u5317\u6d0b\u901a\u5546\u5927\u81e3\u5175\u90e8\u5c1a\u66f8\u76f4\u96b8\u7e3d\u7763\u4e00\u7b49\u8085\u6bc5\u4f2f\u7235\u674e\uff1b<\/p>\n<p>\u5927\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u7279\u6d3e\u5168\u6b0a\u5927\u4f7f\u53c3\u8b70\u517c\u5bae\u5167\u537f\u52f3\u4e00\u7b49\u4f2f\u7235\u4f0a\u85e4\uff1b<\/p>\n<p>\u5404\u9075\u6240\u5949\u8aed\u65e8\uff0c\u516c\u540c\u6703\u8b70\uff0c\u8a02\u7acb\u5c08\u689d\uff0c\u4ee5\u6566\u548c\u8abc\u3002\u6240\u6709\u7d04\u6b3e\u81da\u5217\u65bc\u5de6\uff1a<\/p>\n<p>\u4e00\u3001\u8b70\u5b9a\u4e2d\u570b\u64a4\u99d0\u7d2e\u671d\u9bae\u4e4b\u5175\uff0c\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u64a4\u5728\u671d\u9bae\u8b77\u885b\u4f7f\u9928\u4e4b\u5175\u5f01\uff0c\u81ea\u756b\u62bc\u84cb\u5370\u4e4b\u65e5\u8d77\uff0c\u4ee5\u56db\u500b\u6708\u70ba\u671f\uff0c\u9650\u5167\u5404\u884c\u76e1\u6578\u64a4\u56de\uff0c\u4ee5\u514d\u5169\u570b\u6709\u6ecb\u7aef\u4e4b\u865e\u3002\u4e2d\u570b\u5175\u7531\u99ac\u5c71\u6d66\u64a4\u53bb\u3001\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u5175\u7531\u4ec1\u5ddd\u6e2f\u64a4\u53bb\u3002<\/p>\n<p>\u4e00\u3001\u5169\u570b\u5747\u5141\u52f8\u671d\u9bae\u570b\u738b\u6559\u7df4\u5175\u58eb\uff0c\u8db3\u4ee5\u81ea\u8b77\u6cbb\u5b89\u3002\u53c8\u7531\u671d\u9bae\u570b\u738b\u9078\u50f1\u4ed6\u5916\u570b\u6b66\u5f01\u4e00\u4eba\u6216\u6578\u4eba\uff0c\u59d4\u4ee5\u6559\u6f14\u4e4b\u4e8b\u3002\u55e3\u5f8c\u4e2d\u65e5\u5169\u570b\u5747\u7121\u6d3e\u54e1\u5728\u671d\u9bae\u6559\u7df4\u3002<\/p>\n<p>\u4e00\u3001\u5c07\u4f86\u671d\u9bae\u570b\u82e5\u6709\u8b8a\u4e82\u91cd\u5927\u4e8b\u4ef6\uff0c\u4e2d\u3001\u65e5\u5169\u570b\u6216\u4e00\u570b\u8981\u6d3e\u5175\uff0c\u61c9\u5148\u4e92\u884c\u6587\u57f7\u7167\uff0c\u53ca\u5176\u4e8b\u5b9a\uff0c\u4ecd\u5373\u64a4\u56de\uff0c\u4e0d\u518d\u7559\u9632\u3002<\/p>\n<p>\u5927\u6e05\u5149\u7dd2\u5341\u4e00\u5e74\u4e09\u6708\u521d\u56db\u65e5<\/p>\n<p>\u5927\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u660e\u6cbb\u5341\u516b\u5e74\u56db\u6708\u5341\u516b\u65e5<\/p>\nJAPANESE TEXT\n\u5927\u65e5\u672c\u56fd\u7279\u6d3e\u5168\u6a29\u5927\u4f7f\u53c2\u8b70\u517c\u5bae\u5185\u537f\u52f2\u4e00\u7b49\u4f2f\u7235\u4f0a\u85e4<br \/>\n\u5927\u6e05\u56fd\u7279\u6d3e\u5168\u6a29\u5927\u81e3\u592a\u5b50\u592a\u4f1d\u6587\u83ef\u6bbf\u5927\u5b66\u58eb\u5317\u6d0b\u901a\u5546\u5927\u81e3\u3000\u5175\u90e8\u5c1a\u66f8\u76f4\u96b7\u7dcf\u7763\u4e00\u7b49\u7c9b\u6bc5\u4f2f\u7235\u674e\n<p>\u5404\u3005\u5949\u305a\u308b\u6240\u306e\u8aed\u65e8\u306b\u9075\u3073\u516c\u540c\u4f1a\u8b70\u3057\u5c02\u6761\u3092\u8a02\u7acb\u3057\u4ee5\u3066\u548c\u8abc\u3092\u6566\u304f\u3059\u6709\u308b\u6240\u306e\u7d04\u6b3e\u5de6\u306b\u81da\u5217\u3059\u3002<\/p>\n\u4e00\uff0e\u8b70\u5b9a\u3059\u3002<br \/>\n\u4e2d\u56fd\u3001\u671d\u9bae\u306b\u99d0\u7d2e\u3059\u308b\u306e\u5175\u3092\u64a4\u3057\u3001\u65e5\u672c\u56fd\u3001\u671d\u9bae\u306b\u5728\u308a\u3066\u4f7f\u9928\u3092\u8b77\u885b\u3059\u308b\u306e\u5175\u5f01\u3092\u64a4\u3059\u3002<br \/>\n\u753b\u62bc\u84cb\u5370\u306e\u65e5\u3088\u308a\u8d77\u308a4\u7b87\u6708\u3092\u4ee5\u3066\u671f\u3068\u3057\u3001 \u9650\u5185\u306b\u5404\u3005\u6570\u3092\u5c3d\u3057\u3066\u64a4\u56de\u3059\u308b\u3092\u884c\u3044\u3001\u4ee5\u3066\u4e21\u56fd\u6ecb\u7aef\u306e\u865e\u3042\u308b\u3053\u3068\u3092\u514d\u308b\u3002<br \/>\n\u4e2d\u56fd\u306e\u5175\u306f\u99ac\u5c71\u6d66\u3088\u308a\u64a4\u53bb\u3057\u3001\u65e5\u672c\u56fd\u306e\u5175\u306f\u4ec1\u5ddd\u6e2f\u3088\u308a\u64a4\u53bb\u3059\u3002\n\u4e00\uff0e\u4e21\u56fd\u5747\u3057\u304f\u5141\u3059\u3002<br \/>\n\u671d\u9bae\u56fd\u738b\u306b\u52e7\u3081\u5175\u58eb\u3092\u6559\u7df4\u3057\u3001\u4ee5\u3066\u81ea\u3089\u6cbb\u5b89\u3092\u8b77\u3059\u308b\u306b\u8db3\u3089\u3057\u3080\u3002<br \/>\n\u53c8\u671d\u9bae\u56fd\u738b\u306b\u7531\u308a\u4ed6\u306e\u5916\u56fd\u306e\u6b66\u5f011\u4eba\u6216\u3044\u306f\u6570\u4eba\u3092\u9078\u50ad\u3057\u3001\u59d4\u306c\u308b\u306b\u6559\u6f14\u306e\u4e8b\u3092\u4ee5\u3066\u3059\u3002<br \/>\n\u55e3\u5f8c\u65e5\u4e2d\u4e21\u56fd\u5747\u3057\u304f\u54e1\u3092\u6d3e\u3057\u3001\u671d\u9bae\u306b\u5728\u308a\u3066\u6559\u7df4\u3059\u308b\u4e8b\u52ff\u3089\u3093\u3002\n\u4e00\uff0e\u5c06\u6765\u3001\u671d\u9bae\u56fd\u82e5\u3057\u5909\u4e71\u91cd\u5927\u306e\u4e8b\u4ef6\u3042\u308a\u3066\u3001\u65e5\u4e2d\u4e21\u56fd\u6216\u3044\u306f\u4e00\u56fd\u5175\u3092\u6d3e\u3059\u308b\u3092\u8981\u3059\u308b\u3068\u304d\u306f\u3001\u5fdc\u306b\u5148\u305a\u4e92\u3044\u306b\u884c\u6587\u77e5\u7167\u3059\u3079\u3057\u3002<br \/>\n\u5176\u306e\u4e8b\u5b9a\u307e\u308b\u306b\u53ca\u3093\u3067\u306f\u3001\u4ecd\u5373\u3061\u64a4\u56de\u3057\u518d\u3073\u7559\u9632\u305b\u305a\u3002\n\u5927\u65e5\u672c\u56fd\u660e\u6cbb18\u5e744\u670818\u65e5<br \/>\n\u5927\u65e5\u672c\u56fd\u7279\u6d3e\u5168\u6a29\u5927\u4f7f\u53c2\u8b70\u517c\u5bae\u5185\u537f\u52f2\u4e00\u7b49\u4f2f\u7235\u4f0a\u85e4\n\u5927\u6e05\u56fd\u5149\u7dd211\u5e743\u6708\u521d4\u65e5<br \/>\n\u5927\u6e05\u56fd\u7279\u6d3e\u5168\u6a29\u5927\u81e3\u592a\u5b50\u592a\u4f1d\u6587\u83ef\u6bbf\u5927\u5b66\u58eb\u5317\u6d0b\u901a\u5546\u5927\u81e3\u3000\u5175\u90e8\u5c1a\u66f8\u76f4\u96b7\u7dcf\u7763\u4e00\u7b49\u7c9b\u6bc5\u4f2f\u7235\u674e\nTRANSLATION\n<p>Ito, Ambassador Extraordinary of the Great Empire of Japan, Minister of State and of the Imperial Household, First Class of the Order of the Rising Sun, and Count of the Empire;<\/p>\n<p>Li, Special Plenipotentiary of the Great Empire of China, Grand Guardian of the Heir Apparent, Senior Grand Secretary of State, Superintendent of the North Sea Trade, President of the Board of War, Viceroy of Chihli, and Count Shinu-ki [Su-i] of the First Rank;<\/p>\n<p>In obedience to the decrees which each of them respectively is bound to obey, after conference held, have agreed upon a Convention with a view to preserving and promoting friendly relations (between the two Great Empires), the articles of which are set down in order as follows: \u2014<\/p>\n<p>It is hereby agreed that China shall withdraw her troops now stationed in Corea, and that Japan shall withdraw hers stationed therein for the protection of her Legation.\u00a0 The specific term for effecting the same shall be four months, commencing from the date of the signing and sealing of this Convention, within which terms they shall respectively accomplish the withdrawal of the whole number of each of their troops, in order to avoid effectively any complications between the respective countries: the Chinese troops shall embark from Masan-po, and the Japanese from the port of Ninsen.<\/p>\n<p>The said respective Powers mutually agree to invite the King of Corea to instruct and drill a sufficient armed force, that she may herself assure her public security, and to invite him to engage into his service an officer or officers from amongst those of a third Power, who shall be entrusted with the instruction of the said force.\u00a0 The respective Powers also bind themselves, each to the other, henceforth not to send any of their own officers to Corea for the purpose of giving said instruction.<\/p>\n<p>In case [of] any disturbances of a grave nature occurring in Corea which necessitates the respective countries, or either of them, to send troops to Corea, it is hereby understood that they shall give, each to the other, previous notice in writing of their intention so to do, and that after the matter is settled they shall withdraw their troops and not further station them there.<\/p>\n<p>Signed and sealed this 18th day of the 4th month of the 18th year of Meiji (Japanese calendar).<\/p>\n<p>The 4th day of the 3rd moon of the 11th year of Kocho [Kuang Hs\u00fc] (Chinese calendar).<\/p>\n<p>(Signed and sealed)\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 ITO,<\/p>\n<p><em>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0Ambassador Extraordinary of the Great Empire of Japan, etc., etc., etc.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>(Signed and sealed)\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 LI,<\/p>\n<p><em>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0Special Plenipotentiary of the Great Empire of China, etc., etc., etc.<\/em><\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<p><strong>United States Department of State.\u00a0<em>Index to the executive documents of the House of Representatives for the first session of the forty-ninth Congress<\/em>,\u00a0<em>1885-1886<\/em>. Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1885-1886. pp. 563-564<\/strong><\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<p>A complete and original version of the Tientsin Convention, written in Chinese and Japanese, is available\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/sites.google.com\/site\/empireinasia\/docs\/tientsin.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">here.<\/a><\/p>\n<p><em>Annotated by Miriam Kaminishi<\/em><\/p>\n\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--label-3\">The Treaty of Shimonoseki (1895)<\/a>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--icon-3\"><i>Expand<\/i><\/a>\n\t\t<strong>The Treaty of Shimonoseki, 1895<\/strong><br \/>\n<em>Li Hongzhang; Li Jingfang; It\u014d Hirobumi; Mutsu Munemitsu<\/em>\n<hr \/>\n<p>This Treaty ended the First Sino-Japanese War on April 17, 1895, after some nine months of fighting. The Treaty replaced the Sino-Japanese Friendship, Commerce and Navigation Treaty, signed in 1871, and granted Japan terms that the first agreement did not consider. The main terms recognized the independence of Korea, Japanese control over Taiwan and the Penghu Islands (Pescadores Islands), as well as the opening of four more Chinese ports (Shashi, Chongqing, Suzhou, and Hangzhou)<sup>1<\/sup> in addition to those opened by the 1871 treaty. It also required China to pay a war indemnity in a total amount of 200 million Kuping taels, which corresponded to approximately 350 million yen, or around 70% of the GNP of Japan at that time.<sup>2<\/sup> Japan, in turn, spent a total amount of 233,400 million yen to wage war.<sup>3<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>According to Matsukata Masayoshi, China paid this amount in pounds sterling, which corresponded to \u00a337,836,127, divided into eight installments. The first and second installments of 50 million taels each were deposited in London. The first installment was paid within six months after the ratification of the Treaty, the second within twelve months.<sup>4<\/sup> Japan also claimed the southern part of the Liaodong Peninsula (see the map attached to the Treaty), but this was rescinded after the Triple Intervention of France, Germany and Russia, who compelled Japan to withdrawal in return for an additional indemnity of 30 million Kuping taels.<\/p>\n<p>Liaodong Peninsula was a key position in China that, once established, would facilitate access to other ports and also Beijing. A concession in the Peninsula would raise Japan to the rank of a European financial interests in an almost unopened market like China. The Intervention crudely swung further advantage to Western Great Powers.<sup>5<\/sup> France secured its sphere of influence in southwest China along the border with northern Vietnam in 1895, and, from 1896 to 1898, gained additional benefits in the same region. Germany strengthened its geo-political and economic interests in Hankou and Tianjin in 1895, as well as in Shandong province from 1897. As for Russia, it acquired China\u2019s permission to construct a \u201cshortcut\u201d of the Trans-Siberian Railway through the Chinese domain in northern Manchuria.<sup>6<\/sup> In addition, China and Russia created the Chinese Eastern Railway (CER) Company, a joint venture was carried out by the Russo-Chinese Bank, established in 1895. A supplementary agreement was added in 1898, which gave Russia permission to construct the southern part of the CER from Harbin to Port Arthur, and the right to lease the Port Arthur and the Liaodong Peninsula for a period of 25 years.<sup>7<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>Russia took a leading role by \u2018mediating\u2019 negotiations between China and Japan, and offered assistance in arranging the amount of indemnity from China, which, at that time, had no credit with foreign banks to contract loans. Sergei Witte, Russian Finance Minister, compromised resources to secure loans to China from French banks.<sup>8<\/sup>\u00a0Part of the indemnity was settled by the Russo-Chinese Bank, which was composed by 62.5% of French capital,<sup>9<\/sup> and partly assisted by the British-owned Hong Kong and Shanghai Banking Corporation (HSBC).<sup>10<\/sup> Germany and France also invested in the construction of the Trans-Siberian Railway whose construction started in 1891.<sup>11<\/sup> Britain, on the other hand, did not take part in the Intervention because, according to S.C.M. Paine, it saw Japan as a putative regional partner in East Asia.<sup>12<\/sup>\u00a0This document reflected the serious increase in international tensions surrounding China, and its place in the international system, that led directly to conflict both within and about China. Successive concessions made by China to foreign powers helped provoke the Boxer Uprising in 1900. But Japanese resentment at the Triple Intervention soured Japanese relations with the European Great Powers involved, particularly Russia. This clearly framed a clash of interests between Japan and Russia over their relative positions in a volatile Northeast Asia. The Treaty is in Chinese and Japanese, and an English translation is also provided.<\/p>\n<h2><strong>Treaty of Peace \u2014 April 17, 1895<\/strong><\/h2>\nCHINESE TEXT\n<p>\u5927\u6e05\u5e1d\u570b\u5927\u7687\u5e1d\u965b\u4e0b\u53ca\u5927\u65e5\u672c\u5e1d\u570b\u5927\u7687\u5e1d\u965b\u4e0b\u70ba\u8a02\u7acb\u548c\u7d04\uff0c\u4ffe\u5169\u570b\u53ca\u5176\u81e3\u6c11\u91cd\u4fee\u5e73\u548c\uff0c\u5171\u4eab\u5e78\u798f\uff0c\u4e14\u675c\u7d55\u5c07\u4f86\u7d1b\u7d1c\u4e4b\u7aef\uff0c\u5927\u6e05\u5e1d\u570b\u5927\u7687\u5e1d\u965b\u4e0b\u7279\u7c21\u5927\u6e05\u5e1d\u570b\u6b3d \u5dee\u982d\u7b49\u5168\u6b0a\u5927\u81e3\u592a\u5b50\u592a\u5085\u6587\u83ef\u6bbf\u5927\u5b78\u58eb\u5317\u6d0b\u901a\u5546\u5927\u81e3\u76f4\u96b8\u7e3d\u7763\u4e00\u7b49\u8085\u6bc5\u4f2f\u7235\u674e\u9d3b\u7ae0\u3001\u5927\u6e05\u5e1d\u570b\u6b3d\u5dee\u5168\u6b0a\u5927\u81e3\u4e8c\u54c1\u9802\u6234\u524d\u51fa\u4f7f\u5927\u81e3\u674e\u7d93\u65b9\u3001\u5927\u65e5\u672c\u5e1d\u570b\u5927\u7687\u5e1d\u965b\u4e0b\u7279\u7c21 \u5927\u65e5\u672c\u5e1d\u570b\u5168\u6b0a\u8fa6\u7406\u5927\u81e3\u5167\u95a3\u7e3d\u7406\u5927\u81e3\u5f9e\u4e8c\u4f4d\u52f3\u4e00\u7b49\u4f2f\u7235\u4f0a\u85e4\u535a\u6587\u3001\u5927\u65e5\u672c\u5e1d\u570b\u5168\u6b0a\u8fa6\u7406\u5927\u81e3\u5916\u52d9\u5927\u81e3\u5f9e\u4e8c\u4f4d\u52f3\u4e00\u7b49\u5b50\u7235\u9678\u5967\u5b97\u5149\u70ba\u5168\u6b0a\u5927\u81e3\uff0c\u5f7c\u6b64\u6821\u95b1\u6240\u5949\u8aed\u65e8\uff0c \u8a8d\u660e\u5747\u5c6c\u59a5\u5584\u7121\u95d5\u3002\u6703\u540c\u8b70\u5b9a\u5404\u689d\u6b3e\uff0c\u958b\u5217\u65bc\u5de6\uff1a<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u3000\u7b2c\u4e00\u6b3e<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u4e2d\u570b\u8a8d\u660e\u671d\u9bae\u570b\u78ba\u70ba\u5b8c\u5168\u7121\u7f3a\u4e4b\u7368\u7acb\u81ea\u4e3b\u3002\u6545\u51e1\u6709\u8667\u640d\u7368\u7acb\u81ea\u4e3b\u9ad4\u5236\uff0c\u5373\u5982\u8a72\u570b\u5411\u4e2d\u570b\u6240\u4fee\u8ca2\u737b\u5178\u79ae\u7b49\uff0c\u55e3\u5f8c\u5168\u884c\u5ee2\u7d55\u3002<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u3000\u7b2c\u4e8c\u6b3e<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u4e2d\u570b\u5c07\u7ba1\u7406\u4e0b\u958b\u5730\u65b9\u4e4b\u6b0a\u4f75\u5c07\u8a72\u5730\u65b9\u6240\u6709\u5821\u58d8\u3001\u8ecd\u5668\u3001\u5de5\u5ee0\u53ca\u4e00\u5207\u5c6c\u516c\u7269\u4ef6\uff0c\u6c38\u9060\u8b93\u8207\u65e5\u672c\u3002<\/p>\n<p>\u4e00\u3001\u4e0b\u958b\u5283\u754c\u4ee5\u5167\u4e4b\u5949\u5929\u7701\u5357\u908a\u5730\u65b9\u3002\u5f9e\u9d28\u7da0\u6c5f\u53e3\u6eaf\u8a72\u6c5f\u4ee5\u62b5\u5b89\u5e73\u6cb3\u53e3\uff0c\u53c8\u5f9e\u8a72\u6cb3\u53e3\u5283\u81f3\u9cf3\u51f0\u57ce\u3001\u6d77\u57ce\u53ca\u71df\u53e3\u800c\u6b62\uff0c\u756b\u6210\u6298\u7dda\u4ee5\u5357\u5730\u65b9\uff1b\u6240\u6709\u524d\u958b\u5404\u57ce\u5e02\u9091\uff0c \u7686\u5305\u62ec\u5728\u5283\u754c\u7dda\u5167\u3002\u8a72\u7dda\u62b5\u71df\u53e3\u4e4b\u907c\u6cb3\u5f8c\uff0c\u5373\u9806\u6d41\u81f3\u6d77\u53e3\u6b62\uff0c\u5f7c\u6b64\u4ee5\u6cb3\u4e2d\u5fc3\u70ba\u5206\u754c\u3002\u907c\u6771\u7063\u6771\u5cb8\u53ca\u9ec3\u6d77\u5317\u5cb8\u5728\u5949\u5929\u7701\u6240\u5c6c\u8af8\u5cf6\u5dbc\uff0c\u4ea6\u4e00\u4f75\u5728\u6240\u8b93\u5883\u5167\u3002<\/p>\n<p>\u4e8c\u3001\u81fa\u7063\u5168\u5cf6\u53ca\u6240\u6709\u9644\u5c6c\u5404\u5cf6\u5dbc\u3002<\/p>\n<p>\u4e09\u3001\u6f8e\u6e56\u5217\u5cf6\u3002\u5373\u82f1\u570b\u683c\u6797\u5c3c\u6b21\u6771\u7d93\u767e\u5341\u4e5d\u5ea6\u8d77\u3001\u81f3\u767e\u4e8c\u5341\u5ea6\u6b62\u53ca\u5317\u7def\u4e8c\u5341\u4e09\u5ea6\u8d77\u3001\u81f3\u4e8c\u5341\u56db\u5ea6\u4e4b\u9593\u8af8\u5cf6\u5dbc\u3002<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u3000\u7b2c\u4e09\u6b3e<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u524d\u6b3e\u6240\u8f09\u53ca\u9ecf\u9644\u672c\u7d04\u4e4b\u5730\u5716\u6240\u5283\u7586\u754c\uff0c\u4fdf\u672c\u7d04\u6279\u51c6\u4e92\u63db\u4e4b\u5f8c\uff0c\u5169\u570b\u61c9\u5404\u9078\u6d3e\u5b98\u54e1\u4e8c\u540d\u4ee5\u4e0a\u70ba\u516c\u540c\u5283\u5b9a\u7586\u754c\u59d4\u54e1\uff0c\u5c31\u5730\u8e0f\u52d8\u78ba\u5b9a\u5283\u754c\u3002\u82e5\u9047\u672c\u7d04\u6240\u8a02\u7586\u754c\u65bc\u5730\u5f62\u6216\u6cbb\u7406\u6240\u95dc\u6709\u7919\u96e3\u4e0d\u4fbf\u7b49\u60c5\uff0c\u5404\u8a72\u59d4\u54e1\u7b49\u7576\u59a5\u70ba\u53c3\u914c\u66f4\u5b9a\u3002<\/p>\n<p>\u5404\u8a72\u59d4\u54e1\u7b49\u7576\u5f9e\u901f\u8fa6\u7406\u754c\u52d9\uff0c\u4ee5\u671f\u5949\u59d4\u4e4b\u5f8c\u9650\u4e00\u5e74\u7ae3\u4e8b\u3002\u4f46\u9047\u5404\u8a72\u59d4\u54e1\u7b49\u6709\u6240\u66f4\u5b9a\u5283\u754c\uff0c\u5169\u570b\u653f\u5e9c\u672a\u7d93\u8a8d\u51c6\u4ee5\u524d\uff0c\u61c9\u64da\u672c\u7d04\u6240\u5b9a\u5283\u754c\u70ba\u6b63\u3002<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u3000\u7b2c\u56db\u6b3e<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u4e2d\u570b\u7d04\u5c07\u5eab\u5e73\u9280\u4e8c\u842c\u842c\u5169\u4ea4\u8207\u65e5\u672c\uff0c\u4f5c\u70ba\u8ce0\u511f\u8ecd\u8cbb\u3002\u8a72\u6b3e\u5206\u4f5c\u516b\u6b21\u4ea4\u5b8c\uff1a\u7b2c\u4e00\u6b21\u4f0d\u5343\u842c\u5169\uff0c\u61c9\u5728\u672c\u7d04\u6279\u51c6\u4e92\u63db\u5f8c\u516d\u500b\u6708\u5167\u4ea4\u6e05\uff1b\u7b2c\u4e8c\u6b21\u4e94\u5343\u842c\u5169\uff0c\u61c9\u5728\u672c\u7d04\u6279 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\/>\n\u4e8c\u3001\u56db\u5ddd\u7701\u91cd\u6176\u5e9c\uff0c<br \/>\n\u4e09\u3001\u6c5f\u8607\u7701\u8607\u5dde\u5e9c\uff0c<br \/>\n\u56db\u3001\u6d59\u6c5f\u7701\u676d\u5dde\u5e9c\u3002\n<p>\u65e5\u672c\u653f\u5e9c\u5f97\u6d3e\u9063\u9818\u4e8b\u5b98\u65bc\u524d\u958b\u5404\u53e3\u99d0\u7d2e\u3002<\/p>\n\u7b2c\u4e8c\u3001\u65e5\u672c\u8f2a\u8239\u5f97\u99db\u5165\u4e0b\u958b\u5404\u53e3\u9644\u642d\u884c\u5ba2\u3001\u88dd\u904b\u8ca8\u7269\uff1a<br \/>\n\u4e00\u3001\u5f9e\u6e56\u5317\u7701\u5b9c\u660c\u6eaf\u9577\u6c5f\u4ee5\u81f3\u56db\u5ddd\u7701\u91cd\u6176\u5e9c\uff0c<br 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\/>\n\u5927\u6e05\u5e1d\u570b\u6b3d\u5dee\u5168\u6b0a\u5927\u81e3\u4e8c\u54c1\u9802\u6234\u524d\u51fa\u4f7f\u5927\u81e3\u674e\u7d93\u65b9\u62bc\u3002<br \/>\n\u5927\u65e5\u672c\u5e1d\u570b\u5168\u6b0a\u8fa6\u7406\u5927\u81e3\u5167\u95a3\u7e3d\u7406\u5927\u81e3\u5f9e\u4e8c\u4f4d\u52f3\u4e00\u7b49\u4f2f\u7235\u4f0a\u85e4\u535a\u6587\u62bc\u3002<br \/>\n\u5927\u65e5\u672c\u5e1d\u570b\u5168\u6b0a\u8fa6\u7406\u5927\u81e3\u5916\u52d9\u5927\u81e3\u5f9e\u4e8c\u4f4d\u52f3\u4e00\u7b49\u5b50\u7235\u9678\u5967\u5b97\u5149\u62bc\u3002<br \/>\n\u5149\u7dd2\u4e8c\u5341\u4e00\u5e74\u4e09\u6708\u4e8c\u5341\u4e09\u65e5<br \/>\n\u660e\u6cbb\u4e8c\u5341\u516b\u5e74\u56db\u6708\u5341\u4e03\u65e5\n<p>\u8a02\u65bc\u4e0b\u4e4b\u95dc\uff0c\u7e55\u5beb\u5169\u5206<\/p>\n\u53e6\u7d04\n<p><strong>\u3000\u7b2c\u4e00\u6b3e<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u9075\u548c\u7d04\u7b2c\u516b\u6b3e\u6240\u8a02\u66ab\u70ba\u99d0\u5b88\u5a01\u6d77\u885b\u4e4b\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u8ecd\u968a\uff0c\u61c9\u4e0d\u8d8a\u4e00\u65c5\u5718\u4e4b\u591a\uff0c\u6240\u6709\u66ab\u884c\u99d0\u5b88\u9700\u8cbb\uff0c\u4e2d\u570b\u81ea\u672c\u7d04\u6279\u51c6\u4e92\u63db\u4e4b\u65e5\u8d77\uff0c\u6bcf\u4e00\u5468\u5e74\u5c46\u6eff\uff0c\u8cbc\u4ea4\u56db\u5206\u4e4b\u4e00\uff0c\u5eab\u5e73\u9280\u4e94\u5341\u842c\u5169\u3002<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u3000\u7b2c\u4e8c\u6b3e<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u5728\u5a01\u6d77\u885b\u61c9\u5c07\u5289\u516c\u5cf6\u53ca\u5a01\u6d77\u885b\u53e3\u7063\u6cbf\u5cb8\uff0c\u7167\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u91cc\u6cd5\u4e94\u91cc\u4ee5\u5167\u5730\u65b9\uff0c\u7d04\u5408\u4e2d\u570b\u56db\u5341\u91cc\u4ee5\u5167\uff0c\u70ba\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u8ecd\u968a\u99d0\u5b88\u4e4b\u5340\u3002<\/p>\n<p>\u5728\u8ddd\u4e0a\u958b\u5283\u754c\uff0c\u7167\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u91cc\u6cd5\u4e94\u91cc\u4ee5\u5167\u5730\u65b9\uff0c\u7121\u8ad6\u5176\u70ba\u4f55\u8655\uff0c\u4e2d\u570b\u8ecd\u968a\u4e0d\u5b9c\u506a\u8fd1\u6216\u7d2e\u99d0\uff0c\u4ee5\u675c\u751f\u8845\u4e4b\u7aef\u3002<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u3000\u7b2c\u4e09\u6b3e<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u8ecd\u968a\u6240\u99d0\u5730\u65b9\u6cbb\u7406\u4e4b\u52d9\uff0c\u4ecd\u6b78\u4e2d\u570b\u5b98\u54e1\u7ba1\u7406\u3002\u4f46\u9047\u6709\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u8ecd\u968a\u53f8\u4ee4\u5b98\u70ba\u8ecd\u968a\u885b\u990a\u3001\u5b89\u5be7\u3001\u8ecd\u7d00\u53ca\u5206\u5e03\u3001\u7ba1\u7406\u7b49\u4e8b\u5fc5\u9808\u65bd\u884c\u4e4b\u8655\uff0c\u4e00\u7d93\u51fa\u793a\u9812\u884c\uff0c\u5247\u65bc\u4e2d\u570b\u5b98\u54e1\u4ea6\u7576\u8cac\u5b88\u3002<\/p>\n<p>\u5728\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u8ecd\u968a\u99d0\u5b88\u4e4b\u5730\uff0c\u51e1\u6709\u72af\u95dc\u6d89\u8ecd\u52d9\u4e4b\u7f6a\uff0c\u5747\u6b78\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u8ecd\u52d9\u5b98\u5be9\u65b7\u8fa6\u7406\u3002<\/p>\n<p>\u6b64\u53e6\u7d04\u6240\u5b9a\u689d\u6b3e\uff0c\u8207\u8f09\u5165\u548c\u7d04\u5176\u6548\u6089\u70ba\u76f8\u540c\u3002\u70ba\u6b64\u5169\u570b\u5168\u6b0a\u5927\u81e3\u7f72\u540d\u84cb\u5370\uff0c\u4ee5\u662d\u4fe1\u5b88\u3002<\/p>\n\u5149\u7dd2\u4e8c\u5341\u4e00\u5e74\u4e09\u6708\u4e8c\u5341\u4e09\u65e5<br \/>\n\u660e\u6cbb\u4e8c\u5341\u516b\u5e74\u56db\u6708\u5341\u4e03\u65e5\n<p>\u8a02\u65bc\u4e0b\u4e4b\u95dc\uff0c\u7e55\u5beb\u5169\u5206<\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\nJAPANESE TEXT\n<p>\u5927\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u7687\u5e1d\u965b\u4e0b\u53ca\u5927\u6df8\u570b\u7687\u5e1d\u965b\u4e0b\u30cf\u5169\u570b\u53ca\u5176\u30ce\u81e3\u6c11\u30cb\u5e73\u548c\u30ce\u5e78\u798f\u30f2\u56d8\u5fa9\u30b7\u4e14\u5c07\u4f86\u7d1b\u8b70\u30ce\u7aef\u30f2\u9664\u30af\u30b3\u30c8\u30f2\u6b32\u30b7\u5abe\u548c\u689d\u7d04\u30f2\u8a02\u7d50\u30b9\u30eb\u7232\u30e1\u30cb\u5927\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u7687\u5e1d\u965b\u4e0b\u30cf\u5185\u95a3\u7e3d\u7406\u5927\u81e3\u5f9e\u4e8c\u4f4d\u52f3\u4e00\u7b49\u4f2f\u7235\u4f0a\u85e4\u535a\u6587\u5916\u52d9\u5927\u81e3\u5f9e\u4e8c\u4f4d\u52f3\u4e00\u7b49\u5b50\u7235\u9678\u5967\u5b97\u5149\u30f2\u5927\u6df8\u570b\u7687\u5e1d\u965b\u4e0b\u30cf\u592a\u5b50\u592a\u5085\u6587\u83ef\u6bbf\u5927\u5b78\u58eb\u5317\u6d0b\u5927\u81e3\u76f4\u96b8\u7e3d\u7763\u4e00\u7b49\u8085\u6bc5\u4f2f\u674e\u9d3b\u7ae0\u4e8c\u54c1\u9802\u6234\u524d\u51fa\u4f7f\u5927\u81e3\u674e\u7d93\u65b9\u30f2\u5404\u5176\u30ce\u5168\u6b0a\u5927\u81e3\u30cb\u4efb\u547d\u30bb\u30ea\u56e0\u30c6\u5404\u5168\u6b0a\u5927\u81e3\u30cf\u4e92\u30cb\u5176\u30ce\u59d4\u4efb\u72b6\u30f2\u793a\u30b7\u5176\u30ce\u826f\u597d\u59a5\u7576\u30ca\u30eb\u30f2\u8a8d\u30e1\u4ee5\u30c6\u5de6\u30ce\u8af8\u689d\u6b3e\u30f2\u5354\u8b70\u6c7a\u5b9a\u30bb\u30ea<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u7b2c\u4e00\u689d<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u6df8\u570b\u30cf\u671d\u9bae\u570b\u30ce\u5b8c\u5168\u7121\u7f3a\u30ca\u30eb\u7368\u7acb\u81ea\u4e3b\u30ce\u570b\u30bf\u30eb\u30b3\u30c8\u30f2\u78ba\u8a8d\u30b9\u56e0\u30c6\u53f3\u7368\u7acb\u81ea\u4e3b\u30f2\u640d\u5bb3\u30b9\u30d8\u30ad\u671d\u9bae\u570b\u30e8\u30ea\u6df8\u570b\u30cb\u5c0d\u30b9\u30eb\u8ca2\u737b\u5178\u79ae\u7b49\u30cf\u5c07\u4f86\u5168\u30af\u4e4b\u30f2\u5ee2\u6b62\u30b9\u30d8\u30b7<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u7b2c\u4e8c\u689d<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u6df8\u570b\u30cf\u5de6\u8a18\u30ce\u571f\u5730\u30ce\u4e3b\u6b0a\u7add\u30cb\u8a72\u5730\u65b9\u30cb\u5728\u30eb\u57ce\u58d8\u5175\u5668\u88fd\u9020\u6240\u53ca\u5b98\u6709\u7269\u30f2\u6c38\u9060\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u30cb\u5272\u8207\u30b9<\/p>\n<p>\u4e00\u3000\u5de6\u30ce\u7d93\u754c\u5185\u30cb\u5728\u30eb\u5949\u5929\u7701\u5357\u90e8\u30ce\u5730<\/p>\n<p>\u9d28\u7dd1\u6c5f\u53e3\u30e8\u30ea\u8a72\u6c5f\u30f2\u6eaf\u30ea\u5b89\u5e73\u6cb3\u53e3\u30cb\u81f3\u30ea\u8a72\u6cb3\u53e3\u30e8\u30ea\u9cf3\u51f0\u57ce\u6d77\u57ce\u71df\u53e3\u30cb\u4e98\u30ea\u907c\u6cb3\u53e3\u30cb\u81f3\u30eb\u6298\u7dda\u4ee5\u5357\u30ce\u5730\u4f75\u30bb\u30c6\u524d\u8a18\u30ce\u5404\u57ce\u5e02\u30f2\u5305\u542b\u30b9\u800c\u30b7\u30c6\u907c\u6cb3\u30f2\u4ee5\u30c6\u754c\u30c8\u30b9\u30eb\u8655\u30cf\u8a72\u6cb3\u30ce\u4e2d\u592e\u30f2\u4ee5\u30c6\u7d93\u754c\u30c8\u30b9\u30eb\u30b3\u30c8\u30c8\u77e5\u30eb\u30d8\u30b7<\/p>\n<p>\u907c\u6771\u7063\u6771\u5cb8\u53ca\u9ec4\u6d77\u5317\u5cb8\u30cb\u5728\u30c6\u5949\u5929\u7701\u30cb\u5c6c\u30b9\u30eb\u8af8\u5cf6\u5dbc<\/p>\n<p>\u4e8c\u3000\u81fa\u7063\u5168\u5cf6\u53ca\u5176\u30ce\u9644\u5c6c\u8af8\u5cf6\u5dbc<\/p>\n<p>\u4e09\u3000\u6f8e\u6e56\u5217\u5cf6\u5373\u82f1\u570b\u300c\u30b0\u30ea\u30fc\u30f3\u30a6\u30a3\u30c1\u300d\u6771\u7d93\u767e\u5341\u4e5d\u5ea6\u4e43\u81f3\u767e\u4e8c\u5341\u5ea6\u53ca\u5317\u7def\u4e8c\u5341\u4e09\u5ea6\u4e43\u81f3\u4e8c\u5341\u56db\u5ea6\u30ce\u9593\u30cb\u5728\u30eb\u8af8\u5cf6\u5dbc<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u7b2c\u4e09\u689d<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u524d\u689d\u30cb\u63b2\u8f09\u30b7\u9644\u5c6c\u5730\u5716\u30cb\u793a\u30b9\u6240\u30ce\u7d93\u754c\u7dda\u30cf\u672c\u7d04\u6279\u51c6\u4ea4\u63db\u5f8c\u76f4\u30c1\u30cb\u65e5\u6df8\u5169\u570b\u30e8\u30ea\u5404\u4e8c\u540d\u4ee5\u4e0a\u30ce\u5883\u754c\u5171\u540c\u5283\u5b9a\u59d4\u54e1\u30f2\u4efb\u547d\u30b7\u5be6\u5730\u30cb\u5c31\u30c6\u78ba\u5b9a\u30b9\u30eb\u6240\u30a2\u30eb\u30d8\u30ad\u30e2\u30ce\u30c8\u30b9\u800c\u30b7\u30c6\u82e5\u672c\u7d04\u30cb\u63b2\u8a18\u30b9\u30eb\u6240\u30ce\u5883\u754c\u30cb\u30b7\u30c6\u5730\u5f62\u4e0a\u53c8\u30cf\u65bd\u653f\u4e0a\u30ce\u9ede\u30cb\u4ed8\u5b8c\u5168\u30ca\u30e9\u30b5\u30eb\u30cb\u65bc\u30c6\u30cf\u8a72\u5883\u754c\u5283\u5b9a\u59d4\u54e1\u30cf\u4e4b\u30f2\u66f4\u6b63\u30b9\u30eb\u30b3\u30c8\u30cb\u4efb\u30b9\u30d8\u30b7<\/p>\n<p>\u8a72\u5883\u754c\u5283\u5b9a\u59d4\u54e1\u30cf\u6210\u30eb\u30d8\u30af\u901f\u30cb\u5176\u30ce\u4efb\u52d9\u30cb\u5f9e\u4e8b\u30b7\u5176\u30ce\u4efb\u547d\u5f8c\u4e00\u7b87\u5e74\u4ee5\u5185\u30cb\u4e4b\u30f2\u7d42\u4e86\u30b9\u30d8\u30b7<\/p>\n<p>\u4f46\u30b7\u8a72\u5883\u754c\u5283\u5b9a\u59d4\u54e1\u30cb\u65bc\u30c6\u66f4\u5b9a\u30b9\u30eb\u6240\u30a2\u30eb\u30cb\u7576\u30ea\u30c6\u5176\u30ce\u66f4\u5b9a\u30b7\u30bf\u30eb\u6240\u30cb\u5c0d\u30b7\u65e5\u6df8\u5169\u570b\u653f\u5e9c\u30cb\u65bc\u30c6\u53ef\u8a8d\u30b9\u30eb\u8fc4\u30cf\u672c\u7d04\u30cb\u63b2\u8a18\u30b9\u30eb\u6240\u30ce\u7d93\u754c\u7dda\u30f2\u7dad\u6301\u30b9\u30d8\u30b7<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u7b2c\u56db\u689d<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u6df8\u570b\u30cf\u8ecd\u8cbb\u8ce0\u511f\u91d1\u30c8\u30b7\u30c6\u5eab\u5e73\u9280\u8cb3\u5104\u5169\u30f2\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u30cb\u652f\u62c2\u30d5\u30d8\u30ad\u30b3\u30c8\u30f2\u7d04\u30b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709\u6548\u30ce\u30e2\u30ce\u30c8\u30b9<\/p>\n<p>\u7b2c\u4e00\u3000\u6df8\u570b\u30cb\u65bc\u30c6\u73fe\u30cb\u5404\u5916\u570b\u30cb\u5411\u30c6\u958b\u30ad\u5c45\u30eb\u6240\u30ce\u5404\u5e02\u6e2f\u30ce\u5916\u30cb\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u81e3\u6c11\u30ce\u5546\u696d\u4f4f\u5c45\u5de5\u696d\u53ca\u88fd\u9020\u696d\u30ce\u7232\u30e1\u30cb\u5de6\u30ce\u5e02\u6e2f\u30f2\u958b\u30af\u30d8\u30b7\u4f46\u30b7\u73fe\u30cb\u6df8\u570b\u30ce\u958b\u5e02\u5834\u958b\u6e2f\u5834\u30cb\u884c\u30cf\u30eb\u30eb\u6240\u30c8\u540c\u4e00\u30ce\u689d\u4ef6\u30cb\u65bc\u30c6\u540c\u4e00\u30ce\u7279\u5178\u53ca\u4fbf\u76ca\u30f2\u4eab\u6709\u30b9\u30d8\u30ad\u30e2\u30ce\u30c8\u30b9<\/p>\n<p>\u4e00\u3000\u6e56\u5317\u7701\u834a\u5dde\u5e9c\u6c99\u5e02<\/p>\n<p>\u4e8c\u3000\u56db\u5ddd\u7701\u91cd\u6176\u5e9c<\/p>\n<p>\u4e09\u3000\u6c5f\u8607\u7701\u8607\u5dde\u5e9c<\/p>\n<p>\u56db\u3000\u6d59\u6c5f\u7701\u676d\u5dde\u5e9c<\/p>\n<p>\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u653f\u5e9c\u30cf\u4ee5\u4e0a\u5217\u8a18\u30b9\u30eb\u6240\u30ce\u5e02\u6e2f\u4e2d\u4f55\u30ec\u30ce\u8655\u30cb\u30e2\u9818\u4e8b\u5b98\u30f2\u7f6e\u30af\u30ce\u6b0a\u5229\u30a2\u30eb\u30e2\u30ce\u30c8\u30b9<\/p>\n<p>\u7b2c\u4e8c\u3000\u65c5\u5ba2\u53ca\u8ca8\u7269\u904b\u9001\u30ce\u7232\u30e1\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u6c7d\u8229\u30ce\u822a\u8def\u30f2\u5de6\u8a18\u30ce\u5834\u6240\u30cb\u8fc4\u64f4\u5f35\u30b9\u30d8\u30b7<\/p>\n<p>\u4e00\u3000\u694a\u5b50\u6c5f\u4e0a\u6d41\u6e56\u5317\u7701\u5b9c\u660c\u30e8\u30ea\u56db\u5ddd\u7701\u91cd\u6176\u30cb\u81f3\u30eb<\/p>\n<p>\u4e8c\u3000\u4e0a\u6d77\u30e8\u30ea\u5449\u6dde\u6c5f\u53ca\u904b\u6cb3\u30cb\u5165\u30ea\u8607\u5dde\u676d\u5dde\u30cb\u81f3\u30eb<\/p>\n<p>\u65e5\u6df8\u5169\u570b\u30cb\u65bc\u30c6\u65b0\u7ae0\u7a0b\u30f2\u59a5\u5b9a\u30b9\u30eb\u8fc4\u30cf\u524d\u8a18\u822a\u8def\u30cb\u95dc\u30b7\u9069\u7528\u30b7\u5f97\u30d8\u30ad\u9650\u30cf\u5916\u570b\u8239\u8236\u6df8\u570b\u5185\u5730\u6c34\u8def\u822a\u884c\u30cb\u95dc\u30b9\u30eb\u73fe\u884c\u7ae0\u7a0b\u30f2\u65bd\u884c\u30b9\u30d8\u30b7<\/p>\n<p>\u7b2c\u4e09\u3000\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u81e3\u6c11\u30ab\u6df8\u570b\u5185\u5730\u30cb\u65bc\u30c6\u8ca8\u54c1\u53ca\u751f\u7523\u7269\u30f2\u8cfc\u8cb7\u30b7\u53c8\u30cf\u5176\u30ce\u8f38\u5165\u30b7\u30bf\u30eb\u5546\u54c1\u30f2\u6df8\u570b\u5185\u5730\u30d8\u904b\u9001\u30b9\u30eb\u30cb\u30cf\u53f3\u8cfc\u8cb7\u54c1\u53c8\u30cf\u904b\u9001\u54c1\u30f2\u5009\u5165\u30b9\u30eb\u7232\u30e1\u4f55\u7b49\u30ce\u7a0e\u91d1\u53d6\u7acb\u91d1\u30f2\u30e2\u7d0d\u30e0\u30eb\u30b3\u30c8\u30ca\u30af\u4e00\u6642\u5009\u5eab\u30f2\u501f\u5165\u30eb\u30eb\u30ce\u6b0a\u5229\u30f2\u6709\u30b9\u30d8\u30b7<\/p>\n<p>\u7b2c\u56db\u3000\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u81e3\u6c11\u30cf\u6df8\u570b\u5404\u958b\u5e02\u5834\u958b\u6e2f\u5834\u30cb\u65bc\u30c6\u81ea\u7531\u30cb\u5404\u7a2e\u30ce\u88fd\u9020\u696d\u30cb\u5f9e\u4e8b\u30b9\u30eb\u30b3\u30c8\u30f2\u5f97\u30d8\u30af\u53c8\u6240\u5b9a\u30ce\u8f38\u5165\u7a0e\u30f2\u62c2\u30d5\u30ce\u30df\u30cb\u30c6\u81ea\u7531\u30cb\u5404\u7a2e\u30ce\u5668\u68b0\u985e\u30f2\u6df8\u570b\u30d8\u8f38\u5165\u30b9\u30eb\u30b3\u30c8\u30f2\u5f97\u30d8\u30b7<\/p>\n<p>\u6df8\u570b\u30cb\u65bc\u30b1\u30eb\u65e5\u672c\u81e3\u6c11\u30ce\u88fd\u9020\u30cb\u4fc2\u30eb\u4e00\u5207\u30ce\u8ca8\u54c1\u30cf\u5404\u7a2e\u30ce\u5185\u570b\u904b\u9001\u7a0e\u5185\u5730\u7a0e\u8ce6\u8ab2\u91d1\u53d6\u7acb\u91d1\u30cb\u95dc\u30b7\u53c8\u6df8\u570b\u5185\u5730\u30cb\u65bc\u30b1\u30eb\u5009\u5165\u4e0a\u30ce\u4fbf\u76ca\u30cb\u95dc\u30b7\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u81e3\u6c11\u30ab\u6df8\u570b\u30d8\u8f38\u5165\u30b7\u30bf\u30eb\u5546\u54c1\u30c8\u540c\u4e00\u30ce\u53d6\u6271\u30f2\u53d7\u30b1\u4e14\u540c\u4e00\u30ce\u7279\u5178\u514d\u9664\u30f2\u4eab\u6709\u30b9\u30d8\u30ad\u30e2\u30ce\u30c8\u30b9<\/p>\n<p>\u6b64\u7b49\u30ce\u8b93\u8207\u30cb\u95dc\u30b7\u66f4\u30cb\u7ae0\u7a0b\u30f2\u898f\u5b9a\u30b9\u30eb\u30b3\u30c8\u30f2\u8981\u30b9\u30eb\u5834\u5408\u30cb\u30cf\u4e4b\u30f2\u672c\u689d\u30cb\u898f\u5b9a\u30b9\u30eb\u6240\u30ce\u901a\u5546\u822a\u6d77\u689d\u7d04\u4e2d\u30cb\u5177\u8f09\u30b9\u30d8\u30ad\u30e2\u30ce\u30c8\u30b9<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u7b2c\u4e03\u689d<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u73fe\u30cb\u6df8\u570b\u7248\u5716\u5185\u30cb\u5728\u30eb\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u8ecd\u968a\u30ce\u64a4\u56d8\u30cf\u672c\u7d04\u6279\u51c6\u4ea4\u63db\u5f8c\u4e09\u7b87\u6708\u5185\u30cb\u65bc\u30c6\u30b9\u30d8\u30b7\u4f46\u30b7\u6b21\u689d\u30cb\u8f09\u30b9\u30eb\u6240\u30ce\u898f\u5b9a\u30cb\u5f9e\u30d5\u30d8\u30ad\u30e2\u30ce\u30c8\u30b9<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u7b2c\u516b\u689d<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u6df8\u570b\u30cf\u672c\u7d04\u30ce\u898f\u5b9a\u30f2\u8aa0\u5be6\u30cb\u65bd\u884c\u30b9\u30d8\u30ad\u64d4\u4fdd\u30c8\u30b7\u30c6\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u8ecd\u968a\u30ce\u4e00\u6642\u5c71\u6771\u7701\u5a01\u6d77\u885e\u30f2\u5360\u9818\u30b9\u30eb\u30b3\u30c8\u30f2\u627f\u8afe\u30b9\u800c\u30b7\u30c6\u672c\u7d04\u30cb\u898f\u5b9a\u30b7\u30bf\u30eb\u8ecd\u8cbb\u8ce0\u511f\u91d1\u30ce\u521d\u56d8\u6b21\u56d8\u30ce\u62c2\u8fbc\u30f2\u4e86\u30ea\u901a\u5546\u822a\u6d77\u689d\u7d04\u30ce\u627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\/>\n\u672c\u65e5\u8abf\u5370\u30b7\u30bf\u30eb\u5abe\u548c\u689d\u7d04\u7b2c\u516b\u689d\u30ce\u898f\u5b9a\u30cb\u4f9d\u30ea\u30c6\u4e00\u6642\u5a01\u6d77\u885b\u30f2\u5360\u9818\u30b9\u30d8\u30ad\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u8ecd\u968a\u30cf\u4e00\u65c5\u5718\u30f2\u8d85\u904e\u30bb\u30b5\u30eb\u30d8\u30b7\u800c\u30b7\u30c6\u8a72\u689d\u7d04\u6279\u51c6\u4ea4\u63db\u30ce\u65e5\u30e8\u30ea\u6e05\u570b\u30cf\u6bce\u5e74\u53f3\u4e00\u6642\u5360\u9818\u30cb\u95dc\u30b9\u30eb\u8cbb\u7528\u30ce\u56db\u5206\u30ce\u4e00\u5eab\u5e73\u9280\u4e94\u5341\u842c\u5169\u30f2\u652f\u62c2\u30d5\u30d8\u30b7\n<strong>\u7b2c\u4e8c\u689d\u3000<\/strong><br \/>\n\u5a01\u6d77\u885b\u30cb\u65bc\u30b1\u30eb\u4e00\u6642\u5360\u9818\u5730\u30cf\u5289\u516c\u5d8b\u53ca\u5a01\u6d77\u885b\u7063\u30ce\u5168\u6cbf\u5cb8\u30e8\u30ea\u65e5\u672c\u91cc\u6578\u4e94\u91cc\u30f2\u4ee5\u30c6\u5176\u30ce\u5340\u57df\u30c8\u7232\u30b9\u30d8\u30b7\n<p>\u53f3\u4e00\u6642\u5360\u9818\u5730\u30ce\u7d93\u754c\u7dda\u30f2\u8ddd\u30eb\u30b3\u30c8\u65e5\u672c\u91cc\u6578\u4e94\u91cc\u30ce\u5730\u5185\u30cb\u5728\u30ea\u30c6\u30cf\u4f55\u30ec\u30ce\u6240\u30bf\u30ea\u30c8\u30e2\u6e05\u570b\u8ecd\u968a\u30ce\u4e4b\u30cb\u8fd1\u30c4\u30ad\u82e5\u30cf\u4e4b\u30f2\u5360\u9818\u30b9\u30eb\u30b3\u30c8\u30f2\u8a31\u30b5\u30b5\u30eb\u30d8\u30b7<\/p>\n<strong>\u7b2c\u4e09\u689d\u3000<\/strong><br \/>\n\u4e00\u6642\u5360\u9818\u5730\u30ce\u884c\u653f\u4e8b\u52d9\u30cf\u4ecd\u30db\u6e05\u570b\u5b98\u540f\u30ce\u7ba1\u7406\u30cb\u6b78\u30b9\u30eb\u30e2\u30ce\u30c8\u30b9\u4f46\u30b7\u6e05\u570b\u5b98\u540f\u30cf\u5e38\u30cb\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u5360\u9818\u8ecd\u53f8\u4ee4\u5b98\u30ab\u5176\u30ce\u8ecd\u968a\u30ce\u5065\u5eb7\u5b89\u5168\u7d00\u5f8b\u30cb\u95dc\u30b7\u53c8\u30cf\u4e4b\u30ab\u7dad\u6301\u914d\u7f6e\u4e0a\u30cb\u4ed8\u5fc5\u8981\u30c8\u8a8d\u30e1\u767c\u30b9\u30eb\u6240\u30ce\u547d\u4ee4\u30cb\u670d\u5f9e\u30b9\u30d8\u30ad\u7fa9\u52d9\u30a2\u30eb\u30e2\u30ce\u30c8\u30b9\n<p>\u4e00\u6642\u5360\u9818\u5730\u5185\u30cb\u65bc\u30c6\u72af\u30b7\u30bf\u30eb\u4e00\u5207\u30ce\u8ecd\u4e8b\u4e0a\u30ce\u7f6a\u79d1\u30cf\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u8ecd\u52d9\u5b98\u30ce\u88c1\u5224\u7ba1\u8f44\u30cb\u5c6c\u30b9\u30eb\u30e2\u30ce\u30c8\u30b9<\/p>\n<p>\u6b64\u30ce\u5225\u7d04\u30cf\u672c\u65e5\u8abf\u5370\u30b7\u30bf\u30eb\u5abe\u548c\u689d\u7d04\u4e2d\u30cb\u6089\u30af\u8a18\u5165\u30b7\u30bf\u30eb\u30c8\u540c\u4e00\u6548\u529b\u30f2\u6709\u30b9\u30eb\u30e2\u30ce\u30c8\u30b9<\/p>\n<p>\u53f3\u8b49\u64da\u30c8\u30b7\u30c6\u5169\u5e1d\u56fd\u5168\u6b0a\u5927\u81e3\u30cf\u4e4b\u30cb\u8a18\u540d\u8abf\u5370\u30b9\u30eb\u30e2\u30ce\u30ca\u30ea<\/p>\n<p>\u660e\u6cbb\u4e8c\u5341\u516b\u5e74\u56db\u6708\u5341\u4e03\u65e5\u5373\u5149\u7dd2\u4e8c\u5341\u4e00\u5e74\u4e09\u6708\u4e8c\u5341\u4e09\u65e5\u4e0b\u30ce\u95dc\u30cb\u65bc\u30c6\u4e8c\u901a\u30f2\u4f5c\u30eb<\/p>\n<p>\u5927\u65e5\u672c\u5e1d\u570b\u5168\u6b0a\u8fa8\u7406\u5927\u81e3\u3000\u5185\u95a3\u7e3d\u7406\u5927\u81e3\u5f9e\u4e8c\u4f4d\u52f3\u4e00\u7b49\u4f2f\u7235\u3000\u4f0a\u85e4\u535a\u6587\u3000\u5370<\/p>\n<p>\u5927\u65e5\u672c\u5e1d\u570b\u5168\u6b0a\u8fa8\u7406\u5927\u81e3\u3000\u5916\u52d9\u5927\u81e3\u3000\u3000\u5f9e\u4e8c\u4f4d\u52f3\u4e00\u7b49\u5b50\u7235\u3000\u9678\u5967\u5b97\u5149\u3000\u5370<\/p>\n<p>\u5927\u6df8\u5e1d\u570b\u6b3d\u5dee\u982d\u7b49\u5168\u6b0a\u5927\u81e3\u592a\u5b50\u592a\u5085\u6587\u83ef\u6bbf\u5927\u5b78\u58eb\u5317\u6d0b\u5927\u81e3\u76f4\u96b8\u7e3d\u7763\u4e00\u7b49\u8085\u6bc5\u4f2f\u3000\u674e\u9d3b\u7ae0\u3000\u5370<\/p>\n<p>\u5927\u6df8\u5e1d\u570b\u6b3d\u5dee\u5168\u6b0a\u5927\u81e3\u3000\u3000\u4e8c\u54c1\u9802\u6234\u524d\u51fa\u4f7f\u5927\u81e3\u3000\u674e\u7d93\u65b9\u3000\u5370<\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\nTRANSLATION\n<p>His Majesty the Emperor of Japan and His Majesty the Emperor of China, desiring to restore the blessings of peace to their countries and subjects and to remove all cause for future complications, have named as their Plenipotentiaries for the purpose of concluding a Treaty of Peace, that is to say:<\/p>\n<p>His Majesty the Emperor of Japan, Count Ito Hirobumi, Junii, Grand Cross of the Imperial Order of Paullownia, Minister President of State; and Viscount Munemitsu, Junii, First Class of the Imperial Order of the Sacred Treasure, Minister of State for Foreign Affairs;<\/p>\n<p>And His Majesty the Emperor of China, Li Hung-chang, Senior Tutor to the Heir Apparent, Senior Grand Secretary of State, Minister Superintendent of Trade for the Northern Ports of China, Viceroy of the province of Chihli, and Earl of the First Rank; and Li Ching-fong, Ex-Minister of the Diplomatic Service, of the Second Official Rank:<\/p>\n<p>Who, after having exchanged their full powers, which were found to be in good and proper form, have agreed to the following Articles: \u2014<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article I.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>China recognises definitively the full and complete independence and autonomy of Corea, and, in consequence, the payment of tribute and the performance of ceremonies and formalities by Corea to China, in derogation of such independence and autonomy, shall wholly cease for the future.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article II.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>China cedes to Japan in perpetuity and full sovereignty the following territories, together with all fortifications, arsenals, and public property thereon: \u2014<\/p>\n<p>(<em>a.<\/em>)\u00a0 The southern portion of the province of Feng-tien within the following boundaries:<\/p>\n<p>The line of demarcation begins at the mouth of the River Yalu and ascends that stream to the mouth of the River An-ping, from thence the line runs to Feng-huang, from thence to Hai-cheng, from thence to Ying-kow, forming a line which describes the southern portion of the territory.\u00a0 The places above named are included in the ceded territory.\u00a0 When the line reaches the River Liao at Ying-kow, it follows the course of that stream to its mouth, where it terminates.\u00a0 The mid-channel of the River Liao shall be taken as the line of demarcation.<\/p>\n<p>This cession also includes all islands appertaining or belonging to the said province of Feng-tien situated in the eastern portion of the Bay of Liao-tung and in the northern part of the Yellow Sea.<\/p>\n<p>(<em>b.<\/em>)\u00a0 The island of Formosa, together with all islands appertaining or belonging to the said island of Formosa.<\/p>\n<p>(<em>c.<\/em>)\u00a0 The Pescadores Group, that is to say, all islands lying between the 119th and 120th degrees of longitude east of Greenwich and the 23rd and 24th degrees of north latitude.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article III.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The alignment of the frontiers described in the preceding Article, and shown on the annexed map, shall be subject to verification and demarcation on the spot by a Joint Commission of Delimitation, consisting of two or more Japanese and two or more Chinese delegates, to be appointed immediately after the exchange of the ratifications of this Act.\u00a0 In case the boundaries laid down in this Act are found to be defective at any point, either on account of topography or in consideration of good administration, it shall also be the duty of the Delimitation Commission to rectify the same.<\/p>\n<p>The Delimitation Commission will enter upon its duties as soon as possible, and will bring its labours to a conclusion within the period of one year after appointment.<\/p>\n<p>The alignments laid down in this Act shall, however, be maintained until the rectifications of the Delimitation Commission, if any are made, shall have received the approval of the Governments of Japan and China.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article IV.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>China agrees to pay to Japan as a war indemnity the sum of 200,000,000 Kuping taels; the said sum to be paid in eight instalments.\u00a0 The first instalment of 50,000,000 taels to be paid within six months, and the second instalment of 50,000,000 taels to be paid within twelve months, after the exchange of the ratifications of this Act.\u00a0 The remaining sum to be paid in six equal annual instalments, as follows: the first of such equal annual instalments to be paid within two years, the second within three years, the third within four years, the fourth within five years, the fifth within six years, and the sixth within seven years, after the exchange of the ratifications of this Act.\u00a0 Interest at the rate of 5 per centum per annum shall begin to run on all unpaid portions of the said indemnity from the date the first instalment falls due.<\/p>\n<p>China shall, however, have the right to pay by anticipation at any time any or all of said instalments.\u00a0 In case the whole amount of the said indemnity is paid within three years after the exchange of the ratifications of the present Act, all interest shall be waived, and the interest for two years and a half or for any less period, if then already paid, shall be included as a part of the principal amount of the indemnity.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article V.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The inhabitants of the territories ceded to Japan who wish to take up their residence outside the ceded districts shall be at liberty to sell their real property and retire.\u00a0 For this purpose a period of two years from the date of the exchange of the ratifications of the present Act shall be granted.\u00a0 At the expiration of that period those of the inhabitants who shall not have left such territories shall, at the option of Japan, be deemed to be Japanese subjects.<\/p>\n<p>Each of the two Governments shall, immediately upon the exchange of the ratifications of the present Act, send one or more Commissioners to Formosa to effect a final transfer of that province, and within the space of two months after the exchange of the ratifications of this Act such transfer shall be completed.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article VI.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>All Treaties between Japan and China having come to an end in consequence of war, China engages immediately upon the exchange of the ratifications of this Act, to appoint Plenipotentiaries to conclude, with the Japanese Plenipotentiaries, a Treaty of Commerce and Navigation and a Convention to regulate Frontier Intercourse and Trade.\u00a0 The Treaties, Conventions, and Regulations now subsisting between China and European Powers shall serve as a basis for the said Treaty and Convention between Japan and China.\u00a0 From the date of the exchange of the ratifications of this Act until the said Treaty and Convention are brought into actual operation, the Japanese Government, its officials, commerce, navigation, frontier intercourse and trade, industries, ships, and subjects, shall in every respect be accorded by China most favoured nation treatment.<\/p>\n<p>China makes, in addition, the following concessions, to take effect six months after the date of the present Act: \u2014<\/p>\n<p>1st. \u2014 The following cities, towns, and ports, in addition to those already opened, shall be opened to the trade, residence, industries, and manufactures of Japanese subjects, under the same conditions and with the same privileges and facilities as exist at the present open cities, towns, and ports of China:<\/p>\n<p>1.\u00a0 Shashih, in the province of Hupeh.<\/p>\n<p>2.\u00a0 Chungking, in the province of Szechwan.<\/p>\n<p>3.\u00a0 Suchow, in the province of Kiangsu.<\/p>\n<p>4.\u00a0 Hangchow, in the province of Chekiang.<\/p>\n<p>The Japanese Government shall have the right to station Consuls at any or all of the above-named places.<\/p>\n<p>2nd. \u2014 Steam navigation for vessels under the Japanese flag, for the conveyance of passengers and cargo, shall be extended to the following places:<\/p>\n<p>1.\u00a0 On the Upper Yangtze River, from Ichang to Chungking.<\/p>\n<p>2.\u00a0 On the Woosung River and the Canal, from Shanghai to Suchow and Hangchow.<\/p>\n<p>The rules and regulations which now govern the navigation of the inland waters of China by Foreign vessels shall, so far as applicable, be enforced, in respect of the above-named routes, until new rules and regulations are conjointly agreed to.<\/p>\n<p>3rd. \u2014 Japanese subjects purchasing goods or produce in the interior of China, or transporting imported merchandise into the interior of China, shall have the right temporarily to rent or hire warehouses for the storage of the articles so purchased or transported without the payment of any taxes or exactions whatever.<\/p>\n<p>4th. \u2014 Japanese subjects shall be free to engage in all kinds of manufacturing industries in all the open cities, towns, and ports of China, and shall be at liberty to import into China all kinds of machinery, paying only the stipulated import duties thereon.<\/p>\n<p>All articles manufactured by Japanese subjects in China shall, in respect of inland transit and internal taxes, duties, charges, and exactions of all kinds, and also in respect of warehousing and storage facilities in the interior of China, stand upon the same footing and enjoy the same privileges and exemptions as merchandise imported by Japanese subjects into China.<\/p>\n<p>In the event additional rules and regulations are necessary in connexion with these concessions, they shall be embodied in the Treaty of Commerce and Navigation provided for in this Article.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article VII.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Subject to the provisions of the next succeeding Article, the evacuation of China by the armies of Japan shall be completely effected within three months after the exchange of the ratifications of the present Act.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article VIII.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>As a guarantee of the faithful performance of the stipulations of this Act, China consents to the temporary occupation by the military forces of Japan of Weihaiwei, in the province of Shantung.<\/p>\n<p>Upon the payment of the first two instalments of the war indemnity herein stipulated for and the exchange of the ratifications of the Treaty of Commerce and Navigation, the said place shall be evacuated by the Japanese forces, provided the Chinese Government consents to pledge, under suitable and sufficient arrangements, the Customs revenue of China as security for the payment of the principal and interest of the remaining instalments of said indemnity.\u00a0 In the event no such arrangements are concluded, such evacuation shall only take place upon the payment of the final instalment of said indemnity.<\/p>\n<p>It is, however, expressly understood that no such evacuation shall take place until after the exchange of the ratifications of the Treaty of Commerce and Navigation.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article IX.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Immediately upon the exchange of the ratifications of this Act, all prisoners of war then held shall be restored, and China undertakes not to ill-treat or punish prisoners of war restored to her by Japan.\u00a0 China also engages to at once release all Japanese subjects accused of being military spies or charged with any other military offences.\u00a0 China further engages not to punish in any manner, nor to allow to be punished, those Chinese subjects who have in any manner been compromised in their relations with the Japanese army during the war.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article X.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>All offensive military operations shall cease upon the exchange of the ratifications of this Act.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article XI.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The present Act shall be ratified by Their Majesties the Emperor of Japan and the Emperor of China, and the ratifications shall be exchanged at Chefoo on the 8th day of the 5th month of the 28th year of Meiji, corresponding to 14th day of the 4th month of the 21st year of Kuang Hs\u00fc.<\/p>\n<p>In witness whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed the same and have affixed thereto the seal of their arms.<\/p>\n<p>Done at Shimonoseki, in duplicate, this 17th day of the 4th month of the 28th year of Meiji, corresponding to 23rd day of the 3rd month of the 21st year of Kuang Hs\u00fc.<\/p>\n<p>Count ITO HIROBUMI,\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 [L.S.]<\/p>\n<p><em>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0Junii, Grand Cross of the Imperial Order of Paullownia, Minister President of State, Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor of Japan.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Viscount MUTSU MUNEMITSU,\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 [L.S.]<\/p>\n<p><em>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0Junii, First Class of the Imperial Order of the Sacred Treasure, Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor of Japan.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>LI HUNG-CHANG,\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 [L.S.]<\/p>\n<p><em>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor of China, Senior Tutor to the Heir Apparent, Senior Grand Secretary of State, Minister Superintendent of Trade for the Northern Ports of China, Viceroy of the province of Chihli, and Earl of the First Rank.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>LI CHING-FONG,<\/p>\n<p><em>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor of China, Ex-Minister of the Diplomatic Service, of the Second Official Rank.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\nSEPARATE ARTICLES\n<p><strong>Article I.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The Japanese military forces which are, under Article VIII of the Treaty of Peace signed this day, to temporarily occupy Weihaiwei shall not exceed one brigade, and from the date of the exchange of the ratifications of the said Treaty of Peace China shall pay annually one-fourth of the amount of the expenses of such temporary occupation, that is to say, at the rate of 500,000 Kuping taels per annum.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article II.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The territory temporarily occupied at Weihaiwei shall comprise the island of Liu-kung and a belt of land 5 Japanese\u00a0<em>ri<\/em>\u00a0 wide along the entire coast-line of the Bay of Weihaiwei.<\/p>\n<p>No Chinese troops shall be permitted to approach or occupy any places within a zone 5 Japanese\u00a0<em>ri<\/em>\u00a0 wide beyond the boundaries of the occupied territory.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article III.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The civil administration of the occupied territory shall remain in the hands of the Chinese authorities.\u00a0 But such authorities shall at all times be obliged to conform to the orders which the Commander of the Japanese army of occupation may deem it necessary to give in the interest of the health, maintenance, safety, distribution, or discipline of the troops.<\/p>\n<p>All military offences committed within the occupied territory shall be subject to the jurisdiction of the Japanese military authorities.<\/p>\n<p>The foregoing Separate Articles shall have the same force, value, and effect as if they had been word for word inserted in the Treaty of Peace signed this day.<\/p>\n<p>In witness whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed the same and affixed thereto the seal of their arms.<\/p>\n<p>Done at Shimonoseki, in duplicate, this 17th day of the 4th month of the 28th year of Meiji, corresponding to the 23rd day of the 3rd month of the 21st year of Kuang Hs\u00fc.<\/p>\n<p>Count ITO HIROBUMI,\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 [L.S.]<\/p>\n<p><em>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0Junii, Grand Cross of the Imperial Order of Paullownia, Minister President of State, Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor of Japan.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Viscount MUTSU MUNEMITSU,\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 [L.S.]<\/p>\n<p><em>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0Junii, First Class of the Imperial Order of the Sacred Treasure, Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor of Japan.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>LI HUNG-CHANG,\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 [L.S.]<\/p>\n<p><em>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor of China, Senior Tutor to the Heir Apparent, Senior Grand Secretary of State, Minister Superintendent of Trade for the Northern Ports of China, Viceroy of the province of Chihli, and Earl of the First Rank.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>LI CHING-FONG,<\/p>\n<p><em>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor of China, Ex-Minister of the Diplomatic Service, of the Second Official Rank.<\/em><\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<p><strong>Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Division of International Law.<em>\u00a0Korea: Treaties and Agreements<\/em>. Washington: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1921. pp. 11-19.<\/strong><\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<p><sup>1<\/sup> It is worth remembering that Shashi and Chongqing were strategically located in the interior of China but reached through the Yangtze River. This was a market Western Powers, especially Great Britain, had previously penetrated.<\/p>\n<p><sup>2<\/sup> Iwamura, M.\u00a0<i>Gendai Chugokuno rekishi. Dai 2kan. Naisen kara konichihe<\/i>. Tokyo: Tokumashoten, 1966.<\/p>\n<p><sup>3<\/sup>\u00a0<i>Showa kokusei soran<\/i>. Gekan. Tokyo: Toyo keizai shinposha, 1980.<\/p>\n<p><sup>4<\/sup>\u00a0The payment of the indemnity favoured the adoption of the Gold Standard by Japan, in 1897, a monetary system dominated by European capitalist countries. Matsukata Masayoshi, <i>Report on the adoption of the gold standard in Japan<\/i>, (New York: Arno Press, 1979).<\/p>\n<p><sup>5<\/sup>\u00a0For further details on the Triple Intervention, see S.C.M. Paine, \u2018The Triple Intervention and the Termination of the First Sino-Japanese War,\u2019 in B.A. Elleman, S.C.M. Paine (eds.), <i>Naval coalition warfare: from the Napoleonic War to Operation Iraqi Freedom<\/i>, (London: Routledge, 2008).<\/p>\n<p><sup>6<\/sup>\u00a0The Trans-Siberian Railway, which linked Moscow to Vladivostok, originally ran north of the Manchurian border on the Russian side, but the section near the Amur River, around 1,300 miles, was the toughest region to access due to dense forest, numerous rivers, low population density and harsh weather. The route that offered the fewest obstacles to construction was through Chinese territory in northern Manchuria, which would save a distance of approximately 550 kilometres. Sergei Witte, <i>The Memoirs of Count Witte<\/i>, (London: William Heinemann, 1921).<\/p>\n<p><sup>7<\/sup>\u00a0Asakawa, Kanichi, <i>The Russo-Japanese conflict: its causes and issues<\/i>, (London: A. Constable, 1905).<\/p>\n<p><sup>8<\/sup>\u00a0Participating banks included the Banque de Paris, Banque des Pays Bas, Cr\u00e9dit Lyonnais, and MM. Hottinger et Cie; Witte, <i>Memoirs<\/i>.<\/p>\n<p><sup>9<\/sup>\u00a0O. Crisp, \u2018The Russo-Chinese Bank: an episode in Franco-Russian relations,\u2019 in <i>The Slavonic and East European Review<\/i>, 52, 127, 1974.<\/p>\n<p><sup>10<\/sup>\u00a0H. Feis, <i>Europe: The World&#8217;s Banker, 1870-1914<\/i>, (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1930).<\/p>\n<p><sup>11<\/sup>\u00a0S.G. Marks, <i>Road to Power: the Trans-Siberian railroad and the colonization of Asian Russia 1850-1917<\/i>, (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991).<\/p>\n<p><sup>12<\/sup>\u00a0Paine, <i>The Triple Intervention<\/i>.<\/p>\n<p><em>Annotated by Miriam Kaminishi<\/em><\/p>\n\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--label-4\">The Treaty of Portsmouth (1905)<\/a>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--icon-4\"><i>Expand<\/i><\/a>\n\t\t<strong>The Treaty of Portsmouth, 1905<br \/>\n<\/strong><em>Sergei Witte; Roman Rosen; Komura Jutar\u014d; Takahira Kogor\u014d<\/em>\n<hr \/>\n<p>This is a complete version of the Treaty of Portsmouth, also known as the Portsmouth Peace Treaty, signed by Japanese Minister for Foreign Affairs Baron Komura Juntaro and Minister to the United States Takahira Kogoro, and Russian Plenipotentiary Minister Sergei Witte and the Russian Ambassador to the United States Baron Roman Rosen, in Portsmouth, New Hampshire, USA. The Agreement terminated the Russo-Japanese War on September 5, 1905. That conflict broke out mainly because of the dispute between both countries concerning their spheres of influence over Northeastern China and Korea. After the Treaty of Shimonoseki, Russia acquired privileges from and influence over the Chinese government, starting with the construction of the Chinese Eastern Railway (CER) in northern Manchuria, in 1896, and then further south, in 1898, as well as the right to lease Port Arthur and the Liaodong Peninsula, after the Triple Intervention compelled Japan to withdraw from the Peninsula. In 1902, after the Boxer Rebellion, Russian deployed troops in different points in Manchuria, including the treaty port of Yingkou (Newchwang), opened via the Treaty of Tianjin in 1858. These actions provoked protests from many countries, and especially from Japan, which saw them as a direct threat to its interests in Korea. The ensuing conflict marked the first major clash between a modernizing Japan and an acknowledged Western Great Power. Japanese military and naval success shocked Western public opinion in general, galvanized feelings of nationalism all over Asia, helped provoke a revolution in Russia in 1905\u2014but also financially exhausted Japan.<\/p>\n<p>The Treaty of Portsmouth was mediated by US President Theodore Roosevelt, who, as a result, was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1906. Japan presented a list of twelve demands but Russia rejected four, including a war indemnity (Demand IX). Japan did not specify its total amount of war expenditure during the negotiations, but this was later reported by the Japanese government to amount to 1,826,290 billion yen.<sup>1<\/sup>\u00a0Japan and Russia agreed to withdraw their troops from Manchuria, with the important exception of the Liaodong Peninsula, which was transferred to Japan, replacing Russia as the leaseholder (until 1923). This was extended in 1915 to 99 years, during the negotiations related to the Twenty-One Demands. Russia also transferred to Japan the southern part of the CER from Changchun to Dalian, which was later renamed as South Manchuria Railway (SMR), as well as coal mines used for the benefit of the railway. The Treaty assured rights of property for Russian residents in the ceded territory in Manchuria, and the return of prisoners of war kept by both countries. The document includes the Protocols and Annexes describing details of the negotiations, which began on August 23, 1905.<\/p>\n<p>This Treaty was the first step to establish a new status quo between Japan and Russia in Northeast Asia that markedly favoured Japan. The agreement reflected the coming of age of Japan as a Great Power of international stature, with an imperial agenda in Asia. It helped weaken Tsarist Russia, while also sparking a shift of Russian focus away from Asia and back towards Europe. It also indicated increasing American interest in international relations in East Asia, and a more assertive American policy; it was no coincidence that both the American and Japanese navies began assuming each other would one day be an enemy from 1907 onwards. In order to maintain the new status quo, the parties concluded three supplemental and secret agreements, in 1907, 1910 and 1912. Japan and Russia delimitated zones of \u201cspecial interests\u201d in Manchuria: Russia in the north, Japan in the south. But these agreements were all renounced after the Russian Revolution in 1917. Despite the fact the agreement was concluded between Russia and Japan, there was no Japanese version. It was written mainly in French and English followed by Russian language.