Annotated Bibliography - By Author
Each link below refers to a scholarly work that discusses the definition, characteristics, and/or implications of empire in a specific region of the world or globally. Researchers with specializations in many historical sub-fields have written these annotated bibliographies, and fellow project investigators have vetted and edited each in a peer-reviewing process. Each of these 300 to 800 word-long bibliographies contains both a summary of the work and an analysis of the books’ scope and argument. These easily accessible reviews are a research tool for students and scholars of the history of empire, who wish to expand their understanding of the concept of ‘empire’ beyond the way in which empire is studied by scholars in their respective historical field defined by periodization or regional focus. As such, this project will encourage the writing of a new history of empire across the globe and in Asia specifically.
A
Synopsis
The collection of essays aims to provide both professional historians and interested readers with overview assessments of developments within a revitalized field of study. Emphasizing largely on cross-cultural perspectives provides a more well-rounded view of contemporary societies that are increasingly ethnically mixed, multicultural, and more and more linked to the rest of the world. The authors seek to chart the advances in our understandings of different aspects of world history that research and writing in this period had brought about, and to identify significant gaps in our knowledge that have yet to be filled and interpretive problems that remain to be solved.
Beginning with the rise of Islamic civilization, which was the first to encompass numerous centers of the Old World, Adas ends with the processes by which the nation-states of the West attained domination over all other civilizations. The first of three volumes on global and comparative history, this collection will be followed by a volume that explores themes in early and classical history; while the third volume will be devoted to world history in the twentieth century.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The overall focus of the first of three projected volumes of essays on global ad comparative history is the era of world history that had begun in the seventh century and which had extended into the early 1900s.
The essays by Richard Eaton and Janet Abu-Lughod explore key themes in the spread of Islamic civilization, while with Philip D. Curtin they examined in great detail the important roles played by traders and trading networks in the forging of a global order. Abu-Lughod and McNeill's contributions confront the key questions concerning the reasons for the rise of Western Europe as the civilization that would later replace the previously dominant role of Islam as mediator of the long-drawn process of global unification.
Hence, the numerous essays cover a wide range of social, economic, military and political issues central to the great transitions that occurred between the fourteenth and sixteenth centuries. As the contributions by Michael Adas and Margaret Stroble illustrate, the decisive advantages that industrialization brought to the nations of Western Europe and North America had made possible the establishment of Western hegemony throughout the globe.
All the essays are thematically oriented, and each is organized around a particular historical era, such as the age of Islamic expansion or the centuries of industrial revolution.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The work is one that employs a thematic approach, particularly focusing on recurring processes, such as changes in military organization and patterns of colonization, or on such cross-cultural phenomena as the spread of disease, technology, and trading networks. The comparative approach to history is utilized by the authors and thus they saw it as vital to carry out a systematic selection of case examples in the historical materials that they specialize in.
The essays in this collection demonstrate that much of the recent work on global and comparative history has largely zoomed in on non-Western cultures and societies, or regions that were lumped together and were considered as the Third World before the collapse of the Second World accompanied by the credibility of the Cold War ideology. The spread of the Islamic civilization, European overseas expansion, the rise and decline of the South Atlantic slave trade, industrialization and the fulfillment of Europe's drive for global hegemony; all largely comprises of significant European elements. Yet, each of these processes were grounded in the historical experiences of non-Western societies, and thus the historical trajectory of Europeans has also been profoundly influenced by the responses of African, Asian, Latin American or Oceanic peoples.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Synopsis
Writing the Mughal World brings together two leading historians of the Mughal empire, Muzaffar Alam and Sanjay Subrahmanyam, each bringing complementary methodologies, perspectives and linguistic skills to the table. Alam, trained in Islamic studies, philology and theology, provides his expertise on the literary tradition of Urdu, Persian and Arabic materials upon which the book’s narrative draws heavily. Subrahmanyam, an economic historian best known for his work on Indian Ocean commerce and the Portuguese in Asia, supplies knowledge of the social sciences, South Indian and Iberian languages as well as of English, French and Dutch sources.
Deliberately conceived to swim against the tide of historiographical orthodoxy, the book is a collection of ten jointly-authored essays, written between 1997 and 2009 and intertwining political, cultural and commercial themes in diplomacy, state formation, historiography, religious debates and political thought, which the authors have expanded, integrated and framed with a historiographical introduction on the comparative trends in Mughal scholarship. Their approach lends itself to a focus on diplomatic history and literary analysis, drawn from and supported by a large body of translated correspondence and writings – though it is not a “view from the foot of the throne” of the grand Mughals, reflecting instead “the experiences and subjectivities of neither peasants nor aristocrats, but largely of middling groups with a talent for written expression”, a group that includes Gujarati sultans, Portuguese Jesuits, Persianised intellectuals, travellers and exiled Mughal princes and poets. The choice of these middle-level literary figures as the focus of the study allows for not only the employment of new or underutilised primary material, much of it autobiographical, but helps establish a cultural continuity across the reign of different emperors that is useful for examining the long duration of Mughal history.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The essays in the volume cover broadly the three centuries from 1500 to 1800, in a generally chronological (though not systematic) order. Certain topics, themes or actors addressed in earlier chapters are periodically returned to at intervals at a correspondingly later stage in history, to illustrate change, continuity or adaption to new circumstances. The most prominent examples of this are the two chapters Alam and Subrahmanyam have devoted to the training and subsequent careers of munshis, the Persianised class of professional scribes and administrators. Read together, “The Making of a Munshi” and “Eighteenth-Century Historiography and the World of the Mughal Munshi” provide a glimpse into the formation of this literati culture, its changing fortunes in the 17th and 18th Centuries, and the roles it played as both active participants and chroniclers of change in the Mughal empire.
Another recurring subject is the Mughals’ interaction with and understanding of the world beyond their borders, whether in relation to neighbouring Indian states, Europeans, other Islamic empires or Southeast Asia. The first essay in the book, “Letter from a Sinking Sultan”, looks at the last years of the Gujarat sultanate in the early sixteenth century before conquest by the Mughals, in its efforts to build alliances with the Ottomans and Portuguese Estado da India. It is bookended by the eighth, “Trade and Politics in the Arcot Nizamat”, which documents the emergence of the autonomous ‘successor’ state of Arcot in Southern India as one of many regional rivals to the Mughals, though nominally still under their sovereignty, between 1700 and 1732.
Both chapters, along with others such as “The Deccan Frontier and Mughal Expansion, circa 1600”, provide an interesting parallel portrait of Mughal fortunes in growth and decline, as well as challenge notions of the Mughal state as traditionally landlocked and uninterested in maritime affairs, operating from the outset in a broad interstate and diplomatic context that included both Islamic and European expressions. In a similar vein, the second essay “The Mughals Look Beyond the Winds”, which seems to build on an earlier co-authored work, Indo-Persian Travels in the Age of Discoveries, 1400-1800, is aimed at countering the belief of a lack of cultural curiosity on the part of the Mughal elite towards Southeast Asia, instead situating the account of 17th century Persian traveller Tahir Mohammed in a larger tradition of reflection on the region by the Indo-Persian, if not Mughal, world.
Philosophy and religion occupy two chapters in Writing the Mughal World, and again contrast interior developments with external pressures. “Faizi’s Nal-Daman and Its Long Afterlife”, which is a literary deconstruction of the Urdu poet’s work, traces how the vernacular traditions of medieval India were translated into the Persian of the Mughal court as well as the politics of artistic patronage, while “Catholics and Muslims in the Court of Jahangir” focuses on the diplomatic and theological activities of the Society of Jesus in Mughal India, and the ensuing religious and philosophical debates that occurred in their (as in China, ultimately unsuccessful) attempts to proselytise the ruling class. Although its treatment in Writing the Mughal World is perhaps less than a topic of its importance deserve, Alam and Subrahmanyam have identified religion, along with gender, intellectual, art and architectural history, as potentially rich areas for further studies.
The book’s final chapter and epilogue tie into modern historiographical debate, as the Mughals began to examine, self-reflexively, the reasons behind their own decline. The final study looks at the political thought of an obscure Mughal prince in the late 18th and early 19th centuries, who, after trying and failing to establish his own kingdom, sought from Babur’s biography the qualities that ought to be found in a true Mughal but were now lacking. The final short essay, “Mughals in Exile”, represents the final adjustment of the Mughals to new economic and political realities, through the writings of intellectuals leaving Delhi and settling in Lucknow, one of several regional centres coming into prominence with decentralisation. Here Alam and Subrahmanyam show the tensions inherent in this process, and attempt to show the ‘Mughal decline’ of the later eighteenth and nineteenth centuries in less simplistic terms.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Writing the Mughal World is an effort by its authors to reconcile the two dominant, countervailing trends in Mughal historiography: the traditional, crafted by British historians of the Indian Civil Service, which saw the Mughal state and its eighteenth-century decline in moralistic, structural, and largely static terms; and the more recent, Marxist revisionism of the ‘Aligarh School’, which asserted that the strength, centralisation and modernity of Mughal institutions (particularly in the extractive and exploitative sense) prefigured the later Raj.
In its place, Alam and Subrahmanyam have attempted to balance the nature and complexity of change in the Mughal world on the one hand – as gradual process, rather than of structure – against the temptation to read backwards in history and presume a continuity between the Mughals and the East India Company, or see their later history purely in terms of failure, stasis and decline. Although the epilogue, which was meant to address exactly the latter half of that problem, is too abrupt for the purpose – especially in comparison to the book’s otherwise excellent introduction – the other essays seem to do well enough building towards the former conclusion, if somewhat obliquely. Individually, each can stand in its own right as an illuminating and well-researched study of its respective subject, and several can be connected thematically. As a whole, it is slightly less cohesive. Writing the Mughal World brings in much new material in many previously inaccessible languages – some chapters even provide direct translations of several documents alongside the original texts – and introduces diverse theoretical and methodological approaches stemming from the interdisciplinary training and sensibilities of its authors; this, above others, appears to be both the strength and weakness of the book.
Annotated by Daniel Lee
Synopsis
Albertini's work does not aim to present the general history of decolonization nor to describe internal development of a large number of colonial territories in the last decades before their independence. Rather, the focus of the topics is regarding Europe's attitude towards the future of its colonies, especially when and how Europe came to accept decolonization. In addition, Albertini explains the concepts and doctrines on which the administration of the colonies and the end of the process of decolonization were based.
In focusing largely on the motivations of European empire and their eventual understanding of what came to be known as decolonization, the discussion ranged from the American Revolution and the French Revolution as well as the First World War. These events in itself changed the perception of Europe towards colonization, as well as laying out the groundwork for the changing circumstances on the ground, particularly the First World War in this respect.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The First World War provided a natural starting-point for a discussion of the age of decolonization since it had intensified the fervor of anti-colonialism to a considerable extent. The events of American Revolution and the French Revolution also strongly influenced the British and French imperial outlook respectively in the nineteenth century.
Albertini covers the First World War extensively since it had seen the undermining of the 'unity' of the "white man's world"; regarded as a fratricidal war in which each side used official and unofficial propaganda to weaken the power of the enemy by accusing him of criminal behavior in his colonies. The League of Nations mandate was also arguably made annexations possible and legal. Most importantly, this marked the internationalization of the colonial issue. In this way, Albertini covers events wherein attitude of Europe toward the governing of their colonies were undergoing a large current of change.
In addition, the period of WWI was explored for the change in the idea of hegemony of Europeans in Asia. With the rise of Japan, Europe's scientific and technological achievements was seen to be facing a problem; these achievements are perceived to be uprooted from their native soil and taken over by other races and used against itself. The economic issue also remains central to decolonization since the new elite had scarcely any part in the modern, expanding colonial and technical bureaucracy. The economic development of their country by foreign enterprises, as well as their dependence on the world market and the fact that the manipulations had been taken out of their ands - seemed to them "alienation" and capitalist exploitation, which could only be opposed by national emancipation and social revolution.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The writer puts forth strong arguments for the nature of decolonization. For France, her very own Revolution manufactured a contemporary and uniquely French idea of decolonization: that decolonization should lead not to dissociation and independence but to integration into the mother country by extended civil rights and parliamentary representation.
International events like WWI, WWII and the consequences of each war are argued to be the main causes for the constant change in the attitudes of both the colonizers and the colonized in their relationship within their local domains. Great Britain had suffered its most spectacular defeat with the fall of Singapore, the mighty naval base which had become the symbol of Britain's economic interest, military presence and will to dominate in Asia - a milestone in the process of decolonization.
Albertini argues that Europe did not decolonize on its own accord; rather it was challenged to do so by the colonial peoples. Europe herself had been exhausted in two great wars, bringing to life counter-movements in the colonized territories, and reflected that she was no longer willing to maintain her domination at the expense of her own economic and political strength.
Finally, the economic situation in the colonies was perceived as exploitation by foreign powers, making the young, nationalist elite who were schooled in the West susceptible to Marxist promises, thus giving their nationalism a revolutionary accent.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Synopsis
Albertini aims to shatter the traditional Euro-centric historiography and confront students of empires with the problems of a Euro-centric history on non-European lands by studying their history from within. The book studies colonial influences on pre-colonial societies by placing in the foreground their confrontations with the European civilization. By expanding the premise of non-European encounters with the European empires beyond the narrow bipolar framework of dependency and exploitation, Albertini wrote in favor of the argument that the colonial period was a period of modernization for the colonized. Thus, the book covers such topics of economic development, such as the example of a tariff protected economy that was developing in India during the interwar period, which had largely displaced British products.
Albertini's book analyzes anew the relationship between the imperial powers and territories under their control, espousing that colonial rule represented a reconstruction of collaboration by means of patronage, grants of honors, and economic privileges. He explores how the resistance to colonial rule came not from the old elites but the new elites, particularly those living in towns and cities. Old elites are seen as attempting to assimilate the practices and values of colonial powers but were compelled to confront the issues with their own racial origin, religion and value systems. While European colonization was a pivotal phenomenon, Europe's rule over a major portion of the globe fits into the context of world history - a larger framework of migrations, conquests, colonization and empire building familiar to us from the histories of other cultures and peoples.
Filling the gap between Mommsen's Imperialismus and Ansprenger's Auflosung der Kolonialreiche, each chapter serves as an introductory account of the establishment of colonial rule, focusing specifically on the creation of the administrative structure, the development of economy and the growth of the national liberation movement in the colonies. Colonial economics do not comprise of only concepts such as plunder economics and exploitation but of modernization.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The book provides a concise account of European colonialism from the onset of European rule until 1940. From the viewpoint of the indigenous elites rather than the repressed masses, who possess their own values, beliefs and most importantly, a different system of governance, Albertini explores the topics of colonial economy, modernization and relationship between imperial powers and their territories from an internal perspective.
The focus of the book remains largely on the colonial administration as Albertini saw this structure as the centre and physical representation of the empire. Its primary task was to make this rule effective, assuring longetivity and ending or neutralizing opposition.
The book is categorized according to the territories that were colonized and India is guaranteed expanded coverage, for it was both the beginning of the British colonial world and the center of it. The book spans over the beginning of European rule, ending at the onset of WWII in 1940, for the latter date signaled the beginning of the end of colonialism for South and Southeast Asia.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Albertini places the study of colonial history against the larger framework of European imperialism and the context of Third World underdevelopment. He defined colonialism as "rule", beginning his study by analyzing how this rule was established and maintained i.e. what the colonial apparatus looked like, and what impact it had on the structures of authority in the colonized society. By posing questions such as how the colony was opened up economically, and how it was integrated into a world economic system "dynamized by industrialization and centered on Europe", Albertini's work exposes not just the socio-economic influence of colonial rule but reflects a determination to prove that the colonial relationship was more than simply dependency and exploitation.
He begins by accepting the 'colonial condition' theory - in which the rule of a foreign minority against causes a repressed majority to react and Albertini sees the behavior of both rulers and ruled as determined by this colonial context. While acknowledging that modernity is at present judged with reference to catching up with the west, he argues that there exists no better methods, particularly when concepts of development; in the sense of deliberate attempts to overcome poverty, raise living standards and increase social equality, dates from the Enlightenment in the West.
In addition, Albertini argues that the dependency theory does not reveal much about colonial societies - only relations between independent states. He deals with specific aspects of the colonial economy to clarify the mentioned ambivalence between growth and development. Thus, he puts forth a broad evaluation of the patterns of colonialism. Among his significant propositions is the idea that no matter how direct the rule, native chiefs or village elders cannot be dispensed. Yet, even under indirect rule such authorities became executive agents for the colonial bureaucracy.
He criticized the tendency of scholars to use modern values and see indirect rule as the instrument which preserved 'feudal' structures. Rather, the colonial administration was a liberal and progressive policy since European colonialism did not tear down old social structures but gave the local officials new tasks in the changed administration. However, a caveat here is that to ensure stability, the colonial regime attempted to introduce innovations within a relatively unchanging social setting. Hence, central administrations tended to become muscle-bound, hampering the transmission of impulses toward modernization to the local levels and increasing the tendency toward bureaucratization of the capitals.
The individualization process during the colonial period was deemed to have loosened traditional obligations of obedience and loyalty, leading to open or covert conflicts between traditional rulers and the western educated younger generation. Particularly, in rural areas, modernization was seen as imposed from above. This resulted in discrepancies between central and local administrations, which hampered efforts of the new local power elite to integrate the masses of their peoples into the process of modernization.