<\/p>\n<h3><strong>The Conclusion of the Russo-Japanese War, signed at Portsmouth, New Hampshire \u2014 September 5, 1905<\/strong><\/h3>\n<p>The Emperor of Japan on the one part, and the Emperor of all the Russias, on the other part, animated by a desire to restore the blessings of peace, have resolved to conclude a treaty of peace, and have for this purpose named their plenipotentiaries, that is to say, for his Majesty the Emperor of Japan, Baron Komura Jutaro, Jusami, Grand Cordon of the Imperial Order of the Rising Sun, his Minister for Foreign Affairs, and his Excellency Takahira Kogoro, Imperial Order of the Sacred Treasure, his Minister to the United States, and his Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, his Excellency Sergius Witte, his Secretary of State and President of the Committee of Ministers of the Empire of Russia, and his Excellency Baron Roman Rosen, Master of the Imperial Court of Russia, his Majesty&#8217;s Ambassador to the United States, who, after having exchanged their full powers, which were found to be in good and due form, and concluded the following articles:<\/p>\n<p><strong>ARTICLE I.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>There shall henceforth be peace and amity between their Majesties the Emperor of Japan and the Emperor of all the Russias, and between their respective States and subjects.<\/p>\n<p><strong>ARTICLE II.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The Imperial Russian Government, acknowledging that Japan possesses in Korea paramount political, military and economical interests engages neither to obstruct nor interfere with measures for guidance, protection and control which the Imperial Government of Japan may find necessary to take in Korea. It is understood that Russian subjects in Korea shall be treated in exactly the same manner as the subjects and citizens of other foreign Powers; that is to say, they shall be placed on the same footing as the subjects and citizens of the most favored nation. It is also agreed that, in order to avoid causes of misunderstanding, the two high contracting parties will abstain on the Russian-Korean frontier from taking any military measure which may menace the security of Russian or Korean territory.<\/p>\n<p><strong>ARTICLE III.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Japan and Russia mutually engage:<\/p>\n<p>First. &#8212; To evacuate completely and simultaneously Manchuria, except the territory affected by the lease of the Liaotung Peninsula, in conformity with the provisions of the additional article I annexed to this treaty, and,<\/p>\n<p>Second.&#8211;To restore entirely and completely to the exclusive administration of China all portions of Manchuria now in occupation, or under the control of the Japanese or Russian troops, with the exception of the territory above mentioned.<\/p>\n<p>The Imperial Government of Russia declares that it has not in Manchuria any territorial advantages or preferential or exclusive concessions in the impairment of Chinese sovereignty, or inconsistent with the principle of equal opportunity.<\/p>\n<p><strong>ARTICLE IV.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Japan and Russia reciprocally engage not to obstruct any general measures common to all countries which China may take for the development of the commerce or industry of Manchuria.<\/p>\n<p><strong>ARTICLE V.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The Imperial Russian Government transfers and assigns to the Imperial Government of Japan, with the consent of the Government of China, the lease of Port Arthur, Talien and the adjacent territorial waters, and all rights, privileges and concessions connected with or forming part of such lease, and it also transfers and assigns to the Imperial government of Japan all public works and properties in the territory affected by the above-mentioned lease.<\/p>\n<p>The two contracting parties mutually engage to obtain the consent of the Chinese Government mentioned in the foregoing stipulation.<\/p>\n<p>The Imperial Government of Japan, on its part, undertakes that the proprietary rights of Russian subjects in the territory above referred to shall be perfectly respected.<\/p>\n<p><strong>ARTICLE VI.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The Imperial Russian Government engages to transfer and assign to the Imperial Government of Japan, without compensation and with the consent of the Chinese Government, the railway between Chang-chunfu and Kuanchangtsu and Port Arthur, and all the branches, together with all the rights, privileges and properties appertaining thereto in that region, as well as all the coal mines in said region belonging to or worked for the benefit of the railway. The two high contracting parties mutually engage to obtain the consent of the Government of China mentioned in the foregoing stipulation.<\/p>\n<p><strong>ARTICLE VII.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Japan and Russia engage to exploit their respective railways in Manchuria exclusively for commercial and industrial purposes and nowise for strategic purposes. It is understood that this restrictiction does not apply to the railway in the territory affected by the lease of the Liaotung Peninsula.<\/p>\n<p><strong>ARTICLE VIII.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The imperial Governments of Japan and Russia with the view to promote and facilitate intercourse and traffic will as soon as possible conclude a separate convention for the regulation of their connecting railway services in Manchuria.<\/p>\n<p><strong>ARTICLE IX.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The Imperial Russian Government cedes to the Imperial Government of Japan in perpetuity and full sovereignty the southern portion of the Island of Saghalin and all the islands adjacent thereto and the public works and properties thereon. The fiftieth degree of north latitude is adopted as the northern boundary of the ceded territory. The exact alignment of such territory shall be determined in accordance with the provisions of the additional article II annexed to this treaty.<\/p>\n<p>Japan and Russia mutually agree not to construct in their respective possessions on the Island of Saghalin or the adjacent islands any fortification or other similar military works. They also respectively engage not to take any military measures which may impede the free navigation of the Strait of La Perouse and the Strait of Tartary.<\/p>\n<p><strong>ARTICLE X.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>It is reserved to Russian subjects, inhabitants of the territory ceded to Japan, to sell their real property and retire to their country, but if they prefer to remain in the ceded territory they will be maintained protected in the full exercise of their industries and rights of propperty on condition of of submitting to the Japanese laws and jurdisdiction. Japan shall have full liberty to withdraw the right of residence in or to deport from such territory of any inhabitants who labor under political or administrative disability. She engages, however, that the proprietary rights of such inhabitants shall be fully respected.<\/p>\n<p><strong>ARTICLE XI.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Russia engages to arrange with Japan for granting to Japanese subjects rights of fishery along the coasts of the Russian possession in the Japan, Okhotsk and Bering Seas.<\/p>\n<p>It is agreed that the foregoing engagement shall not affect rights already belonging to Russian or foreign subjects in those regions.<\/p>\n<p><strong>ARTICLE XII.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The treaty of commerce and navigation between Japan and Russia having been annulled by the war the Imperial Governments of Japan and Russia engage to adopt as a basis for their commercial relations pending the conclusion of a new treaty of commerce and navigation the basis of the treaty which was in force previous to the present war, the system of reciprocal treatment on the footing of the most favored nation, in which are included import and export duties, customs formalities, transit and tonnage dues and the admission and treatment of agents, subjects and vessels of one country in the territories of the other.<\/p>\n<p><strong>ARTICLE XIII.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>As soon as possible after the present treaty comes in force all prisoners of war shall be reciprocally restored. The Imperial Governments of Japan and Russia shall each appoint a special commissioner to take charge of the prisoners. All prisoners in the hands of one Government shall be delivered to and be received by the commissioner of the other Government or by his duly authorized representative in such convenient numbers and at such convenient ports of the delivering State as such delivering State shall notify in advance to the commissioner of the receiving State.<\/p>\n<p>The Governments of Japan and Russia shall present each other as soon as possible after the delivery of the prisoners is completed with a statement of the direct expenditures respectively incurred by them for the care and maintenance of the prisoner from the date of capture or surrender and up to the time of death or delivery. Russia engages to repay as soon as possible after the exchange of statement as above provided the difference between the actual amount so expended by Japan and the actual amount similarly disbursed by Russia.<\/p>\n<p><strong>ARTICLE XIV.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The present treaty shall be ratified by their Majesties the Emperor of Japan and the Emperor of all the Russias. Such ratification shall be with as little delay as possible, and in any case no later than fifty days from the date of the signature of the treaty, to be announced to the Imperial Governments of Japan and Russia respectively through the French Minister at Tokio and the Ambassador of the United States at St. Petersburg, and from the date of the latter of such announcements shall in all its parts come into full force. The formal exchange of ratifications shall take place at Washington as soon as possible.<\/p>\n<p><strong>ARTICLE XV.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The present treaty shall be signed in duplicate in both the English and French languages. The texts are in absolute conformity, but in case of a discrepancy in the interpretation the French text shall prevail.<\/p>\n<p><strong>SUB-ARTICLES<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>In conformity with the provisions of articles 3 and 9 of the treaty of the peace between Japan and Russia of this date the undersigned plenipotentiaries have concluded the following additional articles:<\/p>\n<p><strong>SUB-ARTICLE TO ARTICLE III.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The Imperial Governments of Japan and Russia mutually engage to commence the withdrawal of their military forces from the territory of Manchuria simultaneously and immediately after the treaty of peace comes into operation, and within a period of eighteen months after that date the armies of the two countries shall be completely withdrawn from Manchuria, except from the leased territory of the Liaotung Peninsula. The forces of the two countries occupying the front positions shall first be withdrawn.<\/p>\n<p>The high contracting parties reserve to themselves the right to maintain guards to protect their respective railway lines in Manchuria. The number of such guards shall not exceed fifteen per kilometre and within that maximum number the commanders of the Japanese and Russian armies shall by common accord fix the number of such guards to be mployed as small as possible while having in view the actual requirements.<\/p>\n<p>The commanders of the Japanese and Russian forces in Manchuria shall agree upon the details of the evacuation in conformity with the above principles and shall take by common accord the measures necessary to carry out the evacuation as soon as possible, and in any case not later than the period of eighteen months.<\/p>\n<p><strong>SUB-ARTICLE TO ARTICLE IX.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>As soon as possible after the present treaty comes into force a committee of delimitation composed of an equal number of members is to be appointed by the two high contracting parties which shall on the spot mark in a permanent manner the exact boundary between the Japanese and Russian possessions on the Island of Saghalin. The commission shall be bound so far as topographical considerations permit to follow the fiftieth parallel of north latitude as the boundary line, and in case any deflections from that line at any points are found to be necessary compensation will be made by correlative deflections at other points. It shall also be the duty of the said commission to prepare a list and a description of the adjacent islands included in the cession, and finally the commission shall prepare and sign maps showing the boundaries of the ceded territory. The work of the commission shall be subject to the approval of the high contracting parties.<\/p>\n<p>The foregoing additional articles are to be considered ratified with the ratification of the treaty of peace to which they are annexed.<\/p>\n<p>In witness whereof the respective plenipotentiaries have signed and affixed seals to the present treaty of peace.<\/p>\n<p>Done at Portsmouth, New Hampshire, this fifth day of the ninth month of the thirty-eighth year of the Meijei, corresponding to the twenty-third day of August, one thousand nine hundred and five, (September 5, 1905.)<\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<p><strong>Tyler, Sydney.<em>\u00a0The Japan-Russia War<\/em>. Harrisburg: The Minter Company, 1905. pp 564-568.<\/strong><\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<p><i><sup>1<\/sup>\u00a0Showa kokusei soran<\/i>, (Gekan: Tokyo, Toyo keizai shinposha, 1980)<\/p>\n<p>Additional documents related to the Russo-Japanese War are available at the website of the Japan Center for Asian Historical Records:<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20200208053344\/http:\/\/www.jacar.go.jp\/english\/nichiro\/frame1.htm\">http:\/\/www.jacar.go.jp\/english\/nichiro\/frame1.htm<\/a><\/p>\n<p>And in the website of the Portsmouth Peace Treaty 1905-2005:<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20200208053344\/http:\/\/www.portsmouthpeacetreaty.com\/process\/\">http:\/\/www.portsmouthpeacetreaty.com\/process\/<\/a><\/p>\n<p><em>Annotated by Miriam Kaminishi<\/em><\/p>\n\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--label-5\">Treaty related to Manchuria (1905)<\/a>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--icon-5\"><i>Expand<\/i><\/a>\n\t\t<strong>Treaty related to Manchuria, 1905<\/strong><br \/>\n<em>Komura Jutar\u014d; Uchida Yasuya; Prince Qing; Chu Hung-chi; Yuan Shikai<\/em>\n<hr \/>\n<p>To certify the rights acquired from Russia through the Treaty of Portsmouth, Japan reinforced with China its interests over Manchuria. With China, Japan added 12 new conditions that favoured its increased establishment in Manchuria. The main new conditions included a) the opening of 15 cities in the provinces of Liaoning, Jilin and Heilongjiang for international residence and trade, b) to assure resident rights for Japanese settlers in Yingkou, Andong and Shenyang, c) to assure the conservation of graves of Japanese soldiers who died in Manchuria, d) the construction and administration of the railway line from Andong to Shenyang (Antung-Mukden line) for a period of 49 years, e) to assure the rights of a Sino-Japanese company (to be formed) to explore timber concessions in the area of the Yalu River, f) to assure reciprocal treatment in trade tariffs in the border area of Korea and Manchuria, g) to prevent the construction of any railway line parallel to the Japanese railway company right of way. This document indicated Japan\u2019s increasing power over and ambitions in China, especially in Manchuria. This Treaty was written in Chinese and Japanese.<\/p>\n<h3><strong>Treaty and Additional Agreement between Japan and China Relating to Manchuria \u2014 December 22, 1905<\/strong><\/h3>\nCHINESE TEXT\n<p>\u5927\u6e05\u570b\u5927\u7687\u5e1d\u965b\u4e0b\u3001\u5927\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u5927\u7687\u5e1d\u965b\u4e0b\u5747\u9858\u59a5\u5b9a\u5149\u7dd2\u4e09\u5341\u4e00\u5e74\u516b\u6708\u521d\u4e03\u65e5\uff0c\u5373\u660e\u6cbb\u4e09\u5341\u516b\u5e74\u4e5d\u6708\u521d\u4e94\u65e5\uff0c\u65e5\u4fc4\u5169\u570b\u7c3d\u5b9a\u548c\u7d04\u5167\u6240\u5217\u5171\u540c\u95dc\u6d89\u5404\u9805\u4e8b\u5b9c\uff0c\u8332\u7167\u4e0a\u958b\u5b97\u65e8\u8a02\u7acb\u689d\u7d04\u3002\u70ba\u6b64\uff0c\u5927\u6e05\u570b\u5927\u7687\u5e1d\u965b\u4e0b\u7c21\u6388\u6b3d\u5dee\u5168\u6b0a\u5927\u81e3\u8ecd\u6a5f\u5927\u81e3\u7e3d\u7406\u5916\u52d9\u90e8\u4e8b\u52d9\u548c\u78a9\u89aa\u738b\u3001\u7c21\u6388\u6b3d\u5dee\u5168\u6b0a\u5927\u81e3\u8ecd\u6a5f\u5927\u81e3\u5916\u52d9\u90e8\u5c1a\u66f8\u6703\u8fa6\u5927\u81e3\u7fdf\u9d3b\u6a5f\u3001\u7c21\u6388\u6b3d\u5dee\u5168\u6b0a\u5927\u81e3\u5317\u6d0b\u5927\u81e3\u592a\u5b50\u5c11\u4fdd\u76f4\u96b8\u7e3d\u7763\u8881\u4e16\u51f1\uff1b\u5927\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u5927\u7687\u5e1d\u965b\u4e0b\u7c21\u6388\u7279\u6d3e\u5168\u6b0a\u5927\u4f7f\u5916\u52d9\u5927\u81e3\u5f9e\u4e09\u4f4d\u52f3\u4e00\u7b49\u7537\u7235\u5c0f\u6751\u3001\u58fd\u592a\u90ce\u3001\u7279\u547d\u5168\u6b0a\u516c\u4f7f\u5f9e\u56db\u4f4d\u52f3\u4e8c\u7b49\u5167\u7530\u5eb7\u54c9\u70ba\u5168\u6b0a\u5927\u81e3\uff0c\u5404\u5c07\u6240\u5949\u5168\u6b0a\u6587\u6191\u6821\u95b1\uff0c\u8a8d\u660e\u4ff1\u5c6c\u59a5\u5584\uff0c\u6703\u5546\u8a02\u5b9a\u5404\u689d\u6b3e\uff0c\u958b\u5217\u65bc\u5de6\uff1a<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u7b2c\u4e00\u6b3e<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u4e2d\u570b\u653f\u5e9c\u5c07\u4fc4\u570b\u6309\u7167\u65e5\u4fc4\u548c\u7d04\u7b2c\u4e94\u6b3e\u53ca\u7b2c\u516d\u6b3e\u5141\u8b93\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u4e4b\u4e00\u5207\u6982\u884c\u5141\u8afe\u3002<\/p>\n<strong>\u7b2c\u4e8c\u6b3e<\/strong><strong><br \/>\n<\/strong><br 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4b\u4e2d\u570b\u516c\u79c1\u5404\u7522\u696d\uff0c\u5728\u64a4\u5175\u6642\u6089\u9084\u4e2d\u570b\u5b98\u6c11\u63a5\u53d7\u3002\u5176\u5c6c\u7121\u9808\u5099\u7528\u8005\uff0c\u5373\u5728\u64a4\u5175\u4ee5\u524d\uff0c\u4ea6\u53ef\u4ea4\u9084\u3002<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u7b2c\u4e94\u6b3e<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u4e2d\u570b\u653f\u5e9c\u70ba\u59a5\u884c\u4fdd\u5168\u6771\u4e09\u7701\u5404\u5730\u65b9\u9663\u4ea1\u4e4b\u65e5\u672c\u8ecd\u968a\u5c07\u5175\u58b3\u584b\u3001\u4ee5\u53ca\u7acb\u6709\u5fe0\u9b42\u7891\u4e4b\u5730\uff0c\u52d9\u9808\u7aed\u529b\u8a2d\u6cd5\u8fa6\u7406\u3002<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u7b2c\u516d\u6b3e<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u4e2d\u570b\u653f\u5e9c\u5141\u5c07\u7531\u5b89\u6771\u7e23\u81f3\u5949\u5929\u7701\u57ce\u6240\u7bc9\u9020\u4e4b\u884c\u8ecd\u9435\u8def\u4ecd\u7531\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u653f\u5e9c\u63a5\u7e8c\u7d93\u7ba1\uff0c\u6539\u70ba\u8f49\u904b\u5404\u570b\u5de5\u5546\u8ca8\u7269\u3002\u81ea\u6b64\u8def\u6539\u826f\u7ae3\u5de5\u4e4b\u65e5\u8d77\uff08\u9664\u56e0\u904b\u5175\u56de\u570b\u803d\u5ef6\u5341\u4e8c\u500b\u6708\u4e0d\u8a08\u5916\uff0c\u9650\u4ee5\u4e8c\u5e74\u70ba\u6539\u826f\u7ae3\u5de5\u4e4b\u671f\uff09\uff0c\u4ee5\u5341\u4e94\u5e74\u70ba\u9650\uff0c\u5373\u81f3\u5149\u7dd2\u56db\u5341\u4e5d\u5e74\u6b62\u3002\u5c46\u671f\u5f7c\u6b64\u516c\u8acb\u4e00\u4ed6\u570b\u516c\u4f30\u4eba\uff0c\u6309\u8a72\u8def\u5efa\u7f6e\u5404\u7269\u4ef6\u4f30\u50f9\u552e\u8207\u4e2d\u570b\u3002\u672a\u552e\u4ee5\u524d\uff0c\u6e96\u7531\u4e2d\u570b\u653f\u5e9c\u904b\u9001\u5175\u4e01\u3001\u9909\u68b0\uff0c\u53ef\u6309\u6771\u7701\u9435\u8def\u7ae0\u7a0b\u8fa6\u7406\u3002\u81f3\u8a72\u8def\u6539\u826f\u8fa6\u6cd5\uff0c\u61c9\u7531\u65e5\u672c\u627f\u8fa6\u4eba\u54e1\u8207\u4e2d\u570b\u7279\u6d3e\u4eba\u54e1\u59a5\u5be6\u5546\u8b70\u3002\u6240\u6709\u8fa6\u7406\u8a72\u8def\u4e8b\u52d9\uff0c\u4e2d\u570b\u653f\u5e9c\u63f4\u7167\u6771\u7701\u9435\u8def\u5408\u540c\uff0c\u6d3e\u54e1\u67e5\u5bdf\u7d93\u7406\u3002\u81f3\u8a72\u8def\u904b\u8f49\u4e2d\u570b\u5b98\u5546\u8ca8\u7269\u50f9\u503c\uff0c\u61c9\u53e6\u8a02\u8a73\u7ae0\u3002<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u7b2c\u4e03\u6b3e<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u4e2d\u65e5\u5169\u570b\u653f\u5e9c\u70ba\u5716\u4f86\u5f80\u8f38\u904b\u5747\u81fb\u8208\u65fa\u4fbf\u6377\u8d77\u898b\uff0c\u59a5\u8a02\u5357\u6eff\u6d32\u9435\u8def\u8207\u4e2d\u570b\u5404\u9435\u8def\u63a5\u806f\u71df\u696d\u7ae0\u7a0b\uff0c\u52d9\u9808\u5f9e\u901f\u53e6\u8a02\u5225\u7d04\u3002<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u7b2c\u516b\u6b3e<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u4e2d\u570b\u653f\u5e9c\u5141\u5357\u6eff\u6d32\u9435\u8def\u6240\u9700\u5404\u9805\u6750\u6599\uff0c\u61c9\u8c41\u514d\u4e00\u5207\u7a05\u6350\u3001\u91d0\u91d1\u3002<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u7b2c\u4e5d\u6b3e<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u6240\u6709\u5949\u7701\u5df2\u958b\u8fa6\u5546\u57e0\u4e4b\u71df\u53e3\u66a8\u96d6\u5141\u958b\u57e0\u5c1a\u672a\u958b\u8fa6\u4e4b\u5b89\u6771\u7e23\u3001\u5949\u5929\u5e9c\u5404\u5730\u65b9\uff0c\u5176\u5283\u5b9a\u65e5\u672c\u79df\u754c\u4e4b\u8fa6\u6cd5\uff0c\u61c9\u7531\u4e2d\u65e5\u5169\u570b\u5b98\u54e1\u53e6\u884c\u59a5\u5546\u91d0\u5b9a\u3002<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u7b2c\u5341\u6b3e<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u4e2d\u570b\u653f\u5e9c\u5141\u8a31\u8a2d\u4e00\u4e2d\u65e5\u6728\u690d\u516c\u53f8\uff0c\u5728\u9d28\u7da0\u6c5f\u53f3\u5cb8\u63a1\u4f10\u6728\u690d\u3002\u81f3\u8a72\u5730\u6bb5\u5ee3\u72f9\u3001\u5e74\u9650\u591a\u5be1\u66a8\u516c\u53f8\u5982\u4f55\u8a2d\u7acb\uff0c\u4e26\u4e00\u5207\u5408\u8fa6\u7ae0\u7a0b\uff0c\u61c9\u53e6\u8a02\u8a73\u7d30\u5408\u540c\uff0c\u7e3d\u671f\u4e2d\u65e5\u80a1\u6771\u5229\u6b0a\u5747\u6524\u3002<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u7b2c\u5341\u4e00\u6b3e<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u6eff\u3001\u97d3\u4ea4\u754c\u9678\u8def\u901a\u5546\uff0c\u5f7c\u6b64\u61c9\u6309\u7167\u76f8\u5f85\u6700\u512a\u570b\u4e4b\u4f8b\u8fa6\u7406\u3002<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u7b2c\u5341\u4e8c\u6b3e<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u4e2d\u65e5\u5169\u570b\u653f\u5e9c\u5141\uff0c\u51e1\u672c\u65e5\u7c3d\u540d\u84cb\u5370\u4e4b\u6b63\u7d04\u66a8\u9644\u7d04\u6240\u8f09\u5404\u6b3e\uff0c\u9047\u4e8b\u5747\u4ee5\u5f7c\u6b64\u76f8\u5f85\u6700\u512a\u4e4b\u8655\u65bd\u884c\u3002<\/p>\n<p>\u672c\u7d04\u7531\u672c\u65e5\u7c3d\u540d\u84cb\u5370\u4e4b\u65e5\u8d77\u5373\u7576\u65bd\u884c\uff0c\u4e26\u672c\u65e5\u7c3d\u5b9a\u4e4b\u6b63\u7d04\u4e00\u7d93\u6279\u51c6\uff0c\u672c\u7d04\u4ea6\u8996\u540c\u4e00\u5f8b\u6279\u51c6\u3002<\/p>\n<p>\u70ba\u6b64\uff0c\u5169\u570b\u5168\u6b0a\u5927\u81e3\u5404\u5949\u672c\u570b\u653f\u5e9c\u5408\u5b9c\u59d4\u4efb\uff0c\u7e55\u5099\u6f22\u6587\u3001\u65e5\u672c\u6587\u5404\u4e8c\u672c\uff0c\u5373\u65bc\u6b64\u7d04\u5167\u7c3d\u540d\u84cb\u5370\uff0c\u4ee5\u662d\u4fe1\u5b88\u3002\u5927\u6e05\u570b\u6b3d\u5dee\u5168\u6b0a\u5927\u81e3\u8ecd\u6a5f\u5927\u81e3\u7e3d\u7406\u5916\u52d9\u90e8\u4e8b\u52d9\u6176\u89aa\u738b\u62bc\u3001\u6b3d\u5dee\u5168\u6b0a\u5927\u81e3\u8ecd\u6a5f\u5927\u81e3\u5916\u52d9\u90e8\u5c1a\u66f8\u6703\u8fa6\u5927\u81e3\u7fdf\u9d3b\u79a8\u62bc\u3001\u6b3d\u5dee\u5168\u6b0a\u5927\u81e3\u5317\u6d0b\u5927\u81e3\u592a\u5b50\u5c11\u4fdd\u76f4\u96b8\u7e3d\u7763\u8881\u4e16\u51f1\u62bc<\/p>\n<p>\u5927\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u7279\u6d3e\u5168\u6b0a\u5927\u4f7f\u5916\u52d9\u5927\u81e3\u5f9e\u4e09\u4f4d\u52f3\u4e00\u7b49\u7537\u7235\u5c0f\u6751\u58fd\u592a\u90ce\u5370\u3001\u7279\u547d\u5168\u6b0a\u516c\u4f7f\u5f9e\u56db\u4f4d\u52f3\u4e8c\u7b49\u5167\u7530\u5eb7\u54c9\u5370<\/p>\n<p>\u5149\u7dd2\u4e09\u5341\u4e00\u5e74\u5341\u4e00\u6708\u4e8c\u5341\u516d\u65e5\u660e\u6cbb\u4e09\u5341\u516b\u5e74\u5341\u4e8c\u6708\u4e8c\u5341\u4e8c\u65e5\u7acb\u65bc\u5317\u4eac<\/p>\nJAPANESE TEXT\n<p>\u5927\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u7687\u5e1d\u965b\u4e0b\u53ca\u5927\u6e05\u570b\u7687\u5e1d\u965b\u4e0b\u30cf\u5747\u30b7\u30af\u660e\u6cbb\u4e09\u5341\u516b\u5e74\u4e5d\u6708\u4e94\u65e5\u5373\u5149\u7dd2\u4e09\u5341\u4e00\u5e74\u516b\u6708\u4e03\u65e5\u8abf\u5370\u30bb\u30e9\u30ec\u30bf\u30eb\u65e5\u9732\u5169\u570b\u8b1b\u548c\u689d\u7d04\u30e8\u30ea\u751f\u30b9\u30eb\u5171\u540c\u95dc\u4fc2\u30ce\u4e8b\u9805\u30f2 \u5354\u5b9a\u30bb\u30e0\u30b3\u30c8\u30f2\u6b32\u30b7\u53f3\u30ce\u76ee\u7684\u30f2\u4ee5\u30c6\u689d\u7d04\u30f2\u7de0\u7d50\u30b9\u30eb\u30b3\u30c8\u30cb\u6c7a\u30b7\u4e4b\u30ab\u7232\u30e1\u30cb\u5927\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u7687\u5e1d\u965b\u4e0b\u30cf\u7279\u6d3e\u5168\u6b0a\u5927\u4f7f\u5916\u52d9\u5927\u81e3\u5f9e\u4e09\u4f4d\u52f3\u4e00\u7b49\u7537\u7235\u5c0f\u6751\u58fd\u592a\u90ce\u53ca\u7279\u547d\u5168\u6b0a\u516c\u4f7f \u5f9e\u56db\u4f4d\u52f3\u4e8c\u7b49\u5185\u7530\u5eb7\u54c9\u30f2\u5927\u6e05\u570b\u7687\u5e1d\u965b\u4e0b\u30cf\u6b3d\u5dee\u5168\u6b0a\u5927\u81e3\u8ecd\u6a5f\u5927\u81e3\u7e3d\u7406\u5916\u52d9\u90e8\u4e8b\u52d9\u548c\u78a9\u6176\u89aa\u738b\u6b3d\u5dee\u5168\u6b0a\u5927\u81e3\u8ecd\u6a5f\u5927\u81e3\u5916\u52d9\u90e8\u5c1a\u66f8\u6703\u8fa7\u5927\u81e3\u77bf\u9d3b\u79a8\u53ca\u6b3d\u5dee\u5168\u6b0a\u5927\u81e3\u5317\u6d0b \u5927\u81e3\u592a\u5b50\u5c11\u4fdd\u76f4\u96b7\u7e3d\u7763\u8881\u4e16\u51f1\u30f2\u5404\u5176\u30ce\u5168\u6b0a\u59d4\u54e1\u30cb\u4efb\u547d\u30bb\u30ea\u56e0\u30c6\u5404\u5168\u6b0a\u59d4\u54e1\u30cf\u4e92\u30cb\u5176\u30ce\u5168\u6b0a\u59d4\u4efb\u72b6\u30f2\u793a\u30b7\u5176\u30ce\u826f\u597d\u59a5\u7576\u30ca\u30eb\u30f2\u8a8d\u30e1\u4ee5\u30c6\u5de6\u30ce\u689d\u9805\u30f2\u5354\u8b70\u6c7a\u5b9a\u30bb\u30ea<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u3000\u3000\u3000\u7b2c\u4e00\u689d<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u6e05\u570b\u653f\u5e9c\u30cf\u9732\u570b\u30ab\u65e5\u9732\u8b1b\u548c\u689d\u7d04\u7b2c\u4e94\u689d\u53ca\u7b2c\u516d\u689d\u30cb\u30e8\u30ea\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u30cb\u5c0d\u30b7\u30c6\u7232\u30b7\u30bf\u30eb\u4e00\u5207\u30ce\u8b93\u6e21\u30f2\u627f\u8afe\u30b9<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u3000\u3000\u3000\u7b2c\u4e8c\u689d<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u653f\u5e9c\u30cf\u6e05\u9732\u5169\u570b\u9593\u30cb\u7de0\u7d50\u30bb\u30e9\u30ec\u30bf\u30eb\u79df\u501f\u5730\u7add\u9435\u9053\u6577\u8a2d\u30cb\u95dc\u30b9\u30eb\u539f\u689d\u7d04\u30cb\u7167\u30b7\u52aa\u30e1\u30c6\u9075\u884c\u30b9\u30d8\u30ad\u30b3\u30c8\u30f2\u627f\u8afe\u30b9\u5c07\u4f86\u4f55\u7b49\u6848\u4ef6\u30ce\u751f\u30b7\u30bf\u30eb\u5834\u5408\u30cb\u30cf\u96a8\u6642\u6e05\u570b\u653f\u5e9c\u30c8\u5354\u8b70\u30ce\u4e0a\u4e4b\u30f2\u5b9a\u30e0\u30d8\u30b7<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u3000\u3000\u3000\u7b2c\u4e09\u689d<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u672c\u689d\u7d04\u30cf\u8abf\u5370\u30ce\u65e5\u30e8\u30ea\u52b9\u529b\u30f2\u751f\u30b9\u30d8\u30af\u4e14\u5927\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u7687\u5e1d\u965b\u4e0b\u53ca\u5927\u6df8\u570b\u7687\u5e1d\u965b\u4e0b\u30cb\u65bc\u30c6\u4e4b\u30f2\u6279\u51c6\u30bb\u30e9\u30eb\u30d8\u30b7\u8a72\u6279\u51c6\u66f8\u30cf\u672c\u689d\u7d04\u8abf\u5370\u30ce\u65e5\u30e8\u30ea\u4e8c\u7b87\u6708\u4ee5\u5185\u30cb\u6210\u30eb\u30d8\u30af\u901f\u30cb\u5317\u4eac\u30cb\u65bc\u30c6\u4e4b\u30f2\u4ea4\u63db\u30b9\u30d8\u30b7<\/p>\n<p>\u53f3\u8b49\u64da\u30c8\u30b7\u30c6\u5169\u570b\u5168\u6b0a\u59d4\u54e1\u30cf\u65e5\u672c\u6587\u53ca\u6f22\u6587\u30f2\u4ee5\u30c6\u4f5c\u30e9\u30ec\u30bf\u30eb\u5404\u4e8c\u901a\u30ce\u672c\u689d\u7d04\u30cb\u7f72\u540d\u8abf\u5370\u30b9\u30eb\u30e2\u30ce\u30ca\u30ea<\/p>\n<p>\u660e\u6cbb\u4e09\u5341\u516b\u5e74\u5341\u4e8c\u6708\u4e8c\u5341\u4e8c\u65e5\u5373\u5149\u7dd2\u4e09\u5341\u4e00\u5e74\u5341\u4e00\u6708\u4e8c\u5341\u516d\u65e5\u5317\u4eac\u30cb\u65bc\u30c6\u4e4b\u30f2\u4f5c\u30eb<\/p>\n<p>\u5927\u65e5\u672c\u5e1d\u570b\u7279\u6d3e\u5168\u6b0a\u5927\u4f7f\u5916\u52d9\u5927\u81e3\u5f9e\u4e09\u4f4d\u52f3\u4e00\u7b49\u7537\u7235\u3000\u5c0f\u6751\u58fd\u592a\u90ce\uff08\u8a18\u540d\uff09\u5370<\/p>\n<p>\u5927\u65e5\u672c\u5e1d\u570b\u7279\u547d\u5168\u6b0a\u516c\u4f7f\u5f9e\u56db\u4f4d\u52f3\u4e8c\u7b49\u3000\u5185\u7530\u5eb7\u54c9\uff08\u8a18\u540d\uff09\u5370<\/p>\n<p>\u5927\u6df8\u570b\u6b3d\u5dee\u5168\u6b0a\u5927\u81e3\u8ecd\u6a5f\u5927\u81e3\u7e3d\u7406\u5916\u52d9\u90e8\u4e8b\u52d9\u3000\u6176\u89aa\u738b\uff08\u8a18\u540d\uff09\u5370<\/p>\n<p>\u5927\u6df8\u570b\u6b3d\u5dee\u5168\u6b0a\u5927\u81e3\u8ecd\u6a5f\u5927\u81e3\u5916\u52d9\u90e8\u5c1a\u66f8\u6703\u8fa6\u5927\u81e3\u3000\u77bf\u9d3b\u79a8\uff08\u8a18\u540d\uff09\u5370<\/p>\n<p>\u5927\u6df8\u570b\u6b3d\u5dee\u5168\u6b0a\u5927\u81e3\u5317\u6d0b\u5927\u81e3\u592a\u5b50\u5c11\u4fdd\u76f4\u96b7\u7e3d\u7763\u3000\u8881\u4e16\u51f1\uff08\u8a18\u540d\uff09\u5370<\/p>\n\u9644\u5c5e\u5354\u7d04\n<p>\u65e5\u6df8\u5169\u570b\u653f\u5e9c\u30cf\u6eff\u6d32\u30cb\u65bc\u30c6\u53cc\u65b9\u5171\u30cb\u95dc\u4fc2\u30f2\u6709\u30b9\u30eb\u4ed6\u30ce\u4e8b\u9805\u30f2\u6c7a\u5b9a\u30b7\u4ee5\u30c6\u9075\u5b88 \u30cb\u4fbf\u30ca\u30e9\u30b7\u30e0\u30eb\u7232\u30e1\u5de6\u30ce\u689d\u9805\u30f2\u5354\u5b9a\u30bb\u30ea<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u3000\u3000\u3000\u7b2c\u4e00\u689d<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u6df8\u570b\u653f\u5e9c\u30cf\u65e5\u9732\u8ecd\u968a\u64a4\u9000\u30ce\u5f8c\u6210\u30eb\u30d8\u30af\u901f\u30cb\u5916\u570b\u4eba\u30ce\u5c45\u4f4f\u53ca\u8cbf\u6613\u30ce\u7232\u30ce\u81ea\u30e9\u9032\u30df\u30c6\u6eff\u6d32\u30cb\u65bc\u30b1\u30eb\u5de6\u30ce\u90fd\u5e02\u30f2\u958b\u30af\u30d8\u30ad\u30b3\u30c8\u30f2\u7d04\u30b9<\/p>\n<p>\u76db\u4eac\u7701\u3000\u9cf3\u51f0\u57ce\u3000\u907c\u967d\u3000\u65b0\u6c11\u5c6f\u3000\u9435\u5dba\u3000\u901a\u6c5f\u5b50\u3000\u6cd5\u5eab\u9580<\/p>\n<p>\u5409\u6797\u7701\u3000\u9577\u6625\uff08\u5bdb\u57ce\u5b50\uff09\u3000\u5409\u6797\u3000\u54c8\u723e\u8cd3\u3000\u5be7\u53e4\u5854\u3000\u743f\u6625\u3000\u4e09\u59d3<\/p>\n<p>\u9ed2\u9f8d\u6c5f\u7701\u3000\u9f4a\u9f4a\u54c8\u723e\u3000\u6d77\u62c9\u723e\u3000\u611b\u743f\u3000\u6eff\u6d32\u91cc<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u3000\u3000\u3000\u7b2c\u4e8c\u689d<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u6df8\u570b\u653f\u5e9c\u30cf\u6eff\u6d32\u30cb\u65bc\u30b1\u30eb\u65e5\u9732\u5169\u570b\u8ecd\u968a\u7add\u30cb\u9435\u9053\u5b88\u5099\u5175\u30ce\u6210\u30eb\u30d8\u30af\u901f\u30cb\u64a4\u9000\u30bb\u30e9\u30ec\u30e0\u30b3\u30c8\u30f2\u5207\u671b\u30b9\u30eb\u65e8\u30f2\u8a00\u660e\u30b7\u30bf\u30eb\u30cb\u56e0\u30ea\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u653f\u5e9c\u30cf\u6df8\u570b\u653f\u5e9c\u30ce\u5e0c\u671b\u30cb\u61c9 \u30bb\u30e0\u30b3\u30c8\u30f2\u6b32\u30b7\u82e5\u30b7\u9732\u570b\u30cb\u65bc\u30c6\u5176\u30ce\u9435\u9053\u5b88\u5099\u5175\u30ce\u64a4\u9000\u30f2\u627f\u8afe\u30b9\u30eb\u30ab\u6216\u30cf\u6df8\u9732\u5169\u570b\u9593\u30cb\u5225\u30cb\u9069\u7576\u30ce\u65b9\u6cd5\u30f2\u5354\u5b9a\u30b7\u30bf\u30eb\u6642\u30cf\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u653f\u5e9c\u30e2\u540c\u6a23\u30cb\u7167\u8fa6\u30b9\u30d8\u30ad\u30b3\u30c8\u30f2\u627f\u8afe \u30b9\u82e5\u30b7\u6eff\u6d32\u5730\u65b9\u5e73\u9756\u30cb\u6b78\u30b7\u5916\u570b\u4eba\u30ce\u751f\u547d\u8ca1\u7523\u30f2\u6df8\u570b\u81ea\u30e9\u5b8c\u5168\u30cb\u4fdd\u8b77\u30b7\u5f97\u30eb\u30cb\u81f3\u30ea\u30bf\u30eb\u6642\u30cf\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u30e2\u4ea6\u9732\u570b\u30c8\u540c\u6642\u30cb\u9435\u9053\u5b88\u5099\u5175\u30f2\u64a4\u9000\u30b9\u30d8\u30b7<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u3000\u3000\u3000\u7b2c\u4e09\u689d<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u653f\u5e9c\u30cf\u6eff\u6d32\u30cb\u65bc\u30c6\u64a4\u5175\u30f2\u4e86\u30b7\u30bf\u30eb\u5730\u65b9\u30cf\u76f4\u30c1\u30cb\u4e4b\u30f2\u6df8\u570b\u653f\u5e9c\u30cb\u901a\u77e5\u30b9\u30d8\u30af\u6df8\u570b\u653f\u5e9c\u30cf\u65e5\u9732\u8b1b\u548c\u689d\u7d04\u8ffd\u52a0\u7d04\u6b3e\u30cb\u898f\u5b9a\u30bb\u30eb\u64a4\u5175\u671f\u9650\u5185\u30c8\u96d6\u65e2\u30cb\u4e0a\u8a18\u30ce\u5982 \u30af\u64a4\u5175\u5b8c\u4e86\u30ce\u901a\u77e5\u30f2\u5f97\u30bf\u30eb\u5404\u5730\u65b9\u30cb\u30cf\u81ea\u30e9\u5176\u30ce\u5b89\u5be7\u79e9\u5e8f\u30f2\u7dad\u6301\u30b9\u30eb\u7232\u30e1\u5fc5\u8981\u30ce\u8ecd\u968a\u30f2\u6d3e\u9063\u30b9\u30eb\u30b3\u30c8\u30f2\u5f97\u30eb\u30e2\u30ce\u30c8\u30b9\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u8ecd\u968a\u30ce\u672a\u30bf\u64a4\u9000\u30bb\u30b5\u30eb\u5730\u65b9\u30cb\u65bc\u30c6\u82e5\u30b7\u571f \u532a\u30ce\u6751\u843d\u30f2\u64fe\u5bb3\u30b9\u30eb\u30b3\u30c8\u30a2\u30eb\u6642\u30cf\u6df8\u570b\u5730\u65b9\u5b98\u30e2\u4ea6\u76f8\u7576\u30ce\u5175\u968a\u30f2\u6d3e\u9063\u30b7\u4e4b\u30f2\u52e6\u6355\u30b9\u30eb\u30b3\u30c8\u30f2\u5f97\u4f46\u30b7\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u8ecd\u968a\u99d0\u5c6f\u5730\u754c\u30e8\u30ea\u4e8c\u5341\u6df8\u91cc\u4ee5\u5185\u30cb\u9032\u5165\u30b9\u30eb\u30b3\u30c8\u30f2\u5f97\u30b5\u30eb\u30e2 \u30ce\u30c8\u30b9<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u3000\u3000\u3000\u7b2c\u56db\u689d<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u653f\u5e9c\u30cf\u8ecd\u4e8b\u4e0a\u30ce\u5fc5\u8981\u30cb\u30e8\u30ea\u6eff\u6d32\u30cb\u65bc\u30c6\u5360\u9818\u53c8\u30cf\u6536\u7528\u30bb\u30eb\u6df8\u570b\u516c\u79c1\u8ca1\u7523\u30cf\u64a4\u5175\u30ce\u969b\u6089\u30af\u6df8\u570b\u5b98\u6c11\u30cb\u9084\u9644\u30b7\u53c8\u4e0d\u7528\u30cb\u6b78\u30b9\u30eb\u30e2\u30ce\u30cf\u64a4\u5175\u524d\u30c8\u96d6\u4e4b\u30f2\u9084\u9644\u30b9\u30eb\u30b3\u30c8\u30f2\u627f\u8afe\u30b9<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u3000\u3000\u3000\u7b2c\u4e94\u689d<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u6df8\u570b\u653f\u5e9c\u30cf\u6eff\u6d32\u30cb\u65bc\u30b1\u30eb\u65e5\u672c\u8ecd\u6230\u6b7b\u8005\u30ce\u58b3\u5893\u53ca\u5fe0\u9b42\u7891\u6240\u5728\u5730\u30f2\u5b8c\u5168\u30cb\u4fdd\u8b77\u30b9\u30eb\u7232\u30e1\u7e3d\u30c6\u5fc5\u8981\u30ce\u8655\u7f6e\u30f2\u57f7\u30eb\u30d8\u30ad\u30b3\u30c8\u30f2\u7d04\u30b9<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u3000\u3000\u3000\u7b2c\u516d\u689d<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u6df8\u570b\u653f\u5e9c\u30cf\u5b89\u6771\u7e23\u5949\u5929\u9593\u30cb\u6577\u8a2d\u30bb\u30eb\u8ecd\u7528\u9435\u9053\u30f2\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u653f\u5e9c\u30cb\u65bc\u30c6\u5404\u570b\u5546\u5de5\u696d\u30ce\u8ca8\u7269\u904b\u642c\u7528\u30cb\u6539\u30e1\u5f15\u7e8c\u30ad\u7d93\u71df\u30b9\u30eb\u30b3\u30c8\u30f2\u627f\u8afe\u30b9\u8a72\u9435\u9053\u30cf\u6539\u826f\u5de5\u4e8b\u5b8c\u6210\u30ce\u65e5\u30e8 \u30ea\u8d77\u7b97\u30b7\uff08\u4f46\u30b7\u8ecd\u968a\u9001\u9084\u30ce\u7232\u30e1\u9072\u5ef6\u30b9\u30d8\u30ad\u671f\u9593\u5341\u4e8c\u7b87\u6708\u30f2\u9664\u30ad\u4e8c\u7b87\u5e74\u30f2\u4ee5\u30c6\u6539\u826f\u5de5\u4e8b\u5b8c\u6210\u30ce\u671f\u9650\u30c8\u30b9\uff09\u5341\u4e94\u7b87\u5e74\u30f2\u4ee5\u30c6\u671f\u9650\u30c8\u7232\u30b7\u5373\u5149\u7dd2\u56db\u5341\u4e5d\u5e74\u30cb\u81f3\u30ea\u30c6\u6b62\u30e0\u53f3 \u671f\u9650\u30cb\u81f3\u30e9\u30cf\u53cc\u65b9\u30cb\u65bc\u30c6\u4ed6\u570b\u30ce\u8a55\u50f9\u4eba\u4e00\u540d\u30f2\u9078\u30df\u8a72\u9435\u9053\u30ce\u5404\u7269\u4ef6\u30f2\u8a55\u50f9\u30bb\u30b7\u30e1\u30c6\u6df8\u570b\u30cb\u8ce3\u6e21\u30b9\u30d8\u30b7\u5176\u30ce\u8ce3\u6e21\u524d\u30cb\u5728\u30ea\u30c6\u6df8\u570b\u653f\u5e9c\u30ce\u8ecd\u968a\u4e26\u5175\u5668\u7ce7\u98df\u30f2\u8f38\u9001\u30b9\u30eb\u5834\u5408 \u30cb\u30cf\u6771\u6df8\u9435\u9053\u689d\u7d04\u30cb\u6e96\u64da\u30b7\u30c6\u53d6\u6271\u30d5\u30d8\u30af\u53c8\u8a72\u9435\u9053\u6539\u826f\u30ce\u65b9\u6cd5\u30cb\u81f3\u30c6\u30cf\u65e5\u672c\u570b\u30ce\u7d93\u71df\u64d4\u7576\u8005\u30cb\u65bc\u30c6\u6df8\u570b\u30e8\u30ea\u7279\u6d3e\u30b9\u30eb\u59d4\u54e1\u30c8\u5207\u5be6\u30cb\u5546\u8b70\u30b9\u30d8\u30ad\u30e2\u30ce\u30c8\u30b9\u8a72\u9435\u9053\u30cb\u95dc\u30b9 \u30eb\u4e8b\u52d9\u30cf\u6771\u6df8\u9435\u9053\u689d\u7d04\u30cb\u6e96\u30b7\u6df8\u570b\u653f\u5e9c\u30e8\u30ea\u59d4\u54e1\u30f2\u6d3e\u30b7\u67fb\u5bdf\u7d93\u7406\u30bb\u30b7\u30e0\u30d8\u30af\u53c8\u8a72\u9435\u9053\u30cb\u7531\u30ea\u6df8\u570b\u516c\u79c1\u8ca8\u7269\u30f2\u904b\u642c\u30b9\u30eb\u904b\u8cc3\u30cb\u95dc\u30b7\u30c6\u30cf\u5225\u30cb\u8a73\u7d30\u30ca\u30eb\u898f\u7a0b\u30f2\u8a2d\u30af\u30d8\u30ad\u30e2 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width=\"100%\" \/>\nTRANSLATION\n<p>His Majesty the Emperor of Japan and His Majesty the Emperor of China, desiring to adjust certain matters of common concern growing out of the Treaty of Peace between Japan and Russia of September 5th, 1905, have resolved to conclude a Treaty with that object in view and have for that purpose named Their Plenipotentiaries, that is to say:<\/p>\n<p>His Majesty the Emperor of Japan:<\/p>\n<p>Baron Komura Jutaro, Jusammi, Grand Cordon of the Imperial Order of the Rising Sun, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Special Ambassador of His Majesty, and<\/p>\n<p>Uchida Yasuya, Jushii, Second Class of the Imperial Order of the Rising Sun, His Majesty\u2019s Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary; and<\/p>\n<p>His Majesty the Emperor of China:<\/p>\n<p>Prince Ching, Presiding Minister for Foreign Affairs, Councillor of State and Plenipotentiary of His Majesty,<\/p>\n<p>Chu Hung-chi, Minister for Foreign Affairs, Councillor of State and Plenipotentiary of His Majesty, and<\/p>\n<p>Yuan Shih-kai, Viceroy of the Province of Chihli, Junior Guardian of the Heir-Apparent, Minister Superintendent of Trade for the Northern Ports and Plenipotentiary of His Majesty;<\/p>\n<p>Who, after having exchanged their full powers which were found to be in good and due form, have agreed upon and concluded the following Articles:<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article I.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The Imperial Chinese Government consent to all the transfers and assignments made by Russia to Japan by Articles V and VI of the Treaty of Peace above mentioned.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article II.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The Imperial Japanese Government engage that in regard to the leased territory as well as in the matter of railway construction and exploitation, they-will, so far as circumstances permit, conform to the original agreements concluded between China and Russia. In case any question arises in the future on these subjects, the Japanese Government will decide it in consultation with the Chinese Government.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article III.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The present Treaty shall come into full force from the date of signature. It shall be ratified by Their Majesties the Emperor of Japan and the Emperor of China and the ratifications shall be exchanged at Peking as soon as possible, and not later than two months from the present date.<\/p>\n<p>In witness whereof, the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed this Treaty in duplicate in the Japanese and Chinese languages and have thereto affixed their seals.<\/p>\n<p>Done at Peking, this twenty-second day of the twelfth month of the thirty-eighth year of\u00a0<em>Meiji,\u00a0<\/em>corresponding to the twenty-sixth day of the eleventh moon of the thirty-first year of Kuang Hs\u00fc.<\/p>\n(Signed) BARON KOMURA JUTARO, [L. S.]\n<p><em>Jusammi, Grand Cordon of the Imperial Order of the Rising Sun, Minister f or Foreign Affairs and Special Ambassador of His Majesty the Emperor of Japan.<\/em><\/p>\n(Signed) UCHIDA YASUYA, [L. S.]\n<p><em>Jushii, Second Class of the Imperial Order of the Rising Sun, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor of Japan.<\/em><\/p>\n(Signed) PRINCE CHING, [L. S.]\n<p><em>Presiding Minister for Foreign Affairs, Councillor of State and Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor of China.<\/em><\/p>\n(Signed) CHU HUNG-CHI, [L. S.]\n<p><em>Minister for Foreign Affairs, Councillor of State and Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor of China.<\/em><\/p>\n(Signed) YUAN SHIH-KAI, [L. S.]\n<p><em>Viceroy of the Province of Chihli, Junior Guardian of the Heir-Apparent, Minister Superintendent of Trade for the Northern Ports and Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor of China.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n\u00a0ADDITIONAL AGREEMENT\n<p>The Governments of Japan and China, with a view to regulate, for their guidance, certain questions in which they are both interested in Manchuria, in addition to those provided for in the Treaty signed this day, have agreed as follows:<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article I.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The Imperial Chinese Government agree that as soon as possible after the evacuation of Manchuria by the Japanese and Russian forces, the following cities and towns in Manchuria will be opened by China herself as places of international residence and trade:<\/p>\n<p>In the Province of Shengking:<\/p>\n<p>Fenghwangcheng; Liaoyang; Hsinmintun; Tiehling; Tungkiangtzu and Fakumen.<\/p>\n<p>In the Province of Kirin:<\/p>\n<p>Changchun (Kuanchengtzu); Kirin; Harbin; Ninguta; Hunchun and Sanhsing.<\/p>\n<p>In the Province of Heilungkiang:<\/p>\n<p>Tsitsihar; Hailar; Aihun and Manchuli.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article II.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>In view of the earnest desire expressed by the Imperial Chinese Government to have the.Japanese and Russian troops and railway guards in Manchuria withdrawn as soon as possible, and in order to meet this desire, the Imperial Japanese Government, in the event of Russia agreeing to the withdrawal of her railway guards, or in case other proper measures are agreed to between China and Russia, consent to take similar steps accordingly. When tranquillity shall have been reestablished in Manchuria and China shall have become herself capable of affording full protection to the lives and property of foreigners, Japan will withdraw her railway guards simultaneously with Russia.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article III.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The Imperial Japanese Government, immediately upon the withdrawal of their troops from any regions in Manchuria, shall notify the Imperial Chinese Government of the regions thus evacuated, and even within the period stipulated for the withdrawal of troops in the Additional Articles of the Treaty of Peace between Japan and Russia, the Chinese Government may send necessary troops to the evacuated regions of which they have been already notified as above mentioned, for the purpose of maintaining order and tranquillity in those regions. If, in the regions from which Japanese troops have not yet been withdrawn, any villages are disturbed or damaged by native bandits, the Chinese local authorities may also dispatch a suitable military force for the purpose of capturing or dispersing those bandits. Such troops, however, shall not proceed within twenty Chinese\u00a0<em>li\u00a0<\/em>from the boundary of the territory where Japanese troops are stationed.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article IV.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The Imperial Government of Japan engage that Chinese public and private property in Manchuria, which they have occupied or expropriated on account of military necessity, shall be restored at the time the Japanese troops are withdrawn from Manchuria and that such property as is no longer required for military purposes shall be restored even before such withdrawal.\u00a7<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article V.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The Imperial Chinese Government engage to take all necessary measures to protect fully and completely the grounds in Manchuria in which the tombs and monuments of the Japanese officers and soldiers who were killed in war are located.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article VI.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The Imperial Chinese Government agree that Japan has the right to maintain and work the military railway line constructed between Antung and Mukden and to improve the said line so as to make it fit for the conveyance of commercial and industrial goods of all nations. The term for which such right is conceded is fifteen years from the date of the completion of the improvements above provided for. The work of such improvements is to be completed within two years, exclusive of a period of twelve months during which it will have to be delayed owing to the necessity of using the existing line for the withdrawal of troops. The term of the concession above mentioned is therefore to expire in the 49th year of Kuang Hs\u00fc. At the expiration of that term, the said railway shall be sold to China at a price to be determined by appraisement of all its properties by a foreign expert who will be selected by both parties. The conveyance by the railway of the troops and munitions of war of the Chinese Government prior to such sale shall be dealt with in accordance with the regulations of the Eastern Chinese Railway. Regarding the manner in which the improvements of the railway are to be effected, it is agreed that the person undertaking the work on behalf of Japan shall consult with the Commissioner dispatched for the purpose by China. The Chinese Government will also appoint a Commissioner to look after the business relating to the railway as is provided in the Agreement relating to the Eastern Chinese Railway. It is further agreed that detailed regulations shall be concluded regarding the tariffs for the carriage by the railway of the public and private goods of China.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article VII.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The Governments of Japan and China, with a view to promote and facilitate intercourse and traffic, will conclude, as soon as possible, a separate convention for the regulation of connecting services between the railway lines in South Manchuria and all the other railway lines in China.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article VIII.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The Imperial Chinese Government engage that all materials required for the railways in South Manchuria shall be exempt from all duties, taxes and\u00a0<em>likin<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article IX.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The methods of laying out the Japanese Settlement at Yingkou in the Province of Shengking, which has already been opened to trade, and at Antung and Mukden in the same Province, which are still unopen although stipulated to be opened, shall be separately arranged and determined by officials of Japan and China.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article X.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The Imperial Chinese Government agree that a joint-stock company of forestry composed of Japanese.and Chinese capitalists shall be organized for the exploitation of the forests in the regions on the right bank of the River Yalu and that a detailed agreement shall be concluded in which the area and term of the concession as well as the organization of the company and all regulations concerning the joint work of exploitation shall be provided for. The Japanese and Chinese shareholders shall share equally in the profits of the undertaking.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article XI.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The Governments of Japan and China engage that in all that relates to frontier trade between Manchuria and Corea most favoured nation treatment shall be reciprocally extended.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Article XII.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The Governments of Japan and China engage that in all matters dealt with in the Treaty signed this day or in the present Agreement the most favourable treatment shall be reciprocally extended.<\/p>\n<p>The present Agreement shall take effect from the date of signature. When the Treaty signed this day is ratified, this Agreement shall also be considered as approved<\/p>\n<p>In witness whereof, the Undersigned, duly authorized by their respective Governments, have signed the present Agreement in duplicate in the Japanese and Chinese languages and have thereto affixed their seals.<\/p>\n<p>Done at Peking, this 22nd day of the 12th month of the 38th year of Meiji, corresponding to the 26th day of the 11th moon of the 31st year of Kuang Hs\u00fc.<\/p>\n(Signed) BARON KOMURA JUTARO, [L. S.]\n<p><em>Jusammi, Grand Cordon of the Imperial Order of the Rising Sun, Minister f or Foreign Affairs and Special Ambassador of His Majesty the Emperor of Japan.<\/em><\/p>\n(Signed) UCHIDA YASUYA, [L. S.]\n<p><em>Jushii, Second Class of the Imperial Order of the Rising Sun, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor of Japan.<\/em><\/p>\n(Signed) PRINCE CHING, [L. S.]\n<p><em>Presiding Minister for Foreign Affairs, Councillor of State and Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor of China.<\/em><\/p>\n(Signed) CHU HUNG-CHI, [L. S.]\n<p><em>Minister for Foreign Affairs, Councillor of State and Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor of China.<\/em><\/p>\n(Signed) YUAN SHIH-KAI, [L. S.]\n<p><em>Viceroy of the Province of Chihli, Junior Guardian of the Heir-Apparent, Minister Superintendent of Trade for the Northern Ports and Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor of China.<\/em><\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<p><strong>American Society of International Law. &#8220;Treaty and Additional Agreement between Japan and China Relating to Manchuria.&#8221;\u00a0<em>The American Journal of International Law<\/em>, vol. 4, no. 4, Supplement: Official Documents (Oct., 1910). pp. 307-312. (English text)<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>\u672c\u6b63\u7ea6\u53ca\u9644\u7ea6\u5747\u898b \u300a\u6d77\u5173\u4e2d\u5916\u6761\u7ea6\u300b\uff0c\u53772\uff0c\u9801636-641\uff0c734-739\u3002\u672c\u6b63\u7ea6\u53ca\u9644\u7ea6\u4e8e\u4e00\u4e5d\u25cb\u516d\u5e74\u4e00\u6708\u4e8c\u5341\u4e09\u65e5\u5728\u5317\u4eac\u4ea4\u6362\u6279\u51c6\u3002 (Chinese and Japanese texts)<\/strong><\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<p><em>Annotated by Miriam Kaminishi<\/em><\/p>\n\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--label-6\">The Lansing-Ishii Agreement (1917)<\/a>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--icon-6\"><i>Expand<\/i><\/a>\n\t\t<strong>The Lansing-Ishii Agreement, 1917<br \/>\n<\/strong><em>Robert Lansing; Ishii Kikujir\u014d<\/em>\n<hr \/>\n<p>The divergence between President Woodrow Wilson\u2019s Open Door policy towards China, and the Japanese policy of carving out a sphere of \u201cspecial interest\u201d that emphasized its hegemony in East Asia, became open and serious during the course of the First World War. The result was this formal diplomatic understanding, concluded as an attempt to amend and reconcile Japanese and American policies concerning China.<\/p>\n<p>Since the end of the Russo-Japanese War, Japan tried, without success, to extend its rights in the leased territory in the Liaodong Peninsula and in the South Manchuria Railway (SMR) zone, which it took over from Russia, rights set to expire in 1923. At the same time, Japan tried to persuade the United Kingdom to enlarge Japanese economic activity in China through \u201ceconomic cooperation\u201d in the British sphere of influence in the Yangtze Valley&#8211;again, without success.<sup>1<\/sup>\u00a0However, once the First World War broke out, Japan seized an opportunity to declare war on Germany and replace it as the main power in Shandong Province, exploiting European preoccupation with war at home. By seizing the German leased territory, an important economic and military position leased for 99 years, Japan hoped to settle its unsolved problem regarding Manchuria. It used the new position of advantage to get past the problem of expiring rights in Manchuria by presenting to Chinese authorities the Twenty-One Demands, in January 1915. In general, the demands were divided in five groups. They included negotiations regarding Shandong Provinces (Group I) and the Liaodong leased territory; the SMR zone (Group II); a joint-venture of the Hanyeping Company (Group III) in which Japan had already made substantial investments; a demand that China not cede or lease any concessions along the coastal area to any other power (Group IV), which referred to American interests; and (Group V) demands to reinforce the \u201cJapanese protectorate over China\u201d.<sup>2<\/sup><\/p>\n<p>The Demands would if granted have destroyed the American policy of the Open Door in China, which rested on its territorial integrity and political sovereignty. Consequently, they marked a turning point in Japanese-American relations, provoking an increasing American tendency to see Japanese policy as a threat in East Asia.<sup>3<\/sup>\u00a0To intensify the rivalry between Japan and the US, China declared war against Germany. China\u2019s entry to the war was marked by numerous Japanese loans, known as Nishihara loans, which, in turn, secured to Japan greater influence in Chinese policy. Japan thus tried to steady her \u201cspecial interests\u201d in China through financial assistance.<\/p>\n<p>On the other hand, China\u2019s declaration of war against Germany also caused an intense confrontation between Chinese Premier Duan Qirui and President Li Yuanhong. To try to reduce the strain, and block further Japanese interference in Chinese domestic affairs, the US Minister to China, Paul Samuel Reinsch, proposed that \u201cthe nations at war with Germany would guarantee the independence of China and the integrity of Chinese territory,\u201d a point clearly aimed at Japan.<sup>4<\/sup> Japan agreed to negotiate the issue with the US, and talks ensued between Secretary of State Robert Lansing and Japanese Ambassador Kikujiro Ishii.<\/p>\n<p>A confidential protocol and part of the diplomatic notes exchanged between the Lansing and Ishii during the 1917 are presented here. The protocol reveals corrections made and agreed by both parties. This was the result of an impasse lasting many weeks between Lansing and Ishii regarding the meaning of \u201cspecial interests\u201d in China. Two notes, both dated October 30, 1917, show a secret negotiation in which a Japanese warship replaced the American warship USS Saratoga in the Hawaiian Islands in mid-October which, in turn, joined US naval forces in the Atlantic.<sup>5<\/sup> The Agreement was signed in November 2, 1917, but later cancelled, on April 14, 1923. The Agreement was published as The Imperial Japanese Mission 1917: a record of the reception throughout the United States of the special mission headed by Viscount Ishii, together with the exchange of notes embodying the Root-Takahira Understanding of 1908 and the Lansing-Ishii Agreement of 1917.<sup>6<\/sup>\u00a0Rather than being seen as a temporary wartime measure aimed at postponing an underlying dispute, it is better seen as reflecting a clear understanding between the American and Japanese governments that their long term visions regarding China were not compatible. Given how pivotal China was to the foreign policy of each power, the Agreement marked an important moment in the unfolding of enmity between Japan and the US.<\/p>\n<h3><strong>The Lansing-Ishii Exchange of Notes, 1917<\/strong><\/h3>\nNOTE FROM THE SECRETARY OF STATE TO THE JAPANESE AMBASSADOR\nDEPARTMENT OF STATE,<br \/>\n<em>Washington,\u00a0<\/em>NOV. 2, 1917.\n<p>Excellency:<\/p>\n<p>I have the honor to communicate herein my understanding of the agreement reached by us in our recent conversations touching the questions of mutual interest to our governments relating to the republic of China.<\/p>\n<p>In order to silence mischievous reports that have from time to time been circulated it is believed by us that a public announcement once more of the desires and intentions shared by our two governments with regard to China is advisable.<\/p>\n<p>The governments of the United States and Japan recognize that territorial propinquity creates special relations between countries, and, consequently, the government of the United. States recognizes that Japan has special interests in China, particularly in the part to which her possessions are contiguous.<\/p>\n<p>The territorial sovereignty of China, nevertheless, remains unimpaired, and the government of the United States has every confidence in the repeated assurances of the Imperial Japanese government that while geographical position gives Japan such special interests they have no desire to discriminate against the trade of other nations or to disregard the commercial rights heretofore granted by China in treaties with other powers.<\/p>\n<p>The governments of the United States and Japan deny that they have any purpose to infringe in any way the independence or territorial integrity of China, and they declare, furthermore, that they always adhere to the principle of the so-called &#8220;open door&#8221; or equal opportunity for commerce and industry in China.<\/p>\n<p>Moreover, they mutually declare that they are opposed to the acquisition by any government of any special rights or privileges that would affect the independence or territorial integrity of China or that would deny to the subjects or citizens of any country the full enjoyment of equal opportunity in the commerce and industry of China.<\/p>\n<p>I shall be glad to have Your Excellency confirm this understanding of the agreement reached by us.<\/p>\n<p>Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurance of my highest consideration.<\/p>\n<p>(Signed) ROBERT LANSING.<\/p>\nHis EXCELLENCY, VISCOUNT KIKUJIRO ISHII,<br \/>\n<em>Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary<br \/>\nof Japan, on Special Mission.<\/em>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\nNOTE FROM THE JAPANESE AMBASSADOR TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE\nTHE SPECIAL MISSION OF JAPAN,<br \/>\n<em>Washington, Nov. 2, 1917<\/em>\n<p>Sir:<\/p>\n<p>I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your note today, communicating to me your understanding of the agreement reached by us in our recent conversations touching the questions of mutual interests to our governments relating to the republic of China.<\/p>\n<p>I am happy to be able to confirm to you, under authorization of my government, the understanding in question set forth in the following terms:<\/p>\n<p>[Here the special Ambassador repeats the language of the agreement as given in Secretary Lansing&#8217;s note].<\/p>\n(Signed) K. ISHII,<br \/>\n<em>Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary<br \/>\nof Japan on Special Mission.<\/em>\nHONORABLE ROBERT LANSING.,<br \/>\nSECRETARY OF STATE.\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<p><strong>Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Division for Intercourse and Education.<em>\u00a0The Imperial Japanese Mission, 1917: A Record of the Reception Throughout the United States of the Special Mission headed by Viscount Ishii<\/em>. Washington: Byron S. Adams, 1918. pp. 121-122.<\/strong><\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<p><sup>1<\/sup>\u00a0R.J. Gowen, \u2018Great Britain and the Twenty-One Demands of 1915: Cooperation versus Effacement,\u2019 in <i>The Journal of Modern History<\/i>, 43, 1, 1971.<\/p>\n<p><sup>2<\/sup>\u00a0Ibid.<\/p>\n<p><sup>3<\/sup>\u00a0N. Kawamura, <i>Turbulence in the Pacific \u2013 Japanese-U.S. relations during World War I<\/i>, (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2000).<\/p>\n<p><sup>4<\/sup>\u00a0Ibid.<\/p>\n<p><sup>5<\/sup>\u00a0Also quoted in T.D. Saxon, \u2018Anglo-Japanese Naval Cooperation, 1914-1918\u2019, in <i>Naval War College Review<\/i>, 2000.<\/p>\n<p><sup>6<\/sup>\u00a0J.C. Vinson, \u2018The Annulment of the Lansing-Ishii Agreement,\u2019 in <i>Pacific Historical Review<\/i>, 27, 1, 1958.<\/p>\n<p><em>Annotated by Miriam Kaminishi<\/em><\/p>\n<h2>\n\t\tEngland\/ Great Britain\n\t<\/h2>\n\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--label-0\">Charter granted to the East India Company (1600)<\/a>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--icon-0\"><i>Expand<\/i><\/a>\n\t\t<strong>Charter granted by Queen Elizabeth to the East India Company, 1600<br \/>\n<\/strong><em>Elizabeth I of England<\/em><strong><br \/>\n<\/strong>\n<hr \/>\nCharter granted by Queen Elizabeth, to the Governor and Company of Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies,<br \/>\nDated the 31st December, in the 43rd year of Her Reign. Anno Domini, 1600.\n<p>ELIZABETH, by the Grace of God, Queen of England, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &amp;c. To all our Officers, Ministers, and Subjects, and to all other People, as well within this our Realm of England as elsewhere, under our Obedience and Jurisdiction, or otherwise, unto whom these our Letters Patents shall be seen, showed, or read, greeting. Whereas our most dear and loving Cousin, George, Earl of Cumberland, and our well-beloved Subjects,<\/p>\n<p>Sir John Hart, of London, Knight, Sir John Spencer, of London, Knight, Sir Edward Michelborne, Knight, William Cavendish, Esq.\u00a0: Paul Banning, Robert Lee, Leonard Hollyday, John Watts, John Moore, Edward Holmeden, Robert Hampson, Thomas Smith, and Thomas Campbell, Citizens and Aldermen of London\u00a0; Edward Barker, Esq.\u00a0; Thomas Marsh, Esq.; Samuel Backhouse, Esq.