Finally, Albertini argues that expanding foreign trade was a necessary but not a sufficient condition for diversified economic development. While recognizing that the capitalist system had led to disintegration of traditional society, there were two basically divergent systems which coexisted within the colony, reflecting the insufficient integration.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Synopsis
Allsen focuses on the role Mongolian nomads play in the cultural exchange between East and West in the 13th and 14th centuries. Using detailed political and institutional contexts of the Mongolian Empire, founded by Genghis Khan in 1206, he presents Mongolian nomads as a key broker of cultural transmission, particularly between the two khanates of Yuan China and Il-Khanate (Persia). He considers how nomads, in contrast to sedentary peoples, held vast potentials for cultural transmission and interaction, facilitating profound exchanges in the areas of historiography, agriculture, government policy and the arts between the two ends of the Mongolian Empire.
Ultimately, the book is necessarily largely inferential and hypothetical in nature. The Mongolians, as nomads, prized oral traditions and had only limited literacy; the lack of fixed settlements also meant that important artifacts are scattered across vast territories, making their procurement and analyses far more difficult. Allsen’s subject matter is an ambitious one simply because the Mongolian Empire, and the nomads which composed it, was such a fluid, flexible body comprising elaborate webs of relationships and rivalries. From Genghis to Mongke to Kublai, the political landscape was ever changing, and the resulting cultural flows changed with it. The book is therefore an attempt to piece together bits of historical information into a coherent narrative.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The book begins by setting up the political and institutional context of the Mongolian Empire. It starts with the establishment of the Empire by Genghis Khan in 1206, and ends with its demise in 1344 with the dismantling of the Yuan Dynasty by the Chinese Ming. Allsen focuses primarily on the interaction between China and Iran; the other two khanates, the Golden Horde in Russia and the Chaghanaids in the center, are less prominent in his discussion.
After providing historical background, the book turns its attention to the movement of specific cultural wares across the Mongolian Empire: agricultural products and practices, historiographical and cartographical knowledge, cuisine, and medicine. The final section takes a more theoretical approach, analyzing the Mongols’ cultural and political priorities within the framework of contemporary ethnographic models for the study of cultural exchange.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Allsen makes constant reference to primary sources rather than analyses by fellow scholars. The book regularly turns to evidence from Rashid al’Din’s Collected Chronicles, Marco Polo’s extensive traveling diaries, and Bolad’s court documents and personal observations; along the way it also quotes numerous travelers and leaders from both East and West. By basing his work on first-person accounts, Allsen paints a vivid picture of complicated rivalries, alliances, practices and events of the Mongolian Empire. There are, however, many instances in which Allsen warns of the unavailability of crucial sources. Some documents were either never in existence, or destroyed; others were only orally kept and never immortalized in written words. Where such traditional historical sources are absent, Allsen resorts instead to archaeology and numismatics.
The book continually emphasizes the diverse nature of the Empire, drawing on a wide range of documents authored by witnesses from various cultural backgrounds. While the more widely discussed European colonial societies systematically imposed dominant cultures on subjugated peoples, the Mongolian nomads functioned as mediums through which East and West engaged in more balanced form of cultural diffusion. Furthermore, this transmission of culture was not a bilateral one between conqueror and conquered; it was an intricate multi-way transaction between numerous sedentary subjects through mobile Mongolian agency. This was further complicated by the fact that, unlike others, the Mongolian Empire featured jarring divisions between the four khanates and lacked an undisputed center. Allsen therefore offers a detailed, holistic account of a unique empire which has thus far only garnered moderate scholarly interest.
Annotated by Jennifer Yip
Synopsis
Ansary’s single volume history of Islam argues that the Islamic world has its own very entrenched narrative regarding the course of world history, one that revolves around the emergence and evolution of Islam as a religion, a civilization, and a social project. Ansary presents a critical analysis of that narrative that is aimed squarely at the widest possible audience of intelligent general readers. In engaging prose and using everyday language, Ansary presents Islam as having created its own world system, with its own sense of identity and world history. Fundamental points are spelt out very clearly: the life story of the Prophet and the first four generations of Muslims is regarded by Muslims as their founding narrative as well as their base of scripture; the many efforts to develop, define and redefine Islam, as faith, civilization, and social project, all revolve around this first phase of Islamic history; the Islamic narrative of world history sees modernity and the rise of the West as having first disrupted and then derailed what they understand to be the ‘course of world history,’ although this conclusion takes many forms.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
Ansary’s book is clearly a tract for its time as well as a product of the author’s own experience. An Afghan writer living and working in the USA, Ansary became known for engaging in public discussion regarding the relationship between the Islamic and Western worlds after the 9/11 atrocities of 2001. Ansary’s principal target readership is clearly an interested if uninformed general American and Western public. He does a great service to that readership by presenting a clear and deeply contextualized explanation of how Islam came to be, why it grew and evolved as it did, what caused its great fissures and what were their consequences—and, above all, how did Muslims understand the course of their relationships with the West, over the very long span of time since the life of the Prophet. Ansary redefines periodization by dating events AH, After the Hijra—the flight of the Prophet from Mecca to Medina in 622—and placing this periodization alongside the CE dating calendar. This makes his cardinal point right away: from the Islamic historical vantage point, the course of events, as well as their importance, often looks very different. Stressing the importance of understanding Islam as a social project which focused on building the ideal community here on Earth according to God’s direction as revealed to the Prophet, Ansary historicizes as well as explaining the tenets and evolution of a faith that built a world system ranging from Morocco to Indonesia. Seminal events include the Sunni-Shi’a split, the Mongol invasion, the Industrial Revolution and the discovery of oil, and the rise of such competing forces as salafism, Wahabism, and secular modernism; put in perspective from the Islamic vantage point are the Crusades, the revealing of the New World, and the evolution of ‘nation statism.’ Perhaps the most important point Ansary makes is that there are historical as well as theological reasons for the rise of jihadism and its related expressions, and we must understand them in context in order to understand them today.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Ansary explains empires and Islam as having a deeply entwined relationship, despite the theological emphasis on unity within the Islamic world at all levels. The evolution of a near symbiosis between Shi’ism and a distinct Persian sense of difference and identity, plus the emergence of the Turkish defined but deliberately layered Ottoman imperial state as the effective khalifate, defined the political history of the Islamic world just as it began to experience what became comprehensive contact with a volatile and expanding Western civilization. Ansary suggests that the multi-layered nature of imperial polities and societies made a perhaps more ‘natural’ fit with prevailing Islamic understandings of community and identity—especially on the appropriateness of monarchy--than later efforts to carve out national states within the broader Muslim world. In any case, the dominance of empire models in the political history of Muslims AH and before the 20th century CE is so pronounced that they must be seen as an integral part of this world history.
Criticisms can be made. Anything east of India is almost completely ignored, a striking omission in a general study of an Islamic narrative of world history. And Ansary’s effort to explain complicated things in a clear manner to a general readership sometimes results in what scholars would consider essentializing or generalizing to excess. But the dynamic that stands out most clearly in the book is the emphasis Ansary places on how differently the Islamic world has seen the unfolding course of world history, and its relationship with the West in that context. The Crusades were an annoying skirmish with fanatics on the fringe, not some fundamental civilizational challenge that caused lasting animosity. Secular modernity made only limited headway within the Islamic world not only because it cut across some basic tenets of Islam but also came to be seen as the Trojan Horse of Western power exploiting Muslim weakness. There is no clash between civilizations in the apocalyptic sense, but the friction between Islam and the West is produced by some genuine incompatibilities, not just manipulation or misunderstanding. Despite this manifestation of presentism, Ansary succeeds very well in putting across an important argument: close historical study of the global experience of Islam indicates, above all, that Islam has produced its own distinct narrative of world history, one that reflected its construction of a world system—and it is timely to place both narrative and system alongside other narratives and systems, to better understand what it looked like ‘from the other side of the hill.’
Annotated by Brian Farrell
Synopsis
This book emerged as the result of consultation between anthropologists and historians on the subject of commodities. The commodity, however, as proposed by the editor, has a social life; just like a human being. Using Simmel’s view that “exchange is the source of value and not vice versa”, the book explores the commodity as a thing intended for exchange-with all its social implications. Politics is explored conceptually, as a tension between a current framework of value (bargaining, etc.) and the commodity itself breaching such a framework. The book proposes a few ways to understand and categorize ‘politics’, such as the politics of authenticity and authentication, related to objects of conspicuous consumption: an example given is the production of oriental carpets.
By incorporating and exploring processes and myths behind production and consumption, the book proposes that we understand capitalism as a complex cultural system, rather than just as an economic system. By being an assessment of commodities, the book is a study of the “stuff of ‘material culture’”- being more than just things that circulate in the economy; there is a deeper cultural understanding behind the visible economy that meets the eye. This is a study that extracts broader social meanings behind seemingly ordinary trends, and explores human societies through a deeper ideological significance generated in the exchange of commodities: a simple cloth could, in the case of Indian society, evoke symbols of moral duty and also transmit values.
The book also finds common ground in many societies by situating the commodity as a phenomenon that exists as a feature of human life- this giving the book the potential to examine both the particular cultural context of commodity exchange but also giving it relevance as a larger universal phenomenon.
By incorporating Baudrillard (1981), the book treats demand and consumption as integral to the political economy of societies, using concepts such as ‘tournaments of value’ to understand exceptional events such as the auction as a site for the production and exchange of sign values. Thus, whilst the understanding of the exchange of commodity is understood- it must be qualified in different ways; the book posits rather clearly that it is an attempt to investigate social constructions through the lens of different contexts; it also compares different ways to articulate the event of commodity exchange within a theoretical framework.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
This book is a volume of essays, and deals with the concept of value and commodity by exploring themes of understanding ‘things’ within an anthropological framework, and expanding on it with articles on the social functions these play. These functions vary and the range of writing includes studies on medieval relics, quasilegal commodities in Africa (qat), cloth in France before and after the French Revolution, among others. The contributors are grounded in the disciplines of history and anthropology, and in this collection present a multi-disciplinary approach to decode the relationship between politics, production and consumption.
The book is divided clearly into five parts considering different themes. By situating commodities within the context of social values and ritual, as well as deriving meaning from commodities, including relics, the book investigates cultural activity in real environments of human life.
Whether the transformation of a craft such as handloom weaving into a movement for spiritual regeneration in India, or the insistence on all adult men to be carpenters in the Eastern Solomon islands, this volume covers a plethora of themes, contextualizing the commodity within many different realms of cultural reality.
The conflation between temporal, cultural and social factors in this volume provide for an apt point to understand the commoditization process, and it is thus significant as it gives a dynamic perspective to, and expands upon the idea that the economic system cannot just be seen as a mundane arena of exchange.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Arjun Appadurai argues that the volume gives a new perspective on the circulation of commodities in social life, because it takes the object of economic value and the act of exchange creates a mutual valuation of objects. He begins by identifying notable theorists, specifically Marx, on the subject of fetishism of commodity, and puts forward that eventually, all social analysis will entail a degree of methodological fetishism; the tendency to read things in themselves. The volume itself deals with goods mostly, and lacks an analysis of services, but the editor sets this out from the beginning.
The impetus for writing the volume could be seen in the idea that most work that is contemporary on the economy limits the commodity to “material representations of the capitalist mode of production”, but the book is aimed at displacing this Marxist understanding by taking a cross-culturally and historically relevant approach: it returns to a way of defining production by not asking what is a commodity? But instead asking “What sort of exchange is a commodity exchange?”- giving an impetus to understand exchange rather than an economic process of production.
Instead of looking for a distinction between the commodity and other things, the book looks at the “commodity potential of all things”, thus, things could move both in and out of a state of being a commodity.
By using the term regimes of value, the book clearly indicates that the degree to which values are understood is situational, but also that commodities could spill over to other cultures (crossing boundaries).
On the whole, the combination of material and immaterial values contribute to a broader understanding of social values for us to read commodities in cultural perspective. The book espouses a distinct understanding of the commodity, but more coherence in establishing a central aim for all the chapters, rather than presenting many different themes (whilst they do acknowledge that “the genealogy of any multidisciplinary volume is likely to be complex” in the foreword), would be helpful to a reader interested in understanding the subject of value and exchange with clarity.
Annotated by Sandeep Singh
Synopsis
The writer hopes to present the selection of documents so as to demonstrate that the process of modern western expansion was far too complex to be reduced to a single moral judgment. Imperialism has played a key role in creating the close ties which bind together almost all parts of the present day world. Asia, Africa and Latin America are portrayed as having undergone a "modernization" resulting almost entirely from western initiatives, and that the relations between West and non-West were shaped also by the influences of western domination. The book showcases a phenomenon frequently referred to as the "Old Colonial System", which dates from the Renaissance to the eighteenth century. This was seen as a greater conscious dedication to imperial power and a lesser capability to transform the non-European world.
The Old Colonial System was viewed as the system of absolutist monarchies who expressed their concern for strict control over all overseas possessions. Mercantilist doctrine also made clear the vital but subordinate function of colonies in strengthening the economy of the mother country. Hence, the objective remained limited to strategic commercial centers and relatively vacant plantation areas; direct control over non-European populations was neither sought nor attained.
The book seeks to identify not just the motivations for empire but how they have to come to dominate the areas they established control over, for even in the post-colonialism era of the 1960s they are still characterized by "spheres of influence" in which western powers exercise economic control, sometimes reinforces by political manipulation and military intervention.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The book begins with the fall of the Old Colonial System; when the fullest European domination of the world first gets under way. The scope of the book includes the essays written during or about the full category of different forms of imperialism: expansion in the era of free trade 1776-1875, the new imperialism 1874-1919, empires in retreat from 1833-1960 and imperialism in a post-colonial world 1955-1965. The issues examined unfortunately limited in nature since most though not all the time, the perspectives of the myriad of issues represent only that of a limited few. Yet, the collection of essays are valuable for the reader to imperial studies, simply because it sheds light on some of the issues generally encountered when discussing the issue of empires, its justification, its nature and many other pertinent issues. However, admittedly the discussion is more broad-based rather than specific.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The book is arranged thematically, with primary materials, interpretive essays, editorial narrative as the major form of introducing the arguments of writers. Unlike the period of the Old Colonial System, the parliamentary state and the industrial economy of the nineteenth and twentieth century means that imperialism in this period is less the result of a deliberate expansive will than the effect of a vast increase in expansive capacity. The book works within the premise that the examples of political interest in colonies formed a rather sporadic pattern, largely subsumed by more serious rivalries within Europe. However, the author espouses that because Europeans had small forces who were able to establish claims to colonial tracts with modern weapons and transport was both astounding and until the rise of anti-colonial nationalism, irreversible.
The perspective of the Europeans arriving in Asia is very much prevalent, for it was seen that even marginal European capital undermined traditional society to the point where colonial rule sometimes offered the only means of maintaining order. Yet what could be of most use to students is in distilling the vital arguments of the European point of view so that they will be able to marry the two perspectives of empire, that belonging to the Europeans as well as non-Europeans and identify similarities and differences, in order to analyze the patterns of transformation to the identity of both societies.
Ultimately, the main framework remains limited to that of showing both the historical continuities of modern empire and the particular problems that empire has presented to the powers responsible for both its growth and decay.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Synopsis
Japan's rise to power challenged Europe's hegemony over Asia in the pursuit of a Japanese empire. Yet paradoxically, it was Japan's fall that had caused irreparable ruin of the colonial system over Eastern lands. The author describes how Japanese plans and policies toward Indonesia had grown out of the general Japanese colonial concept and how these policies were put into practice.
Japan had had plans for Indonesia for the purpose of gaining control of her rich resources long before she launched an aggressive war in the Pacific in December 1941. After February 1942, with Japanese conquest of the East Indies, Japan was able to wrest the Archipelago away from the Dutch. Compared with the machinery of the Dutch East Indies Government, the Japanese administration had a larger number of officials. Hence the Indonesians were virtually eclipsed by the new Japanese administrators. It is vital that the Japanese came to the Archipelago with the definite aim to eliminate all Dutch influence as quickly as possible from life in Indonesia.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
Part One covers largely the start of the Japanese expansion in East Asia, including Formosa, Korea and Manchuria. It also details the internal preparations for further expansion (1931-1936). Part Two details the Japanese plans and execution of the Occupation in Indonesia, covering different aspects of the Japanese rule in Indonesia during WWII, including the impact of the military policies in Indonesia, its administrative structure and the elimination of Western influence. The study terminates itself at the declaration of independence of Indonesia on 17 August 1945.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The author argues that with the Meiji Restoration in 1868 there commenced a new chapter in the history of Japan. Japan felt that she was capable of subjugating her adjacent territories. The rapid industrialization by means of state subsidies, improvement in agriculture, the abolition of feudalism and the adoption of a parliamentary but autocratic constitution on the Prussian model brought about an unprecedented revolution in the economic, social and political structure of the country.
Once the foundations of the state had been successfully laid on the Western technical prerequisites of power, Japan proceeded on an expansionist policy. The combination of emperor worship, revival of Shintoism as a national state religion and the spirit of Bushido, inevitably entrenched the ideology of expansion.
In addition, the author asserts that with the 1934 "Monroe Doctrine for Eastern Asia", which emphasized Japan's special responsibility and mission for the preservation of peace in Eastern Asia, Japan took steps to establish her predominance in the region. The "South Seas Areas" had been described as a pivotal point for world commerce, a sphere necessary and indispensable in the industries and national defense of the Japanese people. The "South Seas Areas" had not been mentioned in the 1940 plan since they formed part of the outer ring of the Co-Prosperity Sphere. However, the ties linking them to Japan would be looser than those of the more closely associated territories and their role still more subordinate. The writer therefore argues that the method, period of implementation and in what form and the scale of the Japanese Co-Prosperity Sphere was to come about was largely dependent on the circumstances.