\u00a0; James Lancaster, Richard Staper, Thomas Cordell, William Garway, Oliver Stile, William Quarts, Bartholomew Barnes, William Offely, Robert Chamberlain, John Harvey, Richard Wiseman, William Stone, Francis Cherry, Thomas Allabaster, Richard Barrett, John Swinnarton the Younger, Thomas Garway, William Romney, James Bean, John Eldred, Andrew Banning, Edward Leaving, Thomas Juxon, Nicholas Leat, John Woollestenholm, Nicholas Pierd, William Chamber, Rowland Blackhouse, Humphrey Smith, Robert Sandye, Henry Robinson, Richard Pointell, John Heylord, William Harrison, Humphrey Stile, Humphrey Robinson, Nicholas Ferror, Thomas Farrington, John Comb, Robert Offely, Roger How, John Hewitt. James Turner, Morrice Abbott, Robert Carrell, Robert Brooke, Richard Cham berlaine, George Chamberlaine, Leonard White, John Cornelius, Ralph Busby, William Jenning, Giles Parslow, Robert Bell, Thomas White Nicholas Ling William Palmer, Ellis, Cripps, George Bowles, Nicholas Cripps, John Merrick, Humphrey Handford, Thomas Simmons, Robert Cocks, William Walstall, John Humphrey, Thomas Bostock, BartholomewHolland, Richard Cock, William Walton. William Freeman, Thomas Southake, John Frier, Francis Dent, Richard Ball, Richard Pears, Roger Henning, Robert Cobe, Robert Robinson, Francis Evington, Francis Taylor, Thomas Westrowe, John Middleton, Robert Gore, Ralph Gore, William Cater, George Cater, John Busbridge, Thomas Hauton, William Bond, Merchant Taylor of London, William Cotton, John Stockley, Roger Arfield, Ausgustine Skinner, Richard Wiche, Robert Towertson, Richard Tailby, Robert Middleton; Robert Bateman, Richard Costam, Robert Walldoe, Richard Wragge, John Wragge, William Dale, Lawrence Walldoe Henry Bridgman, Samuel Armitage, Edward Harrison, Edmund Nicholson, Clement Moseley, John Newman, Humphrey Wallcot, Thomas Richardson, Thomas Bothby, John Cowchman, Reginald Green, Richard Burrell, Robert Mildmay, William Hind, George Chandler, Edward Lutterford, William Burrell, Stephen Harvey,. Thomas Henshaw, William Ferris, William Addarlye, William Hewit, William Fisher, Joseph Talbanck, Nicholas Manley, Nichloas Salter, William Willaston, William Angell, Nicholas Barnsley, John Hawkins, Roger Dye, Richard Clarke, Thomas Hewit, George Whitemore, Henry Polstead, William Grenwell, Robert Johnson, Bartholomew Haggett, Humphrey Bass, Robert Buck, Ambrose Wheeler, William Hale, Richard Hall, jun., John Hodgson, Alphonsus Fowl, Edmud Spencer, Robert Dewsey, Riceard Piott, William Bonham, Edward Barkliam, George Coles, Ralph Haymor, James Cullymer, Samuel Hare, George Utley, Gregory Allen, Henry Archer, Jeffery Kubye, John Cason, Richard Beale, Thomas Shipton, John Fletcher, Thomas Talbot, Robert Pennington, Humphrey Milward, Richard Hearne, Ralph Allyn, John Brooke, Anthony Gibson, Robert Kayes, Hugh Crompton, Richard Washer, George Holman, Morrice, Luelling, Richard Parsons, Francis Barker, William Turner, John Greenwood, Richard Dean, Richard Ironside, George Smythe, James Dunkin, Edward Walter, Andrew Chamberlain, Robert Stratford, Anthony Startford, William Millett, Simon Laurence, Thomas Liddall, Stephen Hodson, Richard Wright, William Starkey, William Smith, John Ellecot, Robert Bailey, and Roger Cotton,<\/p>\n<p>have of our certain knowledge been Petitioners unto us, for our Royal Assent and Licence to be granted unto them, that they, at their own Adventures, Costs, and Charges, as well for the Honour of this our Realm of England, as for the Increase of our Navigation, and Advancement of Trade of Merchandize, within our said Realms and the Dominions of the same, might adventure and set forth one or more Voyages, with convenient Number of Ships and Pinnaces, by way of Traffic and Merchandize to the East-Indies, in the Countries and Parts of Asia and Africa, and to as many of the Islands, Ports and Cities, Towns and Places, thereabouts, as where Trade and Traffic may by all likelihood be discovered, established or had\u00a0; divers of which Countries, and many of the Islands, Cities and Ports thereof, have long since been discovered by others of our Subjects, albeit not frequented in Trade of Merchandize. Know ye therefore, that we, greatly tendering the Honour of our Nation, the Wealth of our People. and the Encouragement of them, and others of our loving Subjects in their good Enterprizes, for the Increase of our Navigation, and the Advancement of lawful Traffick to the Benefit of our Common Wealth, have of our special Grace, certain Knowledge, and mere Motion, given and granted and by these Presents, for us, our Heirs and Successors, do give and grant unto our said loving Subjects, before in these Presents expressly named, that they and every of them from henceforth be, and shall be one Body Corporate and Politick, in Deed and in Name, by the Name of The Governor and Company of Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies, and them by the Name of The Governor and Company of Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies, one Body Corporate and Politick, in Deed and in Name, really and fully for us our Heirs and Successors, we do order, make, ordain, constitute, establish and declare, by these Presents, and that by the same Name of Governor and Company of Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies, they shall have Succession, and that they and their Successors, by the Name of The Governor and Company of Merchants of London Trading into the East-Indies,<\/p>\n<p>be and shall be, at all Times hereafter, persons able and capable in Law, and a Body Corporate and Politick, and capable in Law to have, purchase, receive, possess, enjoy and retain lands. Rents, Privileges, Liberties, Jurisdictions, Franchises and Hereditaments of whatsoever Kind, Nature, and Quality so ever they be, to them and their Successors. And also to give, grant, demise, alien, assign and dispose Lands, Tenements and Hereditaments, and to do and execute all and singular other Things, by the same Name that to them shall or may appertain to do. And that they and their Successors, by the Name of The Governor and Company of Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies, may plead and be impleaded, answer and be answered, defend and be defended, in whatsoever Courts and Places, and before whatsoever Judges and Justices, and other Persons and Officers, in all and singular Actions, Pleas, Suits, Quarrels, Causes and Demands whatsoever, of whatsoever Kind, Nature or Sort, in such Manner and Form, as any other, our liege People of this our Realm of England, being Persons able and capable in Law, may or can have, purchase, receive, possess, enjoy, retain, give, grant, demise, alien, assign, dispose, plead and be impleaded, answer and be answered, defend and be defended, release and be released, do permit and execute.<\/p>\n<p>And that the said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies, and their Successors, may have a common Seal, to serve for all the Causes and Business of them and their Successors. And that it shall and may be lawful to The Said Governor and Company, and their Successors, the same Seal, from Time to Time, at their Will and Pleasure, to break, change, and to make new or alter, as to them shall seem expedient. And further, we will, and by these presents, for us, our Heirs and Successors, we do ordain, that there shall be from henceforth one of the same Company to be elected and appointed, m such Form, as hereafter in these Presents is expressed, which shall be called The Governor of the said Company, and that there shall be from henceforth TwentyFour of the said. Company, to be elected and appointed in such Form, as hereafter in these presents is expressed, which shall be called The Committees of the said Company, who, together with the Governor of the said Company for the Time being, shall have the direction of the Voyages, of or for the said Company, and the Provision of the Shipping and Merchandizes thereto belonging, and also the sale of all Merchandizes returned in the Voyages, of or for the said Company, and the managing and handling of all other Things belonging to the said company<\/p>\n<p>and for the better Execution of this our Will and Grant in this Behalf We have assigned, nominated, constituted and made, and by these Presents, for us, our Heirs and Successors, we do assign, nominate, constitute and make, the said Thomas Smith, Alderman of London, to be the First and present Governor of the said Company, to continue in the said Office, from the Date of these presents, until another of the said Company shall in due Manner be chosen and sworn unto the said Office, according to the Ordinances and Provisions hereafter in these Presents expressed and declared, if the said Thomas Smith shall so long live\u00a0; and also we have assigned, nominated and appointed, and by these Presents, for us, our Heirs and Successors, we do assign, nominate, constitute and make, the said Paul Banning, Leonard Hollyday, John Moore, Edward Holmeden, Richard Staper, Thomas Cordell, William Garway, Oliver Style, James Lancaster, Richard Wiseman, Francis Cherry, Thomas Allabaster, William Romney, Roger How, William Chambers, Robert Sandye, John Eldred, Richard Wiche, John Hylord, John Middleton, John Comb, William Harrison, Nicholas Ling and Robert Bell, to be the Twenty-Four First and Present Committees of the said Company, to continue in the said office of Committees of the said company from the Date of these Presents, for One whole year next following.<\/p>\n<p>And further we will and grant, by these Presents, for us, our Heirs and Successors, unto The said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies, and their Successors, that it shall and may be lawful to and for The said Governor and Company, for the Time being, or the more part of them, present at any publick Assembly, commonly called the Court, holden for the said Company, the Governor of the said Company being always one, from Time to Time, to elect, nominate and appoint one of the said Company, to be Deputy to the said Governor, which Deputy shall take a Corporal Oath, before the Governor and Five or more of the Committees of the said Company for the Time being, well, faithfully and truly to execute his said Office of Deputy to the Governor of the said Company, and after his oath, so taken, shall and may from Time to Time, in the Absence of the said Governor, exercise and execute the Office of Governor of the said company, in such Sort as the said Governor ought to do\u00a0: And further we will and grant, by these Presents, for us, our Heirs and Successors, unto the said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies, and their Successors, that they or the greater Part of them, whereof the Governor for the Time being or his Deputy to be one, from Time to Time, and at all Times hereafter shall and may have Authority and Power, yearly and every year, on the First Day of July, or at any Time within Six Days after that Day, to assemble and meet together, in some convenient Place, to be appointed from Time to Time by the Governor, or in his Absence by the Deputy of the said Governor for the Time being, and that they being so assembled, it shall and may be lawful to and for the said Governor, or Deputy of the said Governor, and the said Company for the Time being or the greater Part of them, which then shall happen to be present, whereof the Governor of the said Company or his Deputy for the Time being, to be one, to elect and nominate one of the said Company, which shall be Governor of the said Company for one whole Year, from thence next following, which Person, being so elected and nominated to be Governor of the said Company, as is aforesaid before he be admitted to the Execution of the said Office, shall take a Corporal Oath before the last Governor, being his Predecessor or his Deputy, and any Six or more of the Committees of the said Company for the Time being, that he shall, from Time to Time, well and truly execute the Office of Governor of the said Company, in all things concerning the same; and that immediately after the said Oath so taken, he shall and may execute and use the said office of Governor of the said Company, for one whole Year, from thence next following\u00a0: And in like Sort we will and grant, that as .well every one above-named to be of the said Company fellowship as all others hereafter to be admitted, or free of the said Company, shall take a Corporal Oath before the Governor of the said Company, or his Deputy for the Time being, to such Effect, as by the said Governor and Company, or the more Part of them, in any publick Court to be held from the said Company, shall be in reasonable Manner set down and devised, before they shall be allowed, or admitted to trade or traffick, as a Freeman of the said Company. And further we will and grant, by these Presents, for us, our Heirs and successors, unto The said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies, and their Successors, that the said Governor, or the Deputy of the said Governor, and the Company and their Successors, for the Time being, or the greater Part of them, whereof the Governor, or the Deputy of the Governor, from Time to Time, to be one, shall and may, from Time to Time, and at all Times hereafter, have Authority and Power, yearly and every Year, on the first Day of July, or at any time within Six Diys after that Day, to assemble and meet together, in some convenient place, to be from Time to Time appointed, by the said Governor of the said Company, or in his Absence, by his Deputy\u00a0: And that they being so assembled, it shall and may be lawful, to and for the said Governor or his Deputy, and the Company for the Time being, or the greater Part of them, which then shall happen to be present, whereof the Governor of the said Company, or his Deputy for the Time being, to be one, to elect and nominate Twenty-four of the said Company, which shall be Committee of the said Company, for Ones whole Year, from thence next ensuing which Person being or so elected and nominated to be Committees of the said Company, as aforesaid, before they be admitted to the Execution of their said Offices, shall take a Corporal Oath, before the Governor or his Deputy, and any Six or more of the said Committees of the said Company, being their last Predecessors for the Time being, that they and every of them shall well and faithfully perform their said Office of Committees, in all things concerning the same, and that immediately after the said Oath so taken, they shall and may execute and use their said Offices of Committees of the said Company, for One whole Year, from thence next following; and more over our Will and Pleasure is, and by these Presents, for us our Heirs and Successors, we do grant unto The said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies, and to their Successors, that when and as often as shall happen, the Governor of the said Company for the Time being, at any Time within One Year, after that he shall be nominated, elected and sworn to the office of Governor of the said Company, as is aforesaid, to die or to be removed from the said Office, which Governor, not demeaning himself well in his said Office, we will to be removeable at the Pleasure of the said Company, or the greater Part of them, which shall be present, at any of their publick Assemblies, commonly called their General Court, holden for the said Company, that then and so often it shall and may be lawful, to and for the Residue of the said Company for the Time being, or the greater Part of them, within convenient Time after the Death or removing of any such Governor, to assemble themselves in such convenient Place as they shall think fit, for the Election of the Governor of the said Company\u00a0: and that the said Company, or the greater Part of them, being then and there present, shall and may, then and there, before their Departure from the said Place, elect and nominate one other of the said Company, to be Governor of the same Company, in the Place or Stead of him that so died or was so removed, which Person, being so elected, and nominated to the Office of Governor of the said Company, shall have and exercise the said Office for and during the Residue of the said Year, taking first a Corporal Oath as is aforesaid, for the due Execution thereof\u00a0; and this to be done from Time to Time, so often as the Case shall so require. And also our Will and Pleasure is, and by these Presents, for us, our Heirs and Successors, we do grant unto The said Governor and Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies, and to their Successors, that when and as often as it shall happen, any of the Committees of the said Company for the Time being, at any Time within One Year, next after that they or any of them shall be nominated, elected, and sworn to the Office of Committees of the said Company, as is aforesaid, to die or be removed from the said Office, which Committees, not demeaning themselves well in their said Office, we will to be removable, at the Pleasure of The said Governor and Company or the greater Part of them, whereof the Governor of the said Company, for the Time being, or his Deputy for the Time being, to be one that then and so often, it shall and may be lawful, to and for The said Governor and Company for the Time being, or the greater Part of them, whereof the Governor for the Time being or his Deputy, to be one, within convenient Time, after the Death or removing of any of the said Committees, to assemble themselves in such convenient Place, as is or shall be usual and accustomed for the Election of The Governor of the said Company, or where else The Governor of the said Company for the Time being, or his Deputy, shall appoint\u00a0; and The said Governor and Company, or the greater Part of them, whereof the Governor for the Time being, his Deputy, to be one, being then and there present, shall and may then and there, before their Departure from the said Place elect and nominate one or more of the said Company, to be Committees of the same Company, in the Places and Steads^ Place or Stead, of him or them . that so died, or were or was so removed, which Person or Persons, so elected and nominated to the Office or Offices of Committee, or Committees, of the said Company, shall have and exercise the said Office and Offices, during the Residue of the said Year, taking first a Corporal Oath as is aforesaid, for the due Execution thereof, and this to be done from Time to Time, so often as the Case shall require. And further we do, by these Presents, for us, our Heirs and Successors, will and grant unto The said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies, and their Successors, that they, and all that are or shall be of The said Company of Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies, and every of them, and all the Sons of them, at their several Ages of One and Twenty Years or upwards\u00a0: And further, all such the Apprentices, Factors or Servants of them, and of every of them, which hereafter shall be employed by The said Governor and Company, in the said Trade of Merchandize, of or to the East-Indies, beyond the Seas, or any other the Places aforesaid, in any part of the said East-Indies, or other the Places aforesaid, shall and may, by the Space of Fifteen Years, from the Feast of the Birth of our Lord God last past, before the Date hereof, freely traffick and use the Trade of Merchandize, by Seas, in and by such Ways and Passages already found out and discovered, or which hereafter shall be found out and discovered, as they shall esteem and take to be fittest, into and from the said East-Indies, in the Countries and Parts of Asia and Africa, and into and from all the Islands, Ports, Havens\u00a0; Cities, Creeks, Towns and Places of Asia and Africa, and America, or any of them, beyond the Cape of Bona Esperanza to the Straights of Magellan, where any Trade or Traffick of Merchandize may be used or had, and to and from every of them, in such Order, Manner, Form, Liberty and Condition, to all Intents and Purposes, as shall be, from Time to Time, at any publick Assembly or Court, held by or for The said Governor and Company, by or between them of the said Fellowship or Company of Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies, or the more Part of them, for the Time being, present at such Assembly or Court, the Governor, or his Deputy, being always present at such Court or Assembly, limited and agreed, and not otherwise, without any Molestation, Impeachment, or Disturbance, any Statute, Usage, Diversity of Religion or Faith or any other Cause or Matter whatsoever, to the contrary notwithstanding\u00a0: So always the same Trade be not undertaken nor addressed to any Country, Island, Port, Haven, City, Creek, Town or Place, already in the lawful and actual Possession of any such Christian Prince or State, as at this present is, or at any Time hereafter shall be in League or Amity with us, our Heirs or Successors, and who doth not or will not accept of such Trade, but doth overtly declared and publish the same to be utterly against his or their Good Will and Liking.<\/p>\n<p>And further our Will and Pleasure is, and by these Presents, for us our Heirs and Successors, we do grant unto The said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies, and to their Successors, that it shall and may be lawful, to and for The said Governor and Company, and their Successors, from Time to Time to assemble themselves for or about any the Matters, Causes, Affairs or Businesses of the said Trade, in any Place or Places, for the same convenient, during the said Term of Fifteen Years, within our Dominions or elsewhere, and there to hold Court for the said Company, and the Affairs thereof; and that also it shall and may be lawful, to and for them, or the more Part of them, being so assembled, and that shall then and there be present, in any such Place or Places, whereof the Governor or his Deputy for the Time being, to be one, to make, ordain, and constitute such, and so many reasonable Laws, Constitutions, Orders and Ordinances, as to them, or the greater Part of them, being then and there present, shall seem necessary and convenient, for the good Government of the same Company, and of all Factors, Masters, Mariners and other Officers, employed or to be employed in any of their Voyages, and for the better Advancement and Continuance of the said Trade and Traffick, and the same Laws, Constitutions, Orders and Ordinances, so made, to put in use and execute accordingly, and at their Pleasure to revoke or alter the same, or any of them as Octatian shall require; and that The said Governor and Company, so often as they shall make, ordain or establish any such Laws, Constitutions, Orders or Ordinances, in Form aforesaid, shall and may lawfully impose, ordain, limit and provide such Pains, Punishments and Penalties, by Imprisonment of Body, or by Fines and Amerciaments, or by all or any of them upon and against all Offenders, contrary to such Laws, Constitutions, Orders and Ordinances, or any of them as to The said Governor and Company for the Time being, or the greater Part of them, then and there being present, the said Governor, or his Deputy, being always one, shall seem necessary, requisite and convenient, for the Observation of the same Laws, Constitutions, Orders and Ordinances; and the same Fine and Amerciaments shall and may levy, take and have, to the Use of The said Governor and Company, and their Successors, without the Impediment of us, our Heirs or Successors, or of any the Officers or Ministers of us, our Heirs or Successors, and without any Account thereof, to us, our Heirs or Successors, to be rendered or made\u00a0; all and singular which Laws, Constitutions, Orders and Ordinances, so as aforesaid to be made, we will to be duly observed and kept, under the Pain and Penalties therein to be contained\u00a0; so always as the said Laws, Orders, Constitutions, Ordinances, Imprisonments, Fines and Amerciaments be reasonable, and not contrary or repugnant to the Laws, Statutes, or Customs of this our Realm.<\/p>\n<p>And for as much as The said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies, have not yet experienced of the Kinds of Commodities and Merchandizes, which are or will be vendible, or to be uttered in the said Parts of the East-Indies, and therefore shall be driven to carry to those Parts, in their Voyages outward, divers and sundry Commodities, which are likely to be returned again to this our Realm: We therefore of our especial Grace, certain Knowledge and mere Motion, for the better encouraging of The said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, Trading into the said East-Indies, and for the Advancement of the said Trade, do grant unto The said Governor and Company, and to their Successors, that they and their Successors, during the Four First Voyages, which they shall make, or set forth, for or towards the said East-Indies, shall and may transport, and carry out of our Realm of England, and the Ports, Creeks and Havens thereof, all such and so much Goods and Merchandizes, being Goods and Merchandizes lawfully passable and transportable out of this Realm, and not prohibited to be transported by any Law or Statute of this Realm, as shall be by them, their Factors Assigns, shipped in any Ship or Ships, Vessel or Vessels, to be employed in any of the said Four First Voyages, free of Custom, Subsidy or Poundage, or any other Duties or Payments, to us or our Successors, due or belonging, for the shipping or transporting of the same, or any of them; and yet nevertheless our Will and Pleasure is and we do, by these Presents, straitly charge and command, that all and every such Goods and Merchandizes, so to be transported out of this realm, from Time to Time, during the said Four First Voyages, as is aforesaid, shall, from Time to Time, be duly entered by the Customer, Controller or other Officer of such Port, Creek or Place, where the same Goods and Merchandizes shall happen to be shipped and laden, before such Time as the same shall be shipped, or laden, to be transported as is aforesaid\u00a0:<\/p>\n<p>And also of our further especial Grace, certain Knowledge and mere Motion, we do, for us, our Heirs and Successors, grant to and with the said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies, and their successors, that when and as often, at any Time, during the said Time and space of Fifteen years, as any custom. Poundage, Subsidy, or other duties, shall be due and payable unto us, our Heirs, or Successors, for any goods, Wares, or Merchandizes whatsoever, to be returned out or from any the Islands, Ports, Havens, Cities, Towns or places aforesaid, unto our Port of London, or any of the Havens, Creeks, Members or Places to the same Port belonging, that the customers and all other Officers for the Time being, of us, our Heirs or Successors, for or concerning Receipts of Customs, Poundage, Subsidies or other Duties, unto whom it shall appertain, shall upon the Request of the Governor and Company of the said Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies, or any their Agents, Factors or Assigns, give unto the said Governor and Company, their Agents, Factors or Assigns, Six Months&#8217; time, for payment of the one Half, and after those Six months ended, other Six Months&#8217; Time, for the payment of the other Half, of their said customs, Poundage, or other subsidy or duties, receiving good and sufficient bonds, with Surety, to the Use of us, our Heirs and Successors, for the true payment of the same accordingly\u00a0; and upon receipt of the said Bonds, with surety, from Time to Time, to give unto The said Governor and company of Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies, for the Time being their Agents, Factors or Assigns, their cocket or other warrant, to take out and receive on land the same Goods, Wares, or Merchandizes, by virtue thereof, without any Disturbance\u00a0; and that also as often as at any time, during the said time of years, any Goods, Wares or Merchandizes of the said Governor and company, for the Time being, laden from our Port of London, or any the Creeks, Members or places to the same Port belonging, to be transported to or towards any the islands Ports, Havens, Cities, Towns or places aforesaid, shall happen to miscarry or be lost, before their safe Arrival or Discharge in the Ports, for and to which the same shall be sent, that then and so often so much custom Poundage, Subsidies, or other Duties, as they answered to us, for the same, before their going forth of our said Ports, Havens or Creeks, shall, after due Proof made, before the Treasurer of England, for the Time being, of the said Loss, and the just Quantity thereof, be, by Virtue hereof, allowed to The said Governor and Company, their Agents or Factors, by Warrant of the said Treasurer, to the said Customers or Officers, in the next Goods, Wares or Merchandizes, that The said Governor and company, or their Successors, shall or may ship, for or towards those Parts, according to the true Rates of the customs. Poundage or Subsidies, before paid for the Goods, Wares or Merchandizes, so lost or miscarrying, or any Part thereof.