During the Japanese Occupation, the occupiers recognized that the Indonesians were not a static group of people without any principles or convictions. They perceived that there were deep-rooted ideas and traditions which were often contradictory to each other and made the conduct of administration more complex. However, the author asserts that the main issue was that the Japanese military were leading in the decision-making process, and they were ill-equipped for the knowledge of administration skills needed. What the Japanese aimed in Indonesia was the setting up of a political economic structure which would have the appearance of freedom, combined with complete economic dependence and spiritual unity with Nippon. However, the superficial nature of this form of freedom failed to impress the nationalists of the middle of the twentieth century, who had always considered the combination of political and economic relations between their native country and overseas as fatal, and who therefore on principle regarded nationalism and socialism as the two inseparable forms of expression of their anti-colonial activity.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
B
Synopsis
The book is a revision of papers presented to the 7th economic history congress in 1978. With a wide range of contributors (there are 45), the book is a volume that addresses the inequality of economic growth as a collective theme. This is studied in relation to, and between, both regional and national disparities. This book is useful on a number of levels. First, it explores modern industrial development and the early modern period that allows us to understand, contextually, how economies grew and relate this to the industrial revolution. Second, it allows the reader to access a volume that attempts to deal with the topics on a global scope, and the sheer variety of articles are rather clear case studies on inequality in general and regional as well as national circumstances in particular.
Whilst one can appreciate the ambition of the volume, the outcome must be seen as a wide discussion with the purpose of giving a broad range of perspectives to the topic rather than arguing for anything singularly. This gives the impression that each chapter is a resource in itself, and could be utilized by scholars in that way. Each study more or less has a well designated time frame and scope of analysis, and the chapters are well structured. Of certain consideration to readers interested in studies on development and global economic history, especially in the modern, post industrial revolution period.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The book does not limit itself to an analysis post industrial revolution, but also covers topics prior to it to provide a very broad overview of global economic disparities over time. If one is to consult this volume, one can note the division between regional, global and national developments. It is structured into four parts, firstly dealing with economic disparities among nations, second, regional economic disparities, third, relation between regional and national disparities and finally, creating a methodology for the measurement of the disparities. However, within each section are a few sub-sections, which deal with different parts of the world, with specific focus on the third world and nations in Europe.
The volume is accessible and is effective as a resource material. It is able to present many case studies as a large compendium of work on the topic- this should be seen as the success of the work.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
By giving a large expanse of authors their own space to put forth their own arguments, the methodology of the work can be seen as having a united approach of dealing with the puzzle of inequalities in growth with the tools of economic history.
By focusing on the problem of growth inequality, the volume addresses issues central to the development of nations within what it calls the third world, and without. The book largely relies on quantitative evidence to make the claims, and the various chapters address different problems on their own.
The book is not purely an account of the past, but also emphasizes the role of the explanations to allow for consideration of factors which may occur in the future. Written very much with the concerns of the time in mind, the volume tries to be relevant to the time when it was written- in other words, its arguments consider the implications on the economy both past and present, with aim to understand a plausible future. Though the book may be well organized, the lack of a central thesis does indeed stand out, and readers seeking a straightforward explanation may very well be let down.
Annotated by Sandeep Singh
Synopsis
Lisa Balabanlilar’s study of the Mughal empire is an effort to redress the traditional neglect of the Central Asian legacy in its foundation and subsequent rule. That the Mughals perceived themselves not as a new dynasty but as a continuation of the Timurids, perpetuating many of the Turco-Mongol and Perso-Islamic political, cultural and religious features that characterised other Muslim empires of the early modern era, is a fact recognised by many scholars but seldom accredited or carried over into common knowledge.
Balabanlilar argues that the Timurid-Mughal exiles in Afghanistan and India fashioned, through manipulation of common cultural practices and a shared imagined history, the markers of a distinct identity based on this Central Asian inheritance that would shape their system of rule and provide them with the unity, continuity and legitimacy upon which their dynastic success rested. This edifice of imperial power, constructed from local Indian and universal Turco-Mongol and Persianate traditions, would outlast the real ability of Mughal emperors to sustain it by effective administration or military power.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The book’s main focus lies in the period in Mughal history from the time of its founder, Babur (1483-1530), through that of Aurangzeb (1618-1707), at its greatest extent. After a short prologue recounting the history of the Chinggisid conquests, the rise of Timur, and the development by his successors of a distinct Turco-Mongol cultural personality and charismatic genealogy, Balabanlilar follows the Timurid-Mughals through the flight from their ancestral homeland in Transoxiana (Mawarannahr) ahead of Uzbek invasion to the eventual transplantation of the dynasty in Afghanistan and India by Babur. Mughal imperial identity would coalesce around this narrative of traumatic displacement and exile, creating in subsequent generations the nostalgia, even after its recovery proved militarily impossible, for a lost Central Asian world which they sought to preserve and recreate, through the valorisation of ancestral virtues and values, the sacralisation of genealogy, and artistic and literary reproduction, in their South Asian territories.
The rest of the chapters are arranged in thematic rather than chronological sequence, each exploring a specific attribute of the Central Asian political and cultural tradition and its influence on the South Asian empire of Babur’s descendants. In these, the author systematically engages such topics as architecture, memory, linguistics and gender, tying them together to demonstrate the numerous linkages between the Mughals and Timurids in the former’s construction and conceptualisation of its collective identity in the new territorial circumstances in which it found itself.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Restoring the primacy of the dynasty’s Timurid origins is undoubtedly the most important contribution of Balabanlilar’s work to the study of Mughal history. While the fact itself is not contested, much of the prior historiography has overlooked, disregarded or sought to downplay the debt to their Central Asian roots, painting them as a singularly Indian phenomenon within the longer historical experience of Islam on the subcontinent beginning from the 8th Century. In a similar vein, scholarship of the Middle East and Central Asia tends to marginalise the Mughals, situating them purely on the periphery of the early modern Islamic world. Relying upon a close reading of Chagatai Turkish and Persian sources (the colloquial and court languages of the Mughals respectively), Balabanlilar endeavours to show that they were not only the principal inheritors of the powerful Turco-Persian legacy of Timur but its foremost exponents in the two centuries after the fall of Samarqand.
Comparisons by the author between the Mughals and their contemporaries are useful in illustrating this point as well as illuminating the differences and commonalities in the historical experience of early modern Islamic empire. Admiration for the Timurid legacy was mutual among the Muslim successor states: the Ottomans and Safavids were also claimants to the Turco-Mongol political legacy and Perso-Islamic culture– expressed through art, literature, Sufism, and monumental architecture– from which Timurid rulers derived their charismatic and moral authority. Only the Mughals, however, could claim direct descent through Babur to the line of Tamerlane and Genghis; consequently they would come to rely more upon the power and legitimacy this association conferred and style their dynastic practice more closely on their Timurid antecedents. Certain Turco-Mongol political traditions– one example cited prominently is the importance of maternal genealogy in establishing royal pedigree– remained of vital importance, both psychological and practical, to the Mughal dynasty and state long after its Ottoman counterpart had discarded them, although a few others, like tanistry and princely appanage, would continue to see use in both empires.
By crafting aesthetic, charismatic and genealogical narratives that tied them not just to the ancestral homeland in Central Asia but the new conquest territories of the subcontinent, the Mughals were not only able to impress their Timurid lineage upon subject peoples and rivals but also amongst themselves, ensuring that intra-dynastic conflict between pretenders over imperial succession– by far the greatest challenge posed to Mughal rule– would not threaten the overall sovereignty of the ruling family. Similar evocations of Timurid heritage were expressed in the features of Mughal peripatetic court practice, such as the hunt, the travelling imperial camp, and the building of pleasure gardens in the Persian-Timurid tradition, intended both as political theatre as well as an official effort at re-enacting a memorialised, semi-nomadic past. In short, while they maintained a collective identity that was responsive, elastic and flexible, the Mughals ultimately remained, consciously and deliberately, the Timurid kings of India. Loyalty to this imagined past was both the basis of their political legitimacy and the defining trait of their self-image, possibly to the detriment of their ability to accept indigenous custom or derive new understandings from it – an observation on which the author concludes.
The same might conceivably be said of her work as a whole: if it has perhaps one shortcoming, it is that there was not as rigorous or insightful an engagement of Mughal assimilation and adaptation towards their Indian environment as the skilful and impressive study of their Central Asian origins presented. Also potentially helpful would have been an extension of the book’s timeframe to include the Mughals in their period of decline: showing how, in the face of emerging regional rivals and foreign encroachment, their self-declared identity as successors of Timur evolved with or influenced this development.
The questions such an addendum would address are pertinent to our understanding of early modern empire in Asia, concerning not just the Mughals but other conquest dynasties with nomadic origins like the Qing and Ottoman. How did these empires structure or redefine themselves to be able to assert their rule, whether by coercion or compliance, over the subject populations of larger, relatively more sophisticated civilisations, both outnumbering and culturally alien to them in most respects? And how did the conquerors balance the preservation of their distinct cultural identity against the practical considerations of government? Prof. Balabanlilar’s study is a thorough and convincing investigation into the Mughals’ experience without resolving the latter quandary.
Annotated by Daniel Lee
Synopsis
Archaeologist Warwick Ball is the driving force behind the four-book series Asia in Europe and the Making of the West, of which this book is the third. The unifying thesis that shapes the series is one that aligns very closely with our analysis in Empire in Asia: the intermingling, cross-pollination, symbiosis, and overlapping between empire crafting in both “Asia” and “Europe” was so extensive that what must emerge is an understanding of a messy, dynamic, and fluid shared history. There can hardly be a better example of this than the story Ball engages in this extended essay: the transformation of various Turkic peoples emerging from Siberian forest land into an aspiring eclectic world empire, based in a Balkan-Anatolian heartland. Ball develops five principal arguments: Turkic peoples did as much to shape Islam as the other way around; the Ottoman Empire was a European polity before Mehmet II completed that process by conquering Constantinople in 1453; the framing of the Ottoman Empire as an intolerant Muslim Turkish polity determined to destroy Christendom was a simplified caricature composed by Habsburg propaganda, but it “othered” the Empire in Europe for centuries; in fact the Ottomans behaved very much like the European Powers with which they jockeyed for power and position, from 1453 to the Congress of Vienna; 19th century nationalism did howver essentialize relations and perceptions, and drove lasting wedges between the “Turks” and the Hellenic and Balkan peoples with whom they had engaged, for centuries, in a more nuanced intercourse.
Ball keeps his theme in front of us from start to finish: identity was always a complicated and contingent thing, and while certain structural facts must be acknowledged they were rarely, if ever, absolute or deterministic. Mehmet II did seek to conquer Constantinople in order to fulfil a Muslim aspiration expressed in the Koran itself, but then turned his conquest into the seat of a project not to erase the Roman Empire but to use it as an inheritance, through which he sought to rebuild a great cosmopolitan unifying imperium. His grandson finally bothered to assume the title of Caliph in 1517 after conquering Egypt, but Ottoman Sultans did not go out of their way to stress or celebrate this title until 1903 – when they did so under pressure from Western Powers whose encouragement of nationalisms, from the Greek Revolt of the 1820s onwards, steadily stripped away from the Empire territories populated by majorities neither Muslim nor Turkic, turning it for the first time into a state in which those latter groups formed the overall majority. Religion mattered. Ottoman conflicts with Venice, Persia, and Hungary, to take but three, were all heavily influenced by considerations of religion. But it did not dictate. Ottomans allied over the years with Christian France, Protestant Britain, and Orthodox Russia, and fought Islamic Persia. Ethnicity mattered, but it did not dictate. The Ottoman Empire was for much of its history much more of a meritocracy, as a state, and more tolerant of difference, as a society, than nearly all the European polities that othered it as “the barbarous Turk.” Ball’s cardinal argument rests on very strong ground: the Ottoman power saw itself as a syncretic European power, and behaved very much, overall, like other major European powers, even into the developments of the nineteenth century that finally really did carve out distinctions between it and the rest of “the public law of Europe” – even as it was finally acknowledged to be part of that domain.
Ball’s arguments are, as noted, not unique. Indeed, this general approach to “Europe and Asia and Empire” is becoming a scholarly consensus. They are however, at least to him, making very little headway in wider contemporary public perception. That problem shapes his approach to this book: an attempt to unmask “bad history” that draws distinctions where there were few or none, overlooks synthesis and similarity, and drives every perception, at least in Europe, down the vortex of “national” history. The irony that creates in this story is surely thus not lost on the author: the battle now raging in modern Turkey between the national project to build a “Turkey” launched by Ataturk, a Turkey Muslim yet secular and defined by ethnicity, and apparent efforts by the current President to restore a “neo-Ottoman” focus to modern Turkey – one that, to be sure, is more open to religious influence in the state, but shares the desire to essentialize “Turkic” identity and embrace origin myths. Ball would surely agree that the political future is likely to be as messy as the geopolitical past. While scholars seem ready to accept that there was no meaningful historical “Asia” that was fundamentally different from “Europe,” even the Turkic-Turkish story faces long odds in helping to persuade a much wider audience to both take that point and, especially, apply it to the present.
Annotated by Brian Farrell
Synopsis
"The Perilous Frontier: Nomadic Empires and China" is part of a series "Studies in Social Discontinuity", which pursue one or more of four varieties of historical analysis: using evidence from the past to identify regularities in processes and structures that transcend the past, reconstruct critical episodes for the light they shed on that era, tracing the origins of significant social processes that continue into the present, as well as examining the ways that social action lays down residues that limit the possibilities of subsequent social action.
Barfield reanalyzes the interaction between successive Chinese mainland empires and the various nomadic empires that formed in the steppes to their north. He examined the surprising durability of imperial organization in the Eurasian steppe and investigated the possibility that the empires of Mongols and other predatory nomads thrived not because they were able to extract resources from their own people, but because of the tribute that they were able to extract from their neighbors. Hence, rather than examining ceremonies between Mongols and China as a submission to their overlords, it warrants to be seen as occasions of exchanges in which nomad chiefs profited handsomely.
"The Perilous Frontier" challenges the common presumption that empires build their strength on internal hierarchies ultimately dependent on the labor of subjugated peasants in a landlord-dominated agrarian economy.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The scope covered is large enough for a comparative study of the empires across the centuries - from the Hsiung-Nu empire, to that of the Hsien-Pi empire, to the Manchurian invasion of China as well as the relations between the Turkish empires and T'ang China. An entire chapter is dedicated to the conquests and policies of the Mongol empire. A comparative history is also drawn up to illustrate the differences and similarities among the method of rule of the Ming, Mongols and the Manchus. The decline of the Mongols provide an apt epilogue to the book.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The book unravels some of the history of Inner Asia by applying anthropological models of tribal and state development to the available historical date on the tribal peoples who bordered China's northern frontier. In this case, the perspective of the steppe was applied to define the sphere of interaction between Inner Asia and China. The work centers largely on the political development of the Nomadic tribes. For example, the study of the Mongol empire allows one to make observations if it represents the culmination of political development on the steppe or a deviation from it. This allows readers to examine the interaction between China and its neighbors from a different perspective, giving insight into alternative forms of empire-building; that of the nomads.
Deviating from current presumptions that the Mongols were the product of a 1,500-year rise, Barfield espouses that it was a progressive internal political development, beginnning from the Hsiung-Nu state that had developed the necessary structure and support for a nomadic empire in 200 B.C.E.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Synopsis
Essays contained within this book discuss particular characteristics of European power in Southeast Asia before the advent of World War I. By focusing on the actions and motivations of the European powers when they set up their colonial mechanizations in Southeast Asia, the writers hope to contribute to the study of the extent to which British methods of control varied depending on the severity and directness of challenge to British interests. Finally, connected to the period of imperial rule is its consequence. To conclude, the complex relationships between history, national identity and national interests take central stage in this discussion of European empires in Southeast Asia.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The first four chapters consider specific aspects of European power in Southeast Asia prior to the World War I. The very different and yet in some ways complementary chapters by Greg Bankoff and John Legge focus more generally on the nature of pre-twentieth century imperialism, and in so doing usefully enhance a number of points made in the first part of the book. The chapters by Ian Nish and Ching Fatt Yong explore different aspects of British imperial control in the inter-war years, with emphasis on Hong Kong and Malaya. Both reflect to the extent to which British methods of control varied depending on the severity and directness of challenge to British interests. Barrington and McIntyre move into the period following World War II, during which Britain in pursuing the policy of regionalism and via the development of the Commonwealth, attempted to maintain its influence in Southeast Asia during the period of decolonization and beyond. The book ends with two essays which consider the complex relationships between history, national identity and national interests.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
'Empire' is used in the book to express not only the concepts of sovereignty or possession but to encompass notions of influence and order. The concept of empire may be less (or perhaps more) than simply an expression of formal control. This is in accordance to Tarling's observation that where British interests could be advanced by means short of possession then this was often the option preferred by policymakers in London. Thus, there are several key arguments made by Tarling that becomes part of the central argument of the authors in this collection. A main point illustrated in the essays is that those writing the history of Southeast Asia cannot be blind to the imperial and international, as well as domestic forces which have shaped the region. In this way, the essays encompass a much broader definition of time, as well as an in-depth investigation into the patterns of pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial rule, creating a wonderful medley of essays describing the various relationships between European and Asian powers across time.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Synopsis
This book assesses the fate of towns, merchants, and service people from 1770-1870, where the old political order was replaced by a British colonial administration. Comparing traditions of the writing of history in other parts of what Bayly calls the “colonial world”, a coherent explanation of the change in relations between groups such as the rural gentry is largely missing from Indian history. Thus, the book attempts to illustrate the importance of the groups shifting between state and peasantry in the period assessed.