<\/p>\n<p>And for that, The said Governor and company of Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies, are like to bring to this our Realm, a much greater Quantity of foreign commodities, from the Parts of the said East-Indies, than can be spent for the necessary Use of the same our Realm, which of Necessity must be transported into other countries, and there vended, we, for us, our Heirs and Successors, of our especial Grace, certain Knowledge and mere Motion, do grant to and with The said Governor and company of Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies, and their Successors, that at all Times, from Time to Time, during the Space of Thirteen Months, next after the Discharge of any the same foreign Commodities, so to be brought in, the Subsidies, Poundage, customs, and other Duties for the same, being first paid or compounded for as .aforesaid, it shall be lawful for The said Governor and Company, and their Successors, or any other the natural Subjects of this our Realm, which may or shall buy the same of them, to transport the same in English Bottoms, freely out of this Realm as well ungarbled as garbled, without Payment of any further custom, Poundage, or any further Subsidy, to us, our Heirs or Successors for the same\u00a0; whereof the Subsidy, Poundage, customs or other Duties, shall be so formerly paid or compounded for as aforesaid, and so proved\u00a0; and the said customer or other Officer or Officers, to whom it shall in that Behalf appertain, for the Time being, by Virtue hereof, shall, upon due and sufficient Proof thereof, made in the Custom-house of or belonging to the same Port of London, give them sufficient Cocket or Certificate for the safe passing out thereof accordingly: And to the End no Deceit be used herein, to us, our Heirs or Successors, Certificate shall be brought from the collector of the custom Subsidy, Poundage or other Duties, inwards, of us, our Heirs or Successors, to the Collector of the Custom, Subsidy, Poundage or other Duties, outward, of us, our Heirs and Successors, that the said Goods, Wares, and Merchandizes, have, within the Time limited, answered their due custom, Subsidy, Poundage or other duties, for the same inwards: And moreover, we of our further especial Grace, certain Knowledge and mere Motion, have granted, and by these Presents, for us, our Heirs and Successors, do grant unto The said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies, that it shall and may be lawful for them, their Factors or Assigns, in their First Voyage or Fleet, which is now in preparing for their First Adventure to the said East-Indies, to transport out of this our Realm of England, all such foreign Coin of Silver, either Spanish or other foreign Silver, as they have procured, prepared and gotten, or shall procure, prepare or get, as likewise all such other Coin of Silver, as they have procured, or shall procure, to be coined in our Mint, within our Tower of London, out of such Plate or Bullion, as is or shall be provided, by The said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies, their Factors or Assigns before the going forth of the same Fleet in this their First Voyage, so as the whole Quantity of Coin, or Monies to be transported, in this their said First Voyage, do not exceed the Value or Sum of \u00a330,000 Sterling, and so as the Sum of\u00a0\u00a36,000, at the least, parcel of the said Sum of \u00a330,000, be first coined in our Mint, within our Tower of London, before the same shall be transported as aforesaid, any Law, Statute, Restraint or prohibition, in that behalf not withstanding\u00a0: And in like Manner, of our like especial Grace, certain Knowledge and mere Motion, we have granted, and by these Presents, do for us, our Heirs and Successors, grant unto the said, Governor and Company of Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies, and their Successors, that it shall and may be lawful, to and for The said Governor and Company, and their Successors, after the said First Voyage, set forth yearly, for and during the Residue of the said Term of Fifteen Years, to ship and transport out of this our Realm of England, or Dominions of the same, in any their other Voyages, to or towards any the Parts, aforesaid, in Form afore-mentioned, all such foreign Coin of Silver, Spanish or other foreign Silver, or Bullion of Silver, as they shall, during the said Term, bring or cause to be brought into this Realm of England, from the Parts beyond the Seas, either in the same Kind, Sort, Stamp or Fashion, which it shall have when they bring it in, or any other Form, Stamp or Fashion, to be coined within our Mint, within our Tower of London, at their Pleasure\u00a0; so as the whole Quantity of Coin or Monies, by them to be transported, in any their said Voyages, during the Residue of the said Terms, do not exceed the Value or Sum of\u00a0\u00a330,000 in any One Voyage\u00a0; and so as the Sum of\u00a0\u00a36,000 at the least. Parcel of the said Sum or Value of \u00a330,000, so to be transported as aforesaid, be first coined, within our said Tower of London, before the same shall be transported in any of the said Voyages, any law, Statute, Restraint or Prohibition, in that Behalf in anywise notwithstanding\u00a0: And further we of our ample and abundant Grace, mere Motion and certain knowledge, have granted, and by these Presents, for us, our Heirs and Successors, do grant unto The said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies, and their Successors, that they and their Successors, and their Factors, Servants and Assigns, in the Trade of Merchandise, for them and on their Behalf, and not otherwise, shall, for the said Term of Fifteen Years, have, use, and enjoy, the whole entire and only Trade and Traffick, and the whole entire and only Liberty, Use and Privilege of trading and Trafficking, and using Feat and Trade of Merchandize to and from the said East-Indies, and to and from all the Islands, Ports, Havens, Cities, Towns and Places aforesaid, in such Manner and Form as is above mentioned\u00a0: and that they The said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies and every particular and several Person, that now is or that hereafter shall be of that Company, or Incorporation, shall have full and free Authority, Liberty, Faculty, License and Power, in Form aforesaid, to trade and traffick to and from the said East-Indies, and all and every the Parts thereof, in Form aforesaid, according to the Orders, Ordinances and Agreements hereafter to be made and agreed upon, by The said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies, and their Successors, or the more Part of them, present at any Court or Publick Assembly, of or for the said Company, the Governor of the said Company, or his Deputy for the Time being, being always present, at such Court or Assembly, and not otherwise\u00a0: And for that the Ships, sailing into the said East-Indies, must take their due and proper Times, to proceed in their Voyages, which otherwise, as we well perceive, cannot be performed in the Rest of the Year following: Therefore we of our especial Grace, certain Knowledge and mere Motion, for us, our Heirs and Successors, do grant, to and with The said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies, and their Successors, that, in any Time of Restraint, Six good Ships and Six good Pinnaces, well furnished with Ordnance, and other Munition for their Defence, and Five Hundred Mariners, English Men, to guide and sail in the same Six Ships and Six Pinnaces, at all Times, during the said Term of Fifteen Years, shall quietly be permitted and suffered to depart, and go in the said Voyages, according to the purport of these presents, without any Stay or Contradiction, by us, our Heirs or Successors, or by the Lord High Admiral, or any other Officer or Subject of us, our Heirs or Successors, for the Time being, in any wise, any Restraint, Law, Statute, Usage or Matter whatsoever, to the contrary notwithstanding. Provided nevertheless, that if we shall, at any Time within the said Term of Fifteen Years, have just Cause to arm our Navy in Warlike Manner, in Defence of our Realm, or for Offence of our Enemies, or that it shall be found needful to join to the Navy of us, our Heirs or Successors, the Ships of our Subjects, to be also armed for the Wars, to such a Number as cannot be supplied, if the said Six Ships and Six Pinnaces should be permitted to depart, as above is mentioned, then upon Knowledge given, by us, our Heirs or Successors, or by our Admiral to The said Governor and Company, about the 20th Day of the Month of July, or Three Months before The said Governor and Company shall begin to make ready the same Six Ships and Six Pinnaces, that we may not spare the said Six Ships and Six Pinnaces, and the Mariners requisite for them, to be out of our Realm during the Time that our Navy shall be upon the Seas, that then the said Governor and Company shall forbear to send Six such Ships and Six Pinnaces, for their Trade and Merchandize, until that we shall revoke or withdraw our said Navy from the said Service\u00a0:<\/p>\n<p>and we of our further Royal Favour, and of our especial Grace, certain Knowledge and mere Motion, have granted, and by these Presents, for us, our Heirs and Successors, do grant to The said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies, and to their Successors that the said East-Indies, nor the Islands, Havens, Ports, Cities, Towns or Places thereof nor any part thereof shall not be visited, frequented or haunted by any of the Subjects of us, our Heirs or Successors, during the same Term of Fifteen Years, contrary to the true Meaning of these Presents\u00a0: And by Virtue of our Prerogative Royal, which we will not in that behalf have argued, or brought in Question we straitly charge, command and prohibit, for us, our Heirs and Successors, all the Subjects of us, our Heirs and Successors, of what Degree or Quality soever they be, that none of them, directly or indirectly do visit, haunt, frequent or trade, traffick or adventure, by way of merchandise into or from any of the said East-Indies, or into or from any the Islands, Ports, Havens, Cities, Towns or Places aforesaid, other than the said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies, and such particular Persons as now be, or hereafter shall be of that Company, their Agents, Factors and Assigns during the said Term of Fifteen Years, unless it be by and with such License and Agreement of the said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies, in writing first had and obtained, under their Common Seal to be granted, upon Pain that every such Person or Persons that shall trade or traffick into or from any of the said East-Indies, other than the said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies, and their Successors, shall incur our Indignation, and the Forfeiture and Loss of the Goods, Merchandizes, and other Things whatever, which so shall be brought into this Realm of England, or any the Dominions of the same, contrary to our said Prohibition, or the Purport or true Meaning of these Presents, as also the Ship and Ships with the Furniture thereof, wherein such Goods, Merchandizes, or Things shall be brought; the One Half of all the said Forfeitures to be to us, our Heirs and Successors, and the other Half of all and every the said Forfeitures, we do, by these Presents, of our especial Grace, certain Knowledge and mere Motion, clearly and wholly for us, our Heirs and Successors, give, and grant unto The said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies\u00a0: And further all and every the said Offenders, for their said Contempt, to suffer Imprisonment during our Pleasure, and such other Punishment, as to us, our Heirs or Successors, for so high a Contempt, shall seem meet and convenient, and not to be in anywise delivered, until they and every of them shall become bound unto the said Governor for the Time being in the sum of \u00a31,000 at the least, at no Time then after, during this Present Grant, to sail or traffick into any of the said East-Indies, contrary to our express Commandment in that Behalf herein set down and published: And further, for the better Encouragement of Merchants,&#8217; Strangers or others, to bring in Commodities into our Realm, we for us, our Heirs and Successors, do grant unto The said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies, that they and their Successors, may, from Time to Time, for any Consideration or Benefit, to be taken to their own Use, grant or give License, to any the Person or Persons to sail, trade or Traffic into or from any the said East-Indies, so as such License be granted or given, before such Goods. Wares and Merchandizes be laid on Land, and so as such License be made by the said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies, for the Time being, under their Common Seal\u00a0: And further of our especial Grace, certain Knowledge and mere Motion, we have condescended and granted, and by these Presents, for us, our Heirs and Successors, we do condescend and grant unto The said Governor and Company of merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies, and their Successors that we, our Heirs and Successors, during the said Term of fifteen Years, will not grant Liberty, License or Power to any Person or Persons whatsoever, contrary to the Tenor of these our Letters Patents, to sail, pass, trade or traffick, to the said East-Indies, or into or from the Islands, Ports, Havens, Cities, Towns or Places aforesaid, or any of them, contrary to the true Meaning of these Presents, without the Consent of The said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies, or the most Part of them\u00a0: And our Will and Pleasure is, and hereby we do also ordain, that it shall and may be lawful, to and for The said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies, or the more Part of them, whereof the Governor for the Time being, or his Deputy, to be one, to admit into and to be of the said Company, all such Apprentices, to any of The said Fellowship or Company, and all such Servants and Factors, of and for the said Company, and all such other, as to them, or the most Part of them, present at any Court, held for the said Company, the Governor, or his Deputy, being one, shall be thought fit and agreeable, with the Orders and Ordinances to be made for the Government of the said Company. Provided always, that if any of the Persons, before named and appointed, by these Presents, to be free of The said Company of Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies, shall not before the going forth of the Fleet, appointed for this First Voyage, from the port of London, bring in and deliver to the Treasurer or Treasurers appointed, or which, within the Space of Twenty Days next after the Date hereof, shall be appointed, by the said Governor and Company, or the more Part of them, to receive the Contributions and Adventures, set down by the several Adventurers, in this last and present Voyage, now in hand, to be set forth, such Sums of Money as have been, by any of the said Persons, by these presents, nominated to be of the said Company, expressed, set down and written in a Book for that Purpose, and left in the Hands of the said Thomas Smith, Governor of the said Company, or of the said Paul Banning, Alderman of London, and subscribed with the Names of the same Adventurers, under their Hands, and agreed upon to be adventured in the said First Voyage, that then, it shall be lawful for The said Governor and Company, or the more Part of them, whereof the said Governor or his Deputy, to be one, at any their General Court, or General Assembly, to remove, disfranchise and displace him or them at their Wills and Pleasures. And the said Governor and Company, of Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies, for them and their Successors, do, by these Presents, covenant, promise and grant, to and with us, our Heirs and Successors, that they The said Governor and Company, and their Successors, in all and every such Voyages, as they at any Time or Times hereafter, during the said Term, shall make out of this Realm, by Virtue of this our Grant and Letters Patents, the First Voyage only excepted, shall and will, upon every Return which shall be made back again into this Realm, or any of our Dominions, or within Six Months next after every such Return, bring into this our Realm of England, from the said East-Indies, or from some other Parts, beyond the Seas, out of our Dominions as great or greater Value in Bullion of Gold or Silver, or other foreign Coin of Gold or Silver, respectively, for every Voyage, the First Voyage only excepted, as shall be by Force of these Presents transported and carried out of this Realm, by them or any of them, in any Kind of Silver above said whatsoever, in any of the said Voyages\u00a0; and that all such Silver, as by Virtue of this our Grant and Letters Patents, shall be shipped or laden by The said Governor and Company, or their Successors, to be transported out of this Realm, in any of the said Voyages, shall from Time to Time, at the setting forth of every such particular Voyage, be shipped and laden at the Ports or Havens of London, Dartmouth, or Plymouth, or at some of the same Ports or Havens, and at no other Port or Haven whatsoever, within this our Realm, or the Dominions thereof\u00a0; and that all and every such Silver, as from Time to Time shall be shipped and laden in the said Ports of London, Dartmouth, or Plymouth, or any of them, to be by Force of these Presents transported out of this Realm, as is aforesaid shall from Time to Time be duly entered by the Customer, Controller, Collector or other Officer to whom it shall appertain, of every such Port or Haven, where the same shall happen to be shipped or laden, in the Custom-Book belonging to the said Port or Haven, before such Time as the same shall be shipped or laden, to be transported as is aforesaid, without any Custom or Subsidy, to be paid for the same\u00a0; and that in like Manner, all and all Manner of Gold and Silver whatsoever which shall be brought into this Realm, or any of our Dominions, by The said Governor and Company, or any of them, according to the true Meaning of these Presents, shall likewise be, from Time to Time, duly entered by the Customer, Controller, or other Officer of every such Port, Creek or Place, where the same Gold or Silver shall happen to de unshipped, or brought to Land, before such Time as the same Gold or Silver or any Part thereof, shall be unshipped or brought to Land, as is aforesaid. Provided always, nevertheless, and our Will and Pleasure is, that these our Letters Patents, or any Thing therein contained, shall not in any Sort extend to give or grant any License, Power or Authority unto The said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies, or to any of them to undertake or address any Trade unto any Country, Port, Island, Haven, City, Creek, Town or Place, being already in the lawful and actual Possession of any such Christian Prince or State, as at this present is, or at any Time hereafter shall be in League or Amity, with us, our Heirs or Successors, and which doth not, or will not accept of such Trade, but doth overtly declare and publish the same, to be utterly against his or their Good-Will and Liking, any Thing before in these presents contained, to the contrary thereof notwithstanding. Provided also, that if it shall, hereafter appear to us, our Heirs or Successors, that this Grant or the Continuance thereof, in the Whole or in any Part thereof, shall not be profitable to us, our Heirs and Successors, or to this our Realm, that then,&#8217; and from thenceforth, upon and after Two Years Warning, to be given to the said Company, by us, our Heirs or Successors, under our or their Privy Seal, or Sign Manual, this present Grant shall cease, be void and determined, to all Intents, Constructions and Purposes\u00a0: And further of our especial Grace, certain Knowledge and mere Motion, we have condescended and granted, and by these Presents for us our Heirs and Successors, do condescend and grant to The said Governor and Company of Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies, and their Successors that if at the End of the said Term of Fifteen Years, it shall seem meet and Convenient unto The said Governor and Company, or any the Parties aforesaid, that this present Grant shall be continued, and if that also it shall appear unto us, our Heirs and Successors, that the Continuance thereof shall not be prejudicial or hurtful to this our Realm, but that we shall find the further Continuance thereof profitable for us, our Heirs and Successors, and for our Realm, with such Conditions as are herein mentioned, or with some Alteration or Qualification thereof, that then we, our Heirs or Successors, at the Instance and humble Petition of The said Governor and Company, or any of them, to be made unto us, our Heirs and Successors, will grant and make unto The said Governor and Company, or any of them, so suing for the same\u00a0; and such other Person and Persons, our Subjects, as they shall nominate and appoint, or shall be by us, our Heirs or Successors, newly nominated, not exceeding in Number Twenty-Four, new Letters Patents, under the Great Seal of England, in due Form of Law, with the like Covenants, Grants, Clauses and Articles, as in these Presents are contained, or with Addition of other necessary Articles, or changing of these into some other Pa4ts, for and during the full Term of Fifteen Years, then next following\u00a0; willing hereby and straitly charging and commanding all and singular our Admirals, Vice-Admirals Justices, Mayors, Sheriffs, Escheators, Constables, Bailiffs, and all and singular other our Officers, Ministers, Liege Men and Subjects whatsoever, to be aiding, favouring helping and assisting unto The said Governor and Company, and to their Successors, and to their Deputies, Officers, Factors, Servants Assigns and Ministers and every of them, in executing and enjoying the Premises, as well on Land as on Sea, from Time to Time, when you or any of you shall thereunto be required, any Statue, Act, Ordinance, Proviso, Proclamation or Restraint, heretofore had, made, set forth, ordained, or provided, or any other Matter, Cause or Thing whatsoever, to the contrary in any way notwithstanding\u00a0; although express Mention of the true yearly Value or Certainty of the Premises, or of any of them, or of any other Gifts or Grants, by us, or any of our Progenitors, to the said Governor and. Company of Merchants of London, Trading into the East-Indies, or to any of them, before this Time made, in these Presents is not made, or any Statute, Act, Ordinance, Provision Proclamation or Restraint, to the contrary heretofore had made, ordained or provided, or any other Thing, Cause or Matter whatsoever, in any wise notwithstanding. In Witness whereof, we have caused these our Letters to be made Patents: Witness Ourself, at Westminster, the Thirty-first Day of December, in the Three and Fortieth Year of our Reign.<\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<p><strong>Shaw, John.\u00a0<em>Charters relating to the East India Company from 1600-1761<\/em>. Madras: Madras Government Press, 1887. pp. 1-15.<\/strong><\/p>\n\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--label-1\">Colonel Clive to the Secret Committee of the Directors (1757)<\/a>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--icon-1\"><i>Expand<\/i><\/a>\n\t\t<strong>Colonel Clive to the Secret Committee of the Directors, 26 July 1757<br \/>\n<\/strong><em>Robert Clive, 1st Baron Clive<\/em><strong><br \/>\n<\/strong>\n<hr \/>\n<p>I gave you an account of the taking of Chandernagore; the subject of this address is an event of much higher importance, no less than the entire overthrow of Nabob Suraj-u-Dowlah, and the placing of Meer Jaffier on the throne. I intimated, in my last, how dilatory Suraj-u-Dowlah appeared in fulfilling the articles of the treaty. This disposition not only continued but increased, and we discovered that he was designing our ruin, by a conjunction with the French. To this end Monsieur Bussy was pressingly invited to come into this province, and Monsieur Law of Cossimbazar (who before had been privately entertained in his service) was ordered to return from Patna.<\/p>\n<p>About this time some of his principal officers made overtures to us for dethroning him. At the head of these was Meer Jaffier, then\u00a0<em>Bukhshee<\/em>\u00a0to the army, a man as generally esteemed as the other was detested. As we had reason to believe this disaffection pretty general, we soon entered into engagements with Meer Jaffier to put the crown on his head. All necessary preparations being completed with the utmost secrecy, the army, consisting of about one thousand Europeans, and two thousand sepoys, with eight pieces of cannon, marched from Chandernagore on the 13th, and arrived on the 18th at Cutwa Fort, which was taken without opposition. The 22nd, in the evening, we crossed the river, and landing on the island, marched straight for Plassey Grove, Where we arrived by one in the morning. At daybreak, we discovered the Nabob&#8217;s army moving towards us, consisting, as we since found, of about fifteen thousand horse, and thirty-five thousand foot, with upwards of forty pieces of cannon. They approached apace, and by six began to attack with a number of heavy cannon, supported by the whole army, and continued to play on us very briskly for several hours, during which our situation was of the utmost service to us, being lodged in a large grove, with good mud banks. To succeed in an attempt on their cannon was next to impossible, as they were planted in a manner round us, and at considerable distances from each other. We therefore remained quiet in our post, in expectation of a successful attack upon their camp at night. About noon, the enemy drew off their artillery, and retired to their camp, being the same which Roy Dullub had left but a few days before, and which be had fortified with a good ditch and breastwork. We immediately sent a detachment, accompanied with two field-pieces, to take possession of a tank with high banks, which was advanced about three hundred yards above our grove, and from whence the enemy had considerably annoyed us with some cannon managed by Frenchmen. This motion brought them out a second time; but on finding them make no great effort to dislodge us, we proceeded to take possession of one or two more eminences lying very near an angle of their camp, from whence, and an adjacent eminence in their, possession, they kept a smart fire of musketry upon us. They made several attempts to bring out their cannon, but our advanced field-pieces played so warmly and so well upon them, that they were always drove back. Their horse exposing themselves a good deal on this occasion, many of them were killed, and among the rest four or five officers of the first distinction, by which the whole army being visibly dispirited and thrown into some confusion, we were encouraged to storm both the eminence and the angle of their camp, which were carried at the same instant, with little or no loss; though the latter was defended (exclusive of blacks) by forty French and two pieces of cannon; and the former by a large body of blacks, both foot and horse. On this, a general rout ensued, and we pursued the enemy six miles, passing upwards of forty pieces of cannon they had abandoned, with an infinite number of hackeries, and carriages filled with baggage of all kinds. Suraj-u-Dowlah escaped on a camel, and reaching Moorshedabad early next morning, dispatched away what jewels and treasure he conveniently could, and he himself followed at midnight, with only two or three attendants.<\/p>\n<p>It is computed there are killed of the enemy about five hundred. Our loss amounted to only twenty-two killed, and fifty wounded, and those chiefly blacks. During the warmest part of the action we observed a large body of troops hovering on our right, which proved to be our friends; but as they never discovered themselves by any signal whatsoever, we frequently fired on them to make them keep their distance. When the battle was over, they sent a congratulatory message, and encamped in our neighbourhood that night. The next morning Meer Jaffier paid me a visit, and expressed much gratitude at the service done him, assuring me, in the most solemn manner, that he would faithfully perform his engagement to the English. He then proceeded to the city, which he reached some hours before Suraj-u-Dowlah left it.<\/p>\n<p>As, immediately on Suraj-u-Dowlah&#8217;s flight, Meer Jaffier found himself in peaceable possession of the palace and. city, I encamped without, to prevent the inhabitants from being plundered or disturbed; first at Maudipoor, and afterwards at the French factory at Sydabad. However, I sent forward Messrs. Watts, and Walsh to inquire into the state of the treasury, and inform me what was transacted at the palace. By their representations I soon found it necessary for me to be present, on many accounts; accordingly, I entered the city on the 29th, with a guard of two hundred Europeans and three hundred sepoys, and, took up my quarters in a spacious house and garden near the palace. The same evening I waited on Meer Jaffier, who refused seating himself on the musnud till placed on it by me; which done, he received homage as Nabob from all his courtiers. The next morning he returned my visit; when, after a good deal of discourse on the situation of his affairs, I recommended him to consult Jugget Seit on all occasions, who being a man of sense, and having by far the greatest property among all his subjects, would give him the best advice for settling the kingdom in peace and security.<\/p>\n<p>On this, he proposed that we should immediately set out together to visit him, which being complied with, solemn engagements were entered into by the three parties, for a strict union and mutual support of each other&#8217;s interests. Jugget Seit then undertook to use his whole interest at Delhi (which is certainly very great), to get the Nabob acknowledged by the Mogul, and our late grants confirmed; likewise to procure for us any firmans we might have occasion for.<\/p>\n<p>The substance of the treaty with the present Nabob is as follows:<\/p>\n<blockquote>1st. Confirmation of the mint, and all other grants and privileges in the treaty with the late Nabob.<br \/>\n2ndly. An alliance, offensive and defensive, against all enemies whatever.<br \/>\n3rdly. The French factories and effects to be delivered up, and they never permitted to resettle in any of the three provinces.<br \/>\n4thly. 100 lacs of rupees to be paid to the Company, in consideration of their losses at Calcutta and the expenses of the campaign.<br \/>\n5thly. 50 lacs to be given to the English sufferers at the loss of Calcutta.<br \/>\n6thly. 20 lacs to Gentoos, Moors, &amp;c., black sufferers at the loss of Calcutta.<br \/>\n7thly. 7 lacs to the Armenian sufferers. These three last donations to be distributed at the pleasure of the Admiral and gentlemen of Council, including me.<br \/>\n8thly. The entire property of all lands within the Mahratta ditch, which runs round Calcutta, to be vested in the Company: also, six hundred yards, all round, without, the said ditch.<br \/>\n9thly. The Company to have the zemindary of the country to the south of Calcutta, lying between the lake and river, and reaching as far as Culpee, they paying the customary rents paid by the former zemindars to the government.<br \/>\n10thly. Whenever the assistance of the English troops shall be wanted, their extraordinary charges to be paid by the Nabob.<br \/>\n11thly. No forts to be erected by the government on the river side, from Hooghley downwards.<br \/>\n12thly. The foregoing articles to be performed without delay, as soon as Meer Jaffier becomes Subadar.<\/blockquote>\nOn examining the treasury, there were found about 150 lacs of rupees, which being too little to answer our demands, much less leave a sufficiency for the Nabob&#8217;s necessary<br \/>\ndisbursements, it was referred to Jugget Seit, as a mutual friend, to settle what payment should be made to us; who accordingly determined, that we should immediately receive one half of our demand, two thirds in money and one third in gold and silver plate, jewels, and goods; and that the other half should be discharged in three years, at three equal and annual payments. The part to be paid in ready money, is received and safely arrived at Calcutta; and the goods, jewels, &amp;c., are now delivered over to us; the major part of which will be bought back by the Nabob for ready money, and on the remaining there will be little or no loss. A large proportion was proposed to have been paid us in jewels; but as they are not a very saleable article, we got the amount reduced one half, and the difference to be made up in. money.\n<p>It is impossible as yet to form a judgement how much the granted lands will produce you, as the Europeans are quite ignorant of the extent of the country between the river and lake; but, in order to give you some idea of the value, I&#8217;ll venture to estimate it at ten lacs per annum. An officer on the part of the Nabob is already dispatched to Calcutta to begin the survey, in company with one of ours.<\/p>\n<p>Suraj-u-Dowlah was not discovered till some days after his flight; however, he was at last taken in the neighbourhood of Rajahmahul, and brought to Moorshedabad on the 2nd inst., late at night. He was immediately cut off by order of the Nabob&#8217;s son, and (as it is said) without the father&#8217;s knowledge. Next morning the Nabob paid me a visit, and thought it necessary to palliate the matter on motives of policy; for that Suraj-u-Dowlah had wrote letters on the road to many of the zemindars of the army, and occasioned some commotions, among them in his favour.<\/p>\n<p>Monsieur Law and his party came as far as Rajahmah-ul to Suraj-u-Dowlah&#8217;s assistance, and were within three hours&#8217; march of him when he was taken. As soon as they heard of his misfortunes, they returned by forced marches; and, by the last advices, had passed, by Patna, on the other side of the river. A party of Europeans and sepoys were quickly dispatched after them; but I am doubtful if we shall be able to overtake them before they get out of the Nabob&#8217;s dominions. Strong letters have been wrote from the Nabob to the Naib of Patna, to distress them all in his power, and to take them prisoners if possible. A compliance with which I am in anxious expectation of.<\/p>\n<p>I ought to observe, that the French I spoke of in the action were some fugitives from Chandernagore, who had assembled at Sydabad. It was by their advice, and indeed by their hands, that the English factory at Cossimbazar was burned and destroyed, after our gentlemen had quitted it on the renewal of the troubles.<\/p>\n<p>The present Nabob has every appearance of being firmly and durably seated on the throne. The whole country has quietly submitted to him, and even the apprehension of an inroad from the side of Delhi is vanished; so that this great revolution, so happily brought about, seems complete in every respect. I persuade myself the importance of your possessions now in Bengal will determine you to send out, not only a large and early supply of troops and good officers, but of capable young gentlemen for the civil branches of your business.<\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<p><strong>Keith, Arthur B.\u00a0<em>Speeches &amp; Documents on Indian Policy, 1750-1921<\/em>. London: Oxford University Press, 1922. pp. 6-13.<\/strong><\/p>\n\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--label-2\">Minute on Indian Education (1835)<\/a>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--icon-2\"><i>Expand<\/i><\/a>\n\t\t<strong>Minute on Education by Thomas Babington Macaulay, 1835<\/strong><br \/>\n<em>Thomas Babington Macaulay, 1st Baron Macaulay<\/em>\n<hr \/>\n<p>Thomas Babbington Macaulay&#8217;s \u201cMinute on Education\u201d (2 February 1835) is a powerful illustration of notions of Western (white superiority) over colonial subjects. It also reflects the belief in Western, and moreover Christian, responsibility to bring \u2018improvement\u2019 to native peoples; best known as the Civilizing Mission. Renowned for his literary and rhetorical skills and speaking from experience after having served on the East India Company\u2019s supreme council (1834-8), in this Minute Macaulay challenges the allocation of money for native students in higher education. At the time, controversy existed between the orientalists (favoring Sanskrit and Arabic) and those who advocated the Anglicization of Indian students. Macaulay dismissed the value of Indian vernacular languages such as Sanskrit and Arabic as being inadequate in both conveying fine literature and more importantly, modern scientific thought. He also argued that these languages, apart from being regressive, weren\u2019t held in esteem among the Indian people.<\/p>\n<p>In this Minute Macaulay argues the superiority of English language as both a means of education and for the general improvement of Indian society. Macaulay wrote, \u201cWe must at present do our best to form a class who may be interpreters between us and the millions whom we govern; a class of persons, Indian in blood and colour, but English in taste, in opinions, in morals, and in intellect.\u201d According to Macaulay, this educated class could then be tasked with helping to refine and enrich the Indian vernacular.<\/p>\n<p>Macaulay spoke neither Sanskrit nor Arabic but did spend four years Calcutta. It was during this \u2018exile\u2019 in India that Macaulay made the greatest impact on the British administration of India, in relation to education and legal reforms.<\/p>\n<p>Scholars of imperial and\/or South Asian history view this Minute as significant as it signifies the consolidation of the use of the English as the language of the British Empire.<\/p>\n<h2><strong>Minute by the Hon&#8217;ble T. B. Macaulay, dated the 2nd February 1835<\/strong><\/h2>\n<p>[1] As it seems to be the opinion of some of the gentlemen who compose the Committee of Public Instruction that the course which they have hitherto pursued was strictly prescribed by the British Parliament in 1813 and as, if that opinion be correct, a legislative act will be necessary to warrant a change, I have thought it right to refrain from taking any part in the preparation of the adverse statements which are.now before us, and to reserve what I had to say on the subject till it should come before me as a Member of the Council of India.<\/p>\n<p>[2] It does not appear to me that the Act of Parliament can by any art of contraction be made to bear the meaning which has been assigned to it. It contains nothing about the particular languages or sciences which are to be studied. A sum is set apart &#8220;for the revival and promotion of literature, and the encouragement of the learned natives of India, and for the introduction and promotion of a knowledge of the sciences among the inhabitants of the British territories.&#8221; It is argued, or rather taken for granted, that by literature the Parliament can have meant only Arabic and Sanscrit literature; that they never would have given the honourable appellation of &#8220;a learned native&#8221; to a native who was familiar with the poetry of Milton, the metaphysics of Locke, and the physics of Newton; but that they meant to designate by that name only such persons as might have studied in the sacred books of the Hindoos all the uses of cusa-grass, and all the mysteries of absorption into the Deity. This does not appear to be a very satisfactory interpretation. To take a parallel case: Suppose that the Pacha of Egypt, a country once superior in knowledge to the nations of Europe, but now sunk far below them, were to appropriate a sum for the purpose &#8220;of reviving and promoting literature, and encouraging learned natives of Egypt,&#8221; would any body infer that he meant the youth of his Pachalik to give years to the study of hieroglyphics, to search into all the doctrines disguised under the fable of Osiris, and to ascertain with all possible accuracy the ritual with which cats and onions were anciently adored? Would he be justly charged with inconsistency if, instead of employing his young subjects in deciphering obelisks, he were to order them to be instructed in the English and French languages, and in all the sciences to which those languages are the chief keys?<\/p>\n<p>[3] The words on which the supporters of the old system rely do not bear them out, and other words follow which seem to be quite decisive on the other side. This lakh of rupees is set apart not only for &#8220;reviving literature in India,&#8221; the phrase on which their whole interpretation is founded, but also &#8220;for the introduction and promotion of a knowledge of the sciences among the inhabitants of the British territories&#8221;&#8211; words which are alone sufficient to authorize all the changes for which I contend.<\/p>\n<p>[4] If the Council agree in my construction no legislative act will be necessary. If they differ from me, I will propose a short act rescinding that I clause of the Charter of 1813 from which the difficulty arises.<\/p>\n<p>[5] The argument which I have been considering affects only the form of proceeding. But the admirers of the oriental system of education have used another argument, which, if we admit it to be valid, is decisive against all change. They conceive that the public faith is pledged to the present system, and that to alter the appropriation of any of the funds which have hitherto been spent in encouraging the study of Arabic and Sanscrit would be downright spoliation. It is not easy to understand by what process of reasoning they can have arrived at this conclusion. The grants which are made from the public purse for the encouragement of literature differ in no respect from the grants which are made from the same purse for other objects of real or supposed utility. We found a sanitarium on a spot which we suppose to be healthy. Do we thereby pledge ourselves to keep a sanitarium there if the result should not answer our expectations? We commence the erection of a pier. Is it a violation of the public faith to stop the works, if we afterwards see reason to believe that the building will be useless? The rights of property are undoubtedly sacred. But nothing endangers those rights so much as the practice, now unhappily too common, of attributing them to things to which they do not belong. Those who would impart to abuses the sanctity of property are in truth imparting to the institution of property the unpopularity and the fragility of abuses. If the Government has given to any person a formal assurance&#8211; nay, if the Government has excited in any person&#8217;s mind a reasonable expectation&#8211; that he shall receive a certain income as a teacher or a learner of Sanscrit or Arabic, I would respect that person&#8217;s pecuniary interests. I would rather err on the side of liberality to individuals than suffer the public faith to be called in question. But to talk of a Government pledging itself to teach certain languages and certain sciences, though those languages may become useless, though those sciences may be exploded, seems to me quite unmeaning. There is not a single word in any public instrument from which it can be inferred that the Indian Government ever intended to give any pledge on this subject, or ever considered the destination of these funds as unalterably fixed. But, had it been otherwise, I should have denied the competence of our predecessors to bind us by any pledge on such a subject. Suppose that a Government had in the last century enacted in the most solemn manner that all its subjects should, to the end of time, be inoculated for the small-pox, would that Government be bound to persist in the practice after Jenner&#8217;s discovery? These promises of which nobody claims the performance, and from which nobody can grant a release, these vested rights which vest in nobody, this property without proprietors, this robbery which makes nobody poorer, may be comprehended by persons of higher faculties than mine. I consider this plea merely as a set form of words, regularly used both in England and in India, in defence of every abuse for which no other plea can be set up.<\/p>\n<p>[6] I hold this lakh of rupees to be quite at the disposal of the Governor-General in Council for the purpose of promoting learning in India in any way which may be thought most advisable. I hold his Lordship to be quite as free to direct that it shall no longer be employed in encouraging Arabic and Sanscrit, as he is to direct that the reward for killing tigers in Mysore shall be diminished, or that no more public money shall be expended on the chaunting at the cathedral.<\/p>\n<p>[7] We now come to the gist of the matter. We have a fund to be employed as Government shall direct for the intellectual improvement of the people of this country. The simple question is, what is the most useful way of employing it?<\/p>\n<p>[8] All parties seem to be agreed on one point, that the dialects commonly spoken among the natives of this part of India contain neither literary nor scientific information, and are moreover so poor and rude that, until they are enriched from some other quarter, it will not be easy to translate any valuable work into them.\u00a0 It seems to be admitted on all sides, that the intellectual improvement of those classes of the people who have the means of pursuing higher studies can at present be affected only by means of some language not vernacular amongst them.<\/p>\n<p>[9] What then shall that language be? One-half of the committee maintain that it should be the English. The other half strongly recommend the Arabic and Sanscrit. The whole question seems to me to be&#8211; which language is the best worth knowing?<\/p>\n<p>[10] I have no knowledge of either Sanscrit or Arabic. But I have done what I could to form a correct estimate of their value. I have read translations of the most celebrated Arabic and Sanscrit works. I have conversed, both here and at home, with men distinguished by their proficiency in the Eastern tongues. I am quite ready to take the oriental learning at the valuation of the orientalists themselves. I have never found one among them who could deny that a single shelf of a good European library was worth the whole native literature of India and Arabia. The intrinsic superiority of the Western literature is indeed fully admitted by those members of the committee who support the oriental plan of education.<\/p>\n<p>[11] It will hardly be disputed, I suppose, that the department of literature in which the Eastern writers stand highest is poetry. And I certainly never met with any orientalist who ventured to maintain that the Arabic and Sanscrit poetry could be compared to that of the great European nations. But when we pass from works of imagination to works in which facts are recorded and general principles investigated, the superiority of the Europeans becomes absolutely immeasurable. It is, I believe, no exaggeration to say that all the historical information which has been collected from all the books written in the Sanscrit language is less valuable than what may be found in the most paltry abridgments used at preparatory schools in England. In every branch of physical or moral philosophy, the relative position of the two nations is nearly the same.<\/p>\n<p>[12] How then stands the case? We have to educate a people who cannot at present be educated by means of their mother-tongue. We must teach them some foreign language. The claims of our own language it is hardly necessary to recapitulate. It stands pre-eminent even among the languages of the West. It abounds with works of imagination not inferior to the noblest which Greece has bequeathed to us, &#8211;with models of every species of eloquence, &#8211;with historical composition, which, considered merely as narratives, have seldom been surpassed, and which, considered as vehicles of ethical and political instruction, have never been equaled&#8211; with just and lively representations of human life and human nature, &#8211;with the most profound speculations on metaphysics, morals, government, jurisprudence, trade, &#8211;with full and correct information respecting every experimental science which tends to preserve the health, to increase the comfort, or to expand the intellect of man. Whoever knows that language has ready access to all the vast intellectual wealth which all the wisest nations of the earth have created and hoarded in the course of ninety generations. It may safely be said that the literature now extant in that language is of greater value than all the literature which three hundred years ago was extant in all the languages of the world together. Nor is this all. In India, English is the language spoken by the ruling class. It is spoken by the higher class of natives at the seats of Government. It is likely to become the language of commerce throughout the seas of the East. It is the language of two great European communities which are rising, the one in the south of Africa, the other in Australia, &#8211;communities which are every year becoming more important and more closely connected with our Indian empire. Whether we look at the intrinsic value of our literature, or at the particular situation of this country, we shall see the strongest reason to think that, of all foreign tongues, the English tongue is that which would be the most useful to our native subjects.<\/p>\n<p>[13] The question now before us is simply whether, when it is in our power to teach this language, we shall teach languages in which, by universal confession, there are no books on any subject which deserve to be compared to our own, whether, when we can teach European science, we shall teach systems which, by universal confession, wherever they differ from those of Europe differ for the worse, and whether, when we can patronize sound philosophy and true history, we shall countenance, at the public expense, medical doctrines which would disgrace an English farrier, astronomy which would move laughter in girls at an English boarding school, history abounding with kings thirty feet high and reigns thirty thousand years long, and geography made of seas of treacle and seas of butter.<\/p>\n<p>[14] We are not without experience to guide us. History furnishes several analogous cases, and they all teach the same lesson. There are, in modern times, to go no further, two memorable instances of a great impulse given to the mind of a whole society, of prejudices overthrown, of knowledge diffused, of taste purified, of arts and sciences planted in countries which had recently been ignorant and barbarous.<\/p>\n<p>[15] The first instance to which I refer is the great revival of letters among the Western nations at the close of the fifteenth and the beginning of the sixteenth century. At that time almost everything that was worth reading was contained in the writings of the ancient Greeks and Romans. Had our ancestors acted as the Committee of Public Instruction has hitherto noted, had they neglected the language of Thucydides and Plato, and the language of Cicero and Tacitus, had they confined their attention to the old dialects of our own island, had they printed nothing and taught nothing at the universities but chronicles in Anglo-Saxon and romances in Norman French, &#8211;would England ever have been what she now is? What the Greek and Latin were to the contemporaries of More and Ascham, our tongue is to the people of India. The literature of England is now more valuable than that of classical antiquity. I doubt whether the Sanscrit literature be as valuable as that of our Saxon and Norman progenitors. In some departments&#8211; in history for example&#8211; I am certain that it is much less so.<\/p>\n<p>[16] Another instance may be said to be still before our eyes. Within the last hundred and twenty years, a nation which had previously been in a state as barbarous as that in which our ancestors were before the Crusades has gradually emerged from the ignorance in which it was sunk, and has taken its place among civilized communities. I speak of Russia. There is now in that country a large educated class abounding with persons fit to serve the State in the highest functions, and in nowise inferior to the most accomplished men who adorn the best circles of Paris and London. There is reason to hope that this vast empire which, in the time of our grandfathers, was probably behind the Punjab, may in the time of our grandchildren, be pressing close on France and Britain in the career of improvement. And how was this change effected? Not by flattering national prejudices; not by feeding the mind of the young Muscovite with the old women&#8217;s stories which his rude fathers had believed; not by filling his head with lying legends about St. Nicholas; not by encouraging him to study the great question, whether the world was or not created on the 13th of September; not by calling him &#8220;a learned native&#8221; when he had mastered all these points of knowledge; but by teaching him those foreign languages in which the greatest mass of information had been laid up, and thus putting all that information within his reach. The languages of western Europe civilised Russia. I cannot doubt that they will do for the Hindoo what they have done for the Tartar.<\/p>\n<p>[17] And what are the arguments against that course which seems to be alike recommended by theory and by experience? It is said that we ought to secure the co-operation of the native public, and that we can do this only by teaching Sanscrit and Arabic.<\/p>\n<p>[18] I can by no means admit that, when a nation of high intellectual attainments undertakes to superintend the education of a nation comparatively ignorant, the learners are absolutely to prescribe the course which is to be taken by the teachers. It is not necessary however to say anything on this subject. For it is proved by unanswerable evidence, that we are not at present securing the co-operation of the natives. It would be bad enough to consult their intellectual taste at the expense of their intellectual health. But we are consulting neither. We are withholding from them the learning which is palatable to them. We are forcing on them the mock learning which they nauseate.<\/p>\n<p>[19] This is proved by the fact that we are forced to pay our Arabic and Sanscrit students while those who learn English are willing to pay us. All the declamations in the world about the love and reverence of the natives for their sacred dialects will never, in the mind of any impartial person, outweigh this undisputed fact, that we cannot find in all our vast empire a single student who will let us teach him those dialects, unless we will pay him.<\/p>\n<p>[20] I have now before me the accounts of the Mudrassa for one month, the month of December, 1833. The Arabic students appear to have been seventy-seven in number. All receive stipends from the public. The whole amount paid to them is above 500 rupees a month. On the other side of the account stands the following item:<\/p>\n<p>Deduct amount realized from the out-students of English for the months of May, June, and July last&#8211; 103 rupees.<\/p>\n<p>[21] I have been told that it is merely from want of local experience that I am surprised at these phenomena, and that it is not the fashion for students in India to study at their own charges. This only confirms me in my opinions. Nothing is more certain than that it never can in any part of the world be necessary to pay men for doing what they think pleasant or profitable. India is no exception to this rule. The people of India do not require to be paid for eating rice when they are hungry, or for wearing woollen cloth in the cold season. To come nearer to the case before us: &#8211;The children who learn their letters and a little elementary arithmetic from the village schoolmaster are not paid by him. He is paid for teaching them. Why then is it necessary to pay people to learn Sanscrit and Arabic? Evidently because it is universally felt that the Sanscrit and Arabic are languages the knowledge of which does not compensate for the trouble of acquiring them. On all such subjects the state of the market is the detective test.<\/p>\n<p>[22] Other evidence is not wanting, if other evidence were required. A petition was presented last year to the committee by several ex-students of the Sanscrit College. The petitioners stated that they had studied in the college ten or twelve years, that they had made themselves acquainted with Hindoo literature and science, that they had received certificates of proficiency. And what is the fruit of all this? &#8220;Notwithstanding such testimonials,&#8221; they say, &#8220;we have but little prospect of bettering our condition without the kind assistance of your honourable committee, the indifference with which we are generally looked upon by our countrymen leaving no hope of encouragement and assistance from them.&#8221; They therefore beg that they may be recommended to the Governor-General for places under the Government&#8211; not places of high dignity or emolument, but such as may just enable them to exist. &#8220;We want means,&#8221; they say, &#8220;for a decent living, and for our progressive improvement, which, however, we cannot obtain without the assistance of Government, by whom we have been educated and maintained from childhood.&#8221; They conclude by representing very pathetically that they are sure that it was never the intention of Government, after behaving so liberally to them during their education, to abandon them to destitution and neglect.<\/p>\n<p>[23] I have been used to see petitions to Government for compensation. All those petitions, even the most unreasonable of them, proceeded on the supposition that some loss had been sustained, that some wrong had been inflicted. These are surely the first petitioners who ever demanded compensation for having been educated gratis, for having been supported by the public during twelve years, and then sent forth into the world well furnished with literature and science. They represent their education as an injury which gives them a claim on the Government for redress, as an injury for which the stipends paid to them during the infliction were a very inadequate compensation. And I doubt not that they are in the right. They have wasted the best years of life in learning what procures for them neither bread nor respect. Surely we might with advantage have saved the cost of making these persons useless and miserable. Surely, men may be brought up to be burdens to the public and objects of contempt to their neighbours at a somewhat smaller charge to the State. But such is our policy. We do not even stand neuter in the contest between truth and falsehood. We are not content to leave the natives to the influence of their own hereditary prejudices. To the natural difficulties which obstruct the progress of sound science in the East, we add great difficulties of our own making. Bounties and premiums, such as ought not to be given even for the propagation of truth, we lavish on false texts and false philosophy.<\/p>\n<p>[24] By acting thus we create the very evil which we fear. We are making that opposition which we do not find. What we spend on the Arabic and Sanscrit Colleges is not merely a dead loss to the cause of truth. It is bounty-money paid to raise up champions of error. It goes to form a nest not merely of helpless placehunters but of bigots prompted alike by passion and by interest to raise a cry against every useful scheme of education. If there should be any opposition among the natives to the change which I recommend, that opposition will be the effect of our own system. It will be headed by persons supported by our stipends and trained in our colleges. The longer we persevere in our present course, the more formidable will that opposition be. It will be every year reinforced by recruits whom we are paying. From the native society, left to itself, we have no difficulties to apprehend. All the murmuring will come from that oriental interest which we have, by artificial means, called into being and nursed into strength.<\/p>\n<p>[25] There is yet another fact which is alone sufficient to prove that the feeling of the native public, when left to itself, is not such as the supporters of the old system represent it to be. The committee have thought fit to lay out above a lakh of rupees in printing Arabic and Sanscrit books. Those books find no purchasers. It is very rarely that a single copy is disposed of. Twenty-three thousand volumes, most of them folios and quartos, fill the libraries or rather the lumber-rooms of this body. The committee contrive to get rid of some portion of their vast stock of oriental literature by giving books away. But they cannot give so fast as they print. About twenty thousand rupees a year are spent in adding fresh masses of waste paper to a hoard which, one should think, is already sufficiently ample. During the last three years about sixty thousand rupees have been expended in this manner. The sale of Arabic and Sanscrit books during those three years has not yielded quite one thousand rupees. In the meantime, the School Book Society is selling seven or eight thousand English volumes every year, and not only pays the expenses of printing but realizes a profit of twenty per cent. on its outlay.<\/p>\n<p>[30] The fact that the Hindoo law is to be learned chiefly from Sanscrit books, and the Mahometan law from Arabic books, has been much insisted on, but seems not to bear at all on the question. We are commanded by Parliament to ascertain and digest the laws of India. The assistance of a Law Commission has been given to us for that purpose. As soon as the Code is promulgated the Shasters and the Hedaya will be useless to a moonsiff or a Sudder Ameen. I hope and trust that, before the boys who are now entering at the Mudrassa and the Sanscrit College have completed their studies, this great work will be finished. It would be manifestly absurd to educate the rising generation with a view to a state of things which we mean to alter before they reach manhood.<\/p>\n<p>[31] But there is yet another argument which seems even more untenable. It is said that the Sanscrit and the Arabic are the languages in which the sacred books of a hundred millions of people are written, and that they are on that account entitled to peculiar encouragement. Assuredly it is the duty of the British Government in India to be not only tolerant but neutral on all religious questions. But to encourage the study of a literature, admitted to be of small intrinsic value, only because that literature inculcated the most serious errors on the most important subjects, is a course hardly reconcilable with reason, with morality, or even with that very neutrality which ought, as we all agree, to be sacredly preserved. It is confined that a language is barren of useful knowledge. We are to teach it because it is fruitful of monstrous superstitions. We are to teach false history, false astronomy, false medicine, because we find them in company with a false religion. We abstain, and I trust shall always abstain, from giving any public encouragement to those who are engaged in the work of converting the natives to Christianity. And while we act thus, can we reasonably or decently bribe men, out of the revenues of the State, to waste their youth in learning how they are to purify themselves after touching an ass or what texts of the Vedas they are to repeat to expiate the crime of killing a goat?<\/p>\n<p>[32] It is taken for granted by the advocates of oriental learning that no native of this country can possibly attain more than a mere smattering of English. They do not attempt to prove this. But they perpetually insinuate it. They designate the education which their opponents recommend as a mere spelling-book education. They assume it as undeniable that the question is between a profound knowledge of Hindoo and Arabian literature and science on the one side, and superficial knowledge of the rudiments of English on the other. This is not merely an assumption, but an assumption contrary to all reason and experience. We know that foreigners of all nations do learn our language sufficiently to have access to all the most abstruse knowledge which it contains sufficiently to relish even the more delicate graces of our most idiomatic writers. There are in this very town natives who are quite competent to discuss political or scientific questions with fluency and precision in the English language. I have heard the very question on which I am now writing discussed by native gentlemen with a liberality and an intelligence which would do credit to any member of the Committee of Public Instruction. Indeed it is unusual to find, even in the literary circles of the Continent, any foreigner who can express himself in English with so much facility and correctness as we find in many Hindoos. Nobody, I suppose, will contend that English is so difficult to a Hindoo as Greek to an Englishman. Yet an intelligent English youth, in a much smaller number of years than our unfortunate pupils pass at the Sanscrit College, becomes able to read, to enjoy, and even to imitate not unhappily the compositions of the best Greek authors. Less than half the time which enables an English youth to read Herodotus and Sophocles ought to enable a Hindoo to read Hume and Milton.<\/p>\n<p>[33] To sum up what I have said. I think it clear that we are not fettered by the Act of Parliament of 1813, that we are not fettered by any pledge expressed or implied, that we are free to employ our funds as we choose, that we ought to employ them in teaching what is best worth knowing, that English is better worth knowing than Sanscrit or Arabic, that the natives are desirous to be taught English, and are not desirous to be taught Sanscrit or Arabic, that neither as the languages of law nor as the languages of religion have the Sanscrit and Arabic any peculiar claim to our encouragement, that it is possible to make natives of this country thoroughly good English scholars, and that to this end our efforts ought to be directed.<\/p>\n<p>[34] In one point I fully agree with the gentlemen to whose general views I am opposed. I feel with them that it is impossible for us, with our limited means, to attempt to educate the body of the people. We must at present do our best to form a class who may be interpreters between us and the millions whom we govern,\u00a0 &#8211;a class of persons Indian in blood and colour, but English in tastes, in opinions, in morals and in intellect. To that class we may leave it to refine the vernacular dialects of the country, to enrich those dialects with terms of science borrowed from the Western nomenclature, and to render them by degrees fit vehicles for conveying knowledge to the great mass of the population.<\/p>\n<p>[35] I would strictly respect all existing interests. I would deal even generously with all individuals who have had fair reason to expect a pecuniary provision. But I would strike at the root of the bad system which has hitherto been fostered by us. I would at once stop the printing of Arabic and Sanscrit books. I would abolish the Mudrassa and the Sanscrit College at Calcutta. Benares is the great seat of Brahminical learning; Delhi of Arabic learning. If we retain the Sanscrit College at Bonares and the Mahometan College at Delhi we do enough and much more than enough in my opinion, for the Eastern languages. If the Benares and Delhi Colleges should be retained, I would at least recommend that no stipends shall be given to any students who may hereafter repair thither, but that the people shall be left to make their own choice between the rival systems of education without being bribed by us to learn what they have no desire to know. The funds which would thus be placed at our disposal would enable us to give larger encouragement to the Hindoo College at Calcutta, and establish in the principal cities throughout the Presidencies of Fort William and Agra schools in which the English language might be well and thoroughly taught.<\/p>\n<p>[36] If the decision of His Lordship in Council should be such as I anticipate, I shall enter on the performance of my duties with the greatest zeal and alacrity. If, on the other hand, it be the opinion of the Government that the present system ought to remain unchanged, I beg that I may be permitted to retire from the chair of the Committee. I feel that I could not be of the smallest use there. I feel also that I should be lending my countenance to what I firmly believe to be a mere delusion. I believe that the present system tends not to accelerate the progress of truth but to delay the natural death of expiring errors. I conceive that we have at present no right to the respectable name of a Board of Public Instruction. We are a Board for wasting the public money, for printing books which are of less value than the paper on which they are printed was while it was blank&#8211; for giving artificial encouragement to absurd history, absurd metaphysics, absurd physics, absurd theology&#8211; for raising up a breed of scholars who find their scholarship an incumbrance and blemish, who live on the public while they are receiving their education, and whose education is so utterly useless to them that, when they have received it, they must either starve or live on the public all the rest of their lives. Entertaining these opinions, I am naturally desirous to decline all share in the responsibility of a body which, unless it alters its whole mode of proceedings, I must consider, not merely as useless, but as positively noxious.<\/p>\n<p>T[homas] B[abington] MACAULAY<\/p>\n<p>2nd February 1835.<\/p>\n<p>I give my entire concurrence to the sentiments expressed in this Minute.<\/p>\n<p>W[illiam] C[avendish] BENTINCK.<\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<p><strong>Bureau of Education.\u00a0<em>Selections from Educational Records, Part I (1781-1839)<\/em>.\u00a0 Edited by H. Sharp.\u00a0 Calcutta: Superintendent, Government Printing, 1920. Reprint. Delhi: National Archives of India, 1965. pp.107-117.<\/strong><\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<p>For further information on the life of Thomas Babbington Macaulay see:<\/p>\n<p>William Thomas, \u2018Macaulay, Thomas Babbington, Baron Macaulay (1800-1859)\u2019, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Jan 2008.\u00a0http:\/\/www.oxforddnb.com<\/p>\n<p><em>Annotated by D. Brunero<\/em><\/p>\n<h2>\n\t\tPortugal\n\t<\/h2>\n\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--label-0\">The Treaty of Tordesillas (1494)<\/a>\n\t\t\t\t\t\t\t<a href=\"#\" id=\"fl-accordion--icon-0\"><i>Expand<\/i><\/a>\n\t\t<strong>Treaty between Spain and Portugal concluded at Tordesillas, 1494<br \/>\n<\/strong><em>Pope Alexander VI; Ferdinand II of Aragon; Isabella I of Castile;<\/em><em><br \/>\nJohn, Prince of Asturias; John II of Portugal<\/em><strong><br \/>\n<\/strong>\n<hr \/>\n<p>Don Ferdinand and Dona Isabella, by the grace of God king and queen of Castile, Leon, Aragon, Sicily, Granada, Toledo, Valencia, Galiciaj Majorca Seville, Sardinia, Cordova, Corsica, Murcia, Jaen, Algarve, Algeciras, Gibraltar, and the Canary Islands, count and countess of Barcelona, lord and lady of Biscay and Molina, duke and duchess of Athens and Neopatras, count and countess of Roussillon and Cerdagne, marquis and marchioness of Oristano and Gociano, together with the Prince Don John, our very dear and very beloved first-born son, heir of our aforesaid kingdoms and lordships. Whereas by Don Enrique Enriques, our chief steward, Don Gutierre de Cardenas, chief commissary of Leon, our chief auditor, and Doctor Rodrigo Maldonado, all members of our council, it was treated, adjusted, and agreed for us and in our name and by virtue of our power with the most serene Dom John, by the grace of God, king of Portugal and of the Algarves on this side and beyond the sea in Africa, lord of Guinea, our very dear and very beloved brother, and with Ruy de Sousa, lord of Sagres and Berenguel, Dom Joao de Sousa, his son, chief inspector of weights and measures of the said Most Serene King our brother, and Ayres de Almada, magistrate of the civil cases in his court and member of his desembargo, all members of the council of the aforesaid Most Serene King our brother, [and acting] in his name and by virtue of his power, his ambassadors, who came to us in regard to the controversy over what part belongs to us and what part to the said Most Serene King our brother, of that which up to this seventh day of the present month of June, the date of this instrument, is discovered in the ocean sea, in which said agreement our aforesaid representatives promised among other things that within a certain term specified in it we should sanction, confirm, swear to, ratify, and approve the above-mentioned agreement in person: we, wishing to fulfill and fulfilling all that which was thus adjusted, agreed upon, and authorized in our name in regard to the above-mentioned, ordered the said instrument of the aforesaid agreement and treaty to be brought before us that we might see and examine it, the tenor of which, word for word, is as follows:<\/p>\n<p>In the name of God Almighty, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, three truly separate and distinct persons and only one divine essence. Be it manifest and known to all who shall see this public instrument, that at the village of Tordesillas, on the seventh day of the month of June, in the year of the nativity of our Lord Jesus Christ 1494, in the presence of us, the secretaries, clerks, and notaries public subscribed below, there being present the honorable Don Enrique Enriques, chief steward of the very exalted and very mighty princes, the lord and lady Don Ferdinand and Dona Isabella, by the grace of God king and queen of Castile, Leon, Aragon, Sicily, Granada, etc., Don Gutierre de Cardenas, chief auditor of the said lords, the king and queen, and Doctor Rodrigo Maldonado, all members of the council of the said lords, the king and queen of Castile, Leon, Aragon, Sicily, Granada, etc., their qualified representatives of the one part, and the honorable Ruy de Sousa, lord of Sagres and Berenguel, Dom Juan de Sousa, his son, chief inspector of weights and measures of the very exalted and very excellent lord Dom John, by the grace of God king of Portugal and of the Algarves on this side and beyond the sea in Africa, lord of Guinea, and Ayres de Almada, magistrate of civil cases in his court and member of his desembargo, all of the council of the said lord King of Portugal, and his qualified ambassadors and representatives, as was proved by both the said parties by means of the letters of authorization and procurations from the said lords their constituents, the tenor of which, word for word, is as follows:<\/p>\n<p>[Here follow the full powers granted by Ferdinand and Isabella to Don Enrique Enriques, Don Gutierre de Cardenas, and Dr. Rodrigo Maldonado on June 5, 1494; and the full powers granted by John II. to Ruy de Sousa, Joao de Sousa, and Ayres Almada on March 8, 1494.]<\/p>\n<p>&#8220;Thereupon it was declared by the above-mentioned representatives of the aforesaid King and Queen of Castile, Leon, Aragon, Sicily, Granada, etc., and of the aforesaid King of Portugal and the Algarves, etc.:<\/p>\n<p>[I.] That, whereas a certain controversy exists between the said lords, their constituents, as to what lands, of all those discovered in the ocean sea up to the present day, the date of this treaty, pertain to each one of the said parts respectively; therefore, for the sake of peace and concord, and for the preservation of the relationship and love of the said King of Portugal for the said King and Queen of Castile, Aragon, etc., it being the pleasure of their Highnesses, they, their said representatives, acting in their name and by virtue of their powers herein described, covenanted and agreed that a boundary or straight line be determined and drawn north and south, from pole to pole, on the said ocean sea, from the Arctic to the Antarctic pole. This boundary or line shall be drawn straight, as aforesaid, at a distance of three hundred and seventy leagues west of the Cape Verde Islands, being calculated by degrees, or by any other manner as may be considered the best and readiest, provided the distance shall be no greater than abovesaid. And all lands, both islands and mainlands, found and discovered already, or to be found and discovered hereafter, by the said King of Portugal and by his vessels on this side of the said line and bound determined as above, toward the east, in either north or south latitude, on the eastern side of the said bound provided the said bound is not crossed, shall belong to, and remain in the possession of, and pertain forever to, the said King of Portugal and his successors. And all other lands, both islands and mainlands, found or to be found hereafter, discovered or to be discovered hereafter, which have been discovered or shall be discovered by the said King and Queen of Castile, Aragon, etc., and by their vessels, on the western side of the said bound, determined as above, after having passed the said bound toward the west, in either its north or south latitude, shall belong to, and remain in the possession of, and pertain forever to, the said King and Queen of Castile, Leon, etc., and to their successors.<\/p>\n<p>[2.] Item, the said representatives promise and affirm by virtue of the powers aforesaid, that from this date no ships shall be despatched-namely as follows: the said King and Queen of Castile, Leon, Aragon, etc., for this part of the bound, and its eastern side, on this side the said bound, which pertains to the said King of Portugal and the Algarves, etc.; nor the said King of Portugal to the other part of the said bound which pertains to the said King and Queen of Castile, Aragon, etc.-for the purpose of discovering and seeking any mainlands or islands, or for the purpose of trade, barter, or conquest of any kind. But should it come to pass that the said ships of the said King and Queen of Castile, Leon, Aragon, etc., on sailing thus on this side of the said bound, should discover any mainlands or islands in the region pertaining, as abovesaid, to the said King of Portugal, such mainlands or islands shall pertain to and belong forever to the said King of Portugal and his heirs, and their Highnesses shall order them to be surrendered to him immediately. And if the said ships of the said King of Portugal discover any islands and mainlands in the regions of the said King and Queen of Castile, Leon, Aragon, etc., all such lands shall belong to and remain forever in the possession of the said King and Queen of Castile, Leon, Aragon, etc., and their heirs, and the said King of Portugal shall cause such lands to be surrendered immediately.<\/p>\n<p>[3.] Item, in order that the said line or bound of the said division may be made straight and as nearly as possible the said distance of three hundred and seventy leagues west of the Cape Verde Islands, as hereinbefore stated, the said representatives of both the said parties agree and assent that within the ten months immediately following the date of this treaty their said constituent lords shall despatch two or four caravels, namely, one or two by each one of them, a greater or less number, as they may mutually consider necessary. These vessels shall meet at the Grand Canary Island during this time, and each one of the said parties shall send certain persons in them, to wit, pilots, astrologers, sailors, and any others they may deem desirable. But there must be as many on one side as on the other, and certain of the said pilots, astrologers, sailors, and others of those sent by the said King and Queen of Castile, Aragon, etc., and who are experienced, shall embark in the ships of the said King of Portugal and the Algarves; in like manner certain of the said persons sent by the said King of Portugal shall embark in the ship or ships of the said King and Queen of Castile, Aragon, etc.; a like number in each case, so that they may jointly study and examine to better advantage the sea, courses, winds, and the degrees of the sun or of north latitude, and lay out the leagues aforesaid, in order that, in determining the line and boundary, all sent and empowered by both the said parties in the said vessels, shall jointly concur. These said vessels shall continue their course together to the said Cape Verde Islands, from whence they shall lay a direct course to the west, to the distance of the said three hundred and seventy degrees, measured as the said persons shall agree, and measured without prejudice to the said parties. When this point is reached, such point will constitute the place and mark for measuring degrees of the sun or of north latitude either by daily runs measured in leagues, or in any other manner that shall mutually be deemed better. This said line shall be drawn north and south as aforesaid, from the said Arctic pole to the said Antarctic pole. And when this line has been determined as abovesaid, those sent by each of the aforesaid parties, to whom each one of the said parties must delegate his own authority and power, to determine the said mark and bound, shall draw up a writing concerning it and affix thereto their signatures. And when determined by the mutual consent of all of them, this line shall be considered as a perpetual mark and bound, in such wise that the said parties, or either of them, or their future successors, shall be unable to deny it, or erase or remove it, at any time or in any manner whatsoever. And should, perchance, the said line and bound from pole to pole, as aforesaid, intersect any island or mainland, at the first point of such intersection of such island or mainland by the said line, some kind of mark or tower shall be erected, and a succession of similar marks shall be erected in a straight line from such mark or tower, in a line identical with the above-mentioned bound. These marks shall separate those portions of such land belonging to each one of the said parties; and the subjects of the said parties shall not dare, on either side, to enter the territory of the other, by crossing the said mark or bound in such island or mainland.<\/p>\n<p>[4.] Item, inasmuch as the said ships of the said King and Queen of Castile, Leon, Aragon, etc., sailing as before declared, from their kingdoms and seigniories to their said possessions on the other side of the said line, must cross the seas on this side of the line, pertaining to the said King of Portugal, it is therefore concerted and agreed that the said ships of the said King and Queen of Castile, Leon, Aragon, etc., shall, at any time and without any hindrance, sail in either direction, freely, securely, and peacefully, over the said seas of the said King of Portugal, and within the said line. And whenever their Highnesses and their successors wish to do so, and deem it expedient, their said ships may take their courses and routes direct from their kingdoms to any region within their line and bound to which they desire to despatch expeditions of discovery, conquest, and trade. They shall take their courses direct to the desired region and for any purpose desired therein, and shall not leave their course, unless compelled to do so by contrary weather. They shall do this provided that, before crossing the said line, they shall not seize or take possession of anything discovered in his said region by the said King of Portugal; and should their said ships find anything before crossing the said line, as aforesaid, it shall belong to the said King of Portugal, and their Highnesses shall order it surrendered immediately. And since it is possible that the ships and subjects of the said King and Queen of Castile, Leon, etc., or those acting in their name, may discover before the twentieth day of this present month of June, following the date of this treaty, some islands and mainlands within the said line, drawn straight from pole to pole, that is to say, inside the said three hundred and seventy leagues west of the Cape Verde Islands, as aforesaid, it is hereby agreed and determined, in order to remove all doubt, that all such islands and mainlands found and discovered in any manner whatsoever up to the said twentieth day of this said month of June, although found by ships and subjects of the said King and Queen of Castile, Aragon, etc., shall pertain to and remain forever in the possession of the said King of Portugal and the Algarves, and of his successors and kingdoms, provided that they lie within the first two hundred and fifty leagues of the said three hundred and seventy leagues reckoned west of the Cape Verde Islands to the above-mentioned line-in whatsoever part, even to the said poles, of the said two hundred and fifty leagues they may be found, determining a boundary or straight line from pole to pole, where the said two hundred and fifty leagues end. Likewise all the islands and mainlands found and discovered up to the said twentieth day of this present month of June by the ships and subjects of the said King and Queen of Castile, Aragon, etc., or in any other manner, within the other one hundred and twenty leagues that still remain of the said three hundred and seventy leagues where the said bound that is to be drawn from pole to pole, as aforesaid, must be determined, and in whatever part of the said one hundred and twenty leagues, even to the said poles,-they that are found up to the said day shall pertain to and remain forever in the possession of the said King and Queen of Castile, Aragon, etc., and of their successors and kingdoms; just as whatever is or shall be found on the other side of the said three hundred and seventy leagues pertaining to their Highnesses, as aforesaid, is and must be theirs, although the said one hundred and twenty leagues are within the said bound of the said three hundred and seventy leagues pertaining to the said King of Portugal, the Algarves, etc., as aforesaid.<\/p>\n<p>And if, up to the said twentieth day of this said month of June, no lands are discovered by the said ships of their Highnesses within the said one hundred and twenty leagues, and are discovered after the expiration of that time, then they shall pertain to the said King of Portugal as is set forth in the above.<\/p>\n<p>The said Don Enrique Enriques, chief steward, Don Gutierre de Cardenas, chief auditor, and Doctor Rodrigo Maldonado, representatives of the said very exalted and very mighty princes, the lord and lady, the king and queen of Castile, Leon, Aragon, Sicily, Granada, etc., by virtue of their said power, which is incorporated above, and the said Ruy de Sousa, Dom Joao de Sousa, his son, and Arias de Almadana, representatives and ambassadors of the said very exalted and very excellent prince, the lord king of Portugal and of the Algarves on this side and beyond the sea in Africa, lord of Guinea, by virtue of their said power, which is incorporated above, promised, and affirmed, in the name of their said constituents, [saying that they and their successors and kingdoms and lordships, forever and ever, would keep, observe, and fulfill, really and effectively, renouncing all fraud, evasion, deceit, falsehood, and pretense, everything set forth in this treaty, and each part and parcel of it; and they desired and authorized that everything set forth in this said agreement and every part and parcel of it be observed, fulfilled, and performed as everything which is set forth in the treaty of peace concluded and ratified between the said lord and lady, the king and queen of Castile, Aragon, etc., and the lord Dom Alfonso, king of Portugal (may he rest in glory) and the said king, the present ruler of Portugal, his son, then prince in the former year of 1479, must be observed, fulfilled, and performed, and under those same penalties, bonds, securities, and obligations, in accordance with and in the manner set forth in the said treaty of peace. Also they bound themselves [by the promise]that neither the said parties nor any of them nor their successors forever should violate or oppose that which is abovesaid and specified, nor any part or parcel of it, directly or indirectly, or in any other manner at any time, or in any manner whatsoever, premeditated or not premeditated, or that may or can be, under the penalties set forth in the said agreement of the said peace; and whether the fine be paid or not paid, or graciously remitted, that this obligation, agreement, and treaty shall continue in force and remain firm, stable, and valid forever and ever. That thus they will keep, observe, perform, and pay everything, the said representatives, acting in the name of their said constituents, pledged the property, movable and real, patrimonial and fiscal, of each of their respective parties, and of their subjects and vassals, possessed and to be possessed. They renounced all laws and rights of which the said parties or either of them might take advantage to violate or oppose the foregoing or any part of it; and for the greater security and stability of the aforesaid, they swore before God and the Blessed Mary and upon the sign of the Cross, on which they placed their right hands, and upon the words of the Holy Gospels, wheresoever they are written at greatest length, and on the consciences of their said constituents, that they, jointly and severally, will keep, observe, and fulfill all the aforesaid and each part and parcel of it, really and effectively, renouncing all fraud, evasion, deceit, falsehood, and pretense, and that they will not contradict it at any time or in any manner. And under the same oath they swore not to seek absolution or release from it from our most Holy Father or from any other legate or prelate who could give it to them. And even though, proprio motu, it should be given to them, they will not make use of it; rather, by this present agreement, they, acting in the said name, entreat our most Holy Father that his Holiness be pleased to confirm and approve this said agreement, according to what is set forth therein; and that he order his bulls in regard to it to be issued to the parties or to whichever of the parties may solicit them, with the tenor of this agreement incorporated therein, and that he lay his censures upon those who shall violate or oppose it at any time whatsoever. Likewise, the said representatives, acting in the said names, bound themselves under the same penalty and oath, that within the one hundred days next following, reckoned from the day of the date of this agreement, the parties would mutually exchange the approbation and ratification of this said agreement, written on parchment, signed with the names of the said lords, their constituents, and sealed with their hanging leaden seals; and that the instrument which the said lords, the king and queen of Castile, Aragon, etc., should have to issue, must be signed, agreed to, and sanctioned by the very noble and most illustrious lord, Prince Don Juan, their son. Of all the foregoing they authorized two copies, both of the same tenor exactly, which they signed with their names and executed before the undersigned secretaries and notaries public, one for each party. And whichever copy is produced, it shall be as valid as if both the copies which were made and executed in the said town of Tordesillas, on the said day, month, and year aforesaid, should be produced. The chief deputy, Don Enrique, Ruy de Sousa, Dom Juan de Sousa, Doctor Rodrigo Maldonado, Licentiate Ayres. Witnesses who were present and who saw the said representatives and ambassadors sign their names here and execute the aforesaid, and take the said oath: The deputy Pedro de Leon and the deputy Fernando de Torres, residents of the town of Valladolid, the deputy Fernando de Gamarra, deputy of Zagra and Cenete, contino of the house of the said king and queen, our lords, and Joao Suares de Sequeira, Ruy Leme, and Duarte Pacheco, continos of the house of the said King of Portugal, summoned for that purpose. And I, Fernando Alvarez de Toledo, secretary of the king and queen, our lords, member of their council, and their scrivener of the high court of justice, and notary public in their court and throughout their realms and lordships, witnessed all the aforesaid, together with the said witnesses and with Estevan Vaez, secretary of the said King of Portugal, who by the authority given him by the said king and queen, our lords, to certify to this act in their kingdoms, also witnessed the abovesaid; and at the request and with the authorization of all the said representatives and ambassadors, who in my presence and his here signed their names, I caused this public instrument of agreement to be written. It is written on these six leaves of paper, in entire sheets, written on both sides, together with this leaf, which contains the names of the aforesaid persons and my sign; and the bottom of every page is marked with the notarial mark of my name and that of the said Estevan Vaez. And in witness I here make my sign, which is thus. In testimony of truth: Fernando Alvarez. And I, the said Estevan Vaez (who by the authority given me by the said lords, the king and queen of Castile, and of Leon, to make it public throughout their kingdoms and lordships, together with the said Fernando Alvarez, at the request and summons of the said ambassadors and representatives witnessed everything), in testimony and assurance thereof signed it here with my public sign, which is thus.<\/p>\n<p>The said deed of treaty, agreement, and concord, above incorporated, having been examined and understood by us and by the said Prince Don John, our son, we approve, commend, confirm, execute, and ratify it, and we promise to keep, observe, and fulfill all the abovesaid that is set forth therein, and every part and parcel of it, really and effectively. We renounce all fraud, evasion, falsehood, and pretense, and we shall not violate or oppose it, or any part of it, at any time or in any manner whatsoever. For greater security, we and the said prince Don John, our son, swear before God and Holy Mary, and by the words of the Holy Gospels, wheresoever they are written at greatest length, and upon the sign of the Cross upon which we actually placed our right hands, in the presence of the said Ruy de Sousa, Dom Joao de Sousa, and Licentiate Ayres de Almada, ambassadors and representatives of the said Most Serene King of Portugal, our brother, thus to keep, observe, and fulfill it, and every part and parcel of it, so far as it is incumbent upon us, really and effectively, as is abovesaid, for ourselves and for our heirs and successors, and for our said kingdoms and lordships, and the subjects and natives of them, under the penalties and obligations, bonds and abjurements set forth in the said contract of agreement and concord above written. In attestation and corroboration whereof, we sign our name to this our letter and order it to be sealed with our leaden seal hanging by threads of colored silk. Given in the town of Arevalo, on the second day of the month of July, in the year of the nativity of our Lord Jesus Christ, 1494.<\/p>\n<p>I, THE KING. I, THE QUEEN. I, THE PRINCE.<\/p>\n<p>I, FERNANDO ALVAREZ de Toledo, secretary of the king and of the queen, our lords, have caused it to be written by their mandate.<\/p>\n<p>. . . doctor.<\/p>\n<hr width=\"100%\" \/>\n<p><strong>Davenport, Frances G.\u00a0<em>European Treaties Bearing on the History of the United States to 1648<\/em>. Washington, DC : The Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1917. pp. 93-100.<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Historical Texts Archive Each link below refers to a scholarly work that discusses the definition, characteristics, and\/or implications of empire in a specific region of the world or globally. Researchers with specializations in many historical sub-fields have written these annotated bibliographies, and fellow project investigators have vetted and edited each in a peer-reviewing process. 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