By looking at groups of urban, mercantile and service people, trends in terms of trade, consumption, commercialization of cash crops, are given a new perspective by examining them in relation to the political order. Further, by contextualizing the relationships in a time characterized by the rise of British commerce and rule, the book gives a new perspective to the interactions between the new colonial power and the intermediate classes, and also gives an explanation for the socio-political climate of pre-colonial India.
Examining systems of landlordism, patronage, and communities of merchants, the book explains the vitality of the major trade routes and the growth and development of cities such as Agra. Looking at large trends but also focusing in on the merchant family as an entity with a conservative business practice ideology, Bayly’s study decodes the seemingly complex concept of social forces at this time.
By showing how the period before institutionalized European dominance was a time for growth and change in Asian society, the book relates this to the Mughal polity and its transition to a commercialization of power- the political decentralization led to an increased ability for groups such as the merchant class and a service gentry to emerge.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The book covers the prior historiography on the topic and offers a new perspective in examining Indian history from1770-1870, and limits its scope to a singular part of the Indian subcontinent- thus allowing for specificity. By giving light to power and its relationship to influences, the work draws attention to the growth and transformation of patronage. The acquisition and maintenance of land resources are related to communities- the emergence of pioneer peasant warriors, such as the Jats or Marathas, gives a context to shifting relations around the region.
By covering a wide array of topics, Bayly allows us to have insights into commercialization that emerged at the time, by assessing corporations, merchants, and political stability and instability; all contributing to a bigger picture and a new narrative on the period. Further, the examination of religious trends and the growth of artisan production give an explanation to mass consumption and the organization of society.
With analysis of a large pool of documents, such as revenue records, magistrates’ reports, and pension agency files of Mughal descendants, the book is able to draw from many sources to give a vivid portrayal.
By giving light to complexity without reducing it to simplistic assumptions about the relationships of state and class, the work gives a good account, giving itself a foundation to examine the broad interactions between the heritage of indigenous rule and its transformation into a colonial system.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Bayly sets out rather clearly that the book’s argument is structured in three levels. One set of chapters is dedicated to arguing that power decentralization in the eighteenth century gave a big impetus to the rise of a “homogenous merchant class” and “rooted service gentry”. By examining this in relation to the British government, we can see how institutions persisted over time, in the form of societal forces. Secondly, the book looks at the social history of towns, and how unity was problematized by different forms of communal alliances, later made manifest by the rise of nationalism and religious communalism. Third, the book argues that the commercial middle class had a base in religion and credit that was made possible by prior foundations. The economic organization is therefore inseparable from other social forces and phenomena.
By critiquing the “dark ages” stereotype of the period, Bayly puts forth that such existing scholarship rests on a priori assumptions about decline and weakness of the state. Refuting this, the book gives the period covered a broad and well- structured examination.
Annotated by Sandeep Singh
Synopsis
This book assesses the fate of towns, merchants, and service people from 1770-1870, where the old political order was replaced by a British colonial administration. Comparing traditions of the writing of history in other parts of what Bayly calls the “colonial world”, a coherent explanation of the change in relations between groups such as the rural gentry is largely missing from Indian history. Thus, the book attempts to illustrate the importance of the groups shifting between state and peasantry in the period assessed.
By looking at groups of urban, mercantile and service people, trends in terms of trade, consumption, commercialization of cash crops, are given a new perspective by examining them in relation to the political order. Further, by contextualizing the relationships in a time characterized by the rise of British commerce and rule, the book gives a new perspective to the interactions between the new colonial power and the intermediate classes, and also gives an explanation for the socio-political climate of pre-colonial India.
Examining systems of landlordism, patronage, and communities of merchants, the book explains the vitality of the major trade routes and the growth and development of cities such as Agra. Looking at large trends but also focusing in on the merchant family as an entity with a conservative business practice ideology, Bayly’s study decodes the seemingly complex concept of social forces at this time.
By showing how the period before institutionalized European dominance was a time for growth and change in Asian society, the book relates this to the Mughal polity and its transition to a commercialization of power- the political decentralization led to an increased ability for groups such as the merchant class and a service gentry to emerge.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The book covers the prior historiography on the topic and offers a new perspective in examining Indian history from1770-1870, and limits its scope to a singular part of the Indian subcontinent- thus allowing for specificity. By giving light to power and its relationship to influences, the work draws attention to the growth and transformation of patronage. The acquisition and maintenance of land resources are related to communities- the emergence of pioneer peasant warriors, such as the Jats or Marathas, gives a context to shifting relations around the region.
By covering a wide array of topics, Bayly allows us to have insights into commercialization that emerged at the time, by assessing corporations, merchants, and political stability and instability; all contributing to a bigger picture and a new narrative on the period. Further, the examination of religious trends and the growth of artisan production give an explanation to mass consumption and the organization of society.
With analysis of a large pool of documents, such as revenue records, magistrates’ reports, and pension agency files of Mughal descendants, the book is able to draw from many sources to give a vivid portrayal.
By giving light to complexity without reducing it to simplistic assumptions about the relationships of state and class, the work gives a good account, giving itself a foundation to examine the broad interactions between the heritage of indigenous rule and its transformation into a colonial system.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Bayly sets out rather clearly that the book’s argument is structured in three levels. One set of chapters is dedicated to arguing that power decentralization in the eighteenth century gave a big impetus to the rise of a “homogenous merchant class” and “rooted service gentry”. By examining this in relation to the British government, we can see how institutions persisted over time, in the form of societal forces. Secondly, the book looks at the social history of towns, and how unity was problematized by different forms of communal alliances, later made manifest by the rise of nationalism and religious communalism. Third, the book argues that the commercial middle class had a base in religion and credit that was made possible by prior foundations. The economic organization is therefore inseparable from other social forces and phenomena.
By critiquing the “dark ages” stereotype of the period, Bayly puts forth that such existing scholarship rests on a priori assumptions about decline and weakness of the state. Refuting this, the book gives the period covered a broad and well- structured examination.
Annotated by Sandeep Singh
Synopsis
Combining historical and anthropological approaches, Bayly frames her analysis within the context of India's dynamic economic and social order. She interprets caste not as the essence of Indian culture and civilization, but rather as a contingent and variable response to the enormous changes that had occurred in the subcontinent's political landscape before and after colonial conquest.
The main idea of the book is that caste has been for many centuries a real and active part of Indian life, and not merely a self-serving orientalist fiction. And yet,
the book will ask why caste has so evidently mattered to many Indians, why it has aroused so much debate from within and outside the continent, and why its norms have influenced people in so many areas of economic, political and religious life.
Unlike accounts that were written before hers, Bayly explores a different angle of caste in Indian history. She argues that the nineteenth and twentieth century critiques of caste has had a powerful impact on colonial policy, and on the ways Indians themselves have come both to understand and experience the phenomenon of caste.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The book accounts for and interprets the phenomenon of caste in the Indian subcontinent. It deals primarily with the period from the mid-eighteenth century to the present-day, though Chapters One and Two explore the spread of caste-like norms and values in the age of the great sixteenth and seventeenth century Indian dynasties.
An important dimension of the book lies in how caste has been the focus of a debate in which the question of whether modernity has modified or undermined caste values.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Bayly counters several arguments that India lacked indigenous values which might have inspired the construction of strong states and the achievement of effective political action, either in the distant past or in resistance to colonial conquest. The changes to perceptions of caste and how it is used serves as an important contribution to the understanding of changes that occurred in India.
The book argues that caste has been for many centuries a real and active part of Indian life, though well into the colonial period, much of the subcontinent was still populated by people for whom the formal distinctions of caste were only of limited importance as a source of corporate and individual lifestyles.
The book moves beyond placing value judgments such as seeing the caste as a cause for dehumanizing inequalities, instead attempting to see critiques of caste in the nineteenth and twentieth century as having a powerful impact on colonial policy, and on the ways Indians themselves have come both to understand and experience caste. In addition, the study seeks to illustrate the point that both before and after the end of British colonial rule, the perceptions and writings of both Indian and foreign observers also further contributed directly to the shaping of the 'system' of caste. Hence, the study seeks to prove that caste should be examined as a dynamic force in Indian life and thought and is embodied in what people do and say rather than a mere code of conduct.
Finally, this book has served to show that caste in itself only became a form of 'tradition' underway long after the initial British conquest. However, it would be the state rulers, as well as the responses of the Indians in turn which would have moulded the caste system to what it gradually become, a comparatively recent product of these transformations of Indian life and thought.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Synopsis
This book will examine Japanese imperialism from its origins, its motivations as well as its engagement on the international stage, where the framework of empires becomes the main context in which Japan plays an active role in. The emerging parliamentary system developed in a domestic atmosphere that equated empire with patriotism. This in turn leads to imperialism becoming the social norm. After the trading crisis of 1929-30, Japan was seeing itself as threatened economically. Japan had feared that she would be shut out by her rivals from markets for its manufactures, outlets for its surplus population as well as access to the raw materials it required. Unfortunately, Japan returned to military solutions as answers to these severe problems. The product of the discussion was the decision to build a Co-prosperity Sphere, necessitating war against the European colonial powers which had already established hold over territories in Asia.
Economic modernization in the Meiji period was part of a wider program of reform, undertaken by men predominantly of feudal origin - that is ex-samurai - with the objective of defending the country from foreign threat. Brought up as members of a military ruling class, these ex-samurai were inclined to give special attention to Japan's defense perimeter. As a result, securing a foothold in Taiwan, Kwantung and Korea was seen as a vital priority for Japan. Whereas the first phase of Japanese imperialism was one of dependency on a good relationship with Britain and America, the second phase accorded more closely with the patterns of European imperialism where Japan turned towards creating a sphere of influence in Manchuria.
Beasley provides a detailed account of the Japanese empire, which began with the taking of Taiwan in 1895, and ended with the close of World War II in 1945. He discusses a variety of political, economic and cultural factors for the rapid emergence of Japanese imperialism, and argues that, while it was not purely an heir of Western imperialism, it was certainly influenced by Western presences in Asia, most notably in the form of the treaty port system. He also traces the evolution of Japanese imperialist attitudes throughout the years, noting that imperialism is never static and reacts to changing circumstances. Within these broad theoretical frameworks, Beasley also examines each major colony in turn: Korea, Taiwan, the Co-Prosperity Sphere, and so on. China, while never a colony, receives special attention due to its unique relationships with the Japanese Empire. The book thus presents the Japanese empire as a collection of three different categories: treaty port system, a series of colonies, and a special industrial relationship with China.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The book covers a large scope; including the early form of treaty port system of Japan, its responses to the West, its intervention in Korea 1894-95, the peace settlement reached with China 1894-96 and the forms of empire in Northeast Asia between 1905 and 1910. Aspects of the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere are examined as well. Japanese imperialism is dated from the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-95. It is therefore compared with modern Western imperialism.
Geographically, Beasley discusses each colony in turn, and in roughly chronological order. Discussion however is by no means limited to Asia, as Beasley draws regular and significant connections between Japanese practices and those of the Western powers. Developments in Britain and America also factor into the establishment and maintenance of Japanese colonies, particularly during the two World War periods. The book is thus global in terms of its territorial scope.
Apart from examining colonies and other relationships, Beasley also engages in broader, more theoretical discussions. He begins the book by introducing the treaty port system, which originated from the Opium War between China and Britain, and whose framework shaped the Japanese attitude toward the Western powers. He also discusses theories of economic imperialism from both Western and Japanese scholars in relation to the Japanese model.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The author forms an interesting theoretical framework. He concludes with the observation that imperialism is like the blind men's elephant: the nature depends on which part of it one studies.
The writer examines the various possible factors for the origins of Japanese imperialism. For example, Marxist writers of Japanese imperialism maintained that the existence of an international imperialist structure, by which Japan was threatened, provided an external impulse working in the same direction; thus Japan imperialism was borne out of Western imperialism and international rivalry.
The writer asserted that the nature of its origins lent a special character to Japanese imperialism. It had begun in the 1868 as an internal self-strengthening mission. The development of Japanese imperialism however reflected the continued influence in society of a military and a landowning aristocracy, whose traditional ideology, which included elements of protectionism and territorial expansion, had not been wholly replaced by that of the bourgeoisie.
After 1880, statesmen were more inclined to choose 'imperialist' solutions. However, this was not because of the change in the nature of capitalism, but a change in the situation with which the great powers had to deal. The Western powers assumed that they could not find any system of control, short of annexation or protectorate, in areas where indigenous states were unable to provide a satisfactory political and economic environment for European enterprise and where rivalry between European states were excessive.
By 1930, Japanese imperialism comprised of the need to establish a network of colonies and spheres of influence, setting up fortifications in the gateways to the home islands. In addition, Japan desired to secure their food supplies and succeed in becoming a member of an international system based on treaty rights. They also expressed the need to confer trade and investment privileges throughout East Asia, and maintain a special relationship with China.
Beasley argues for a multi-causal approach: he claims that Japanese imperialism was the product of a collection of intertwined push and pull factors, and should not be tied to any single isolated explanation. Of these factors, the existence of the treaty port system, the introduction of Western modernization, and the strong alliance among the bourgeoisie, monarchy and military are particularly significant. For example, modernization was the link between the treaty port system and the emergence of Japanese imperialism: the Japanese elite viewed it as the means by which they could extract themselves from the unequal treaties they were locked in with the Western powers. In turn, the establishment of colonies in Northeast Asia and Southeast Asia would contribute to a large-scale economic plan that would further feed such modernization in order to reach the peak of the social Darwinist triangle. The existence of such a plan makes the Japanese empire unique.
Beasley also emphasizes that Japanese imperialism experienced fundamental changes throughout the years, and that no one model will encapsulate it in its entirety. Generally, Japanese imperialism was “dependent” on Western powers when it began in 1894; became more assertive in 1905 after the Russo-Japanese War; and adopted Western-style imperialist practices after the 1930s. The Great Depression, which began in 1929, was a pivotal moment, as the collapse of international trade made cooperation no longer feasible and monopolistic control over economic relationships grew more attractive as a policy.
Finally, Beasley argues that the consequences of Japanese imperialism did not end in 1945. Rather, it undermined European imperialism sufficiently to encourage successful independence movements after World War II, and resolved internal struggles between Chinese political rivals. The economic prowess of South Korea and Taiwan today can also be linked back to intense industrialization during Japanese rule.
Annotated by Michelle Djong/Jennifer Yip
Synopsis
The imperial context acts as a framework for Bentley's examination of cross-cultural contacts before 1492. The book examines cross-cultural contacts and 'social conversion', a process by which pre-modern peoples adopted or adapted foreign cultural traditions. Unlike the common method of identification of cross-cultural contacts via the experience of Christopher Columbus in 1492, where the notion of the 'barbarian' became a way of differentiating among cultures, Bentley attempts an explanation of cross-cultural exchanges as a two-way street. He explores the reasons for revival of cross-cultural interactions, which arguably depended upon the stability instilled by large imperial states. For example, Tang, Abbasid and Carolingian empires encouraged cross-cultural interaction when they pacified vast stretches of Eurasia and cooperated with nomadic peoples, who provided transportation links between settled regions beginning in the sixth century.
While diseases have ravaged both Asian and European empires, Bentley argues that Europe's technological developments and the lesser degree of diseases prevalent in European empires magnified vastly the European potential to inaugurate processes of conversion induced by political, social, economic pressures. Thus, the book identifies some common factors affecting cross-cultural conversion, such as the ability of political authorities to sustain institutions that perpetuate the particular culture, and elaborates upon three different kinds of cultural conversion depends on specific circumstances and the political or social motivations surrounding the process of cultural conversion.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The book is an attempt to conduct an in-depth examination of the features and motivations for cross-cultural conversions, which has transformed the nature of interacting societies. It promises to analyze the dynamics of cultural effects of encounters in pre-modern times and seeks to identify and understand the patterns of cross-cultural conversion, conflict, and compromise that came about when peoples of different civilizations and cultural traditions interacted over a long period of time. Bentley discusses the idea of cross-cultural conversion in terms of a process of communication of beliefs and negotiations of values across cultural boundary lines.
Bentley purposefully sets the context of his examination to the pre-modern times around 1492, so as to highlight patterns of cross-cultural encounters and their effects before modern times, particularly in making the links between the ideas exchanged along trade routes like the Silk Road and the phenomenon of religious faiths like Buddhism, Christianity and Islam attracting converts far beyond their origins.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Bentley argues that religious and cultural traditions rarely won foreign converts except when there is a powerful set of political, social or economic incentives. Cross- cultural conversion and the spread of religious and cultural traditions over long distances also depended heavily on processes of syncretism that established lines of communication and mediated differences between traditions which intersect.
Social conversion signifies a process by which pre-modern peoples adopted or adapted foreign cultural traditions and a process dependent on presupposed existence of thought on which new cultural alternatives can be built upon. Thus, the introduction of Islam into sub-Saharan Africa and its adoption by local ruling elites was attributed to the intrinsic nature of Islam, which seemed to offer a coherent set of beliefs and values widely observed in the outside world, allowing local rulers to widen their worldview.
Bentley approaches the topic of cross-cultural encounters and subsequent conversion in the imperial framework, thus addressing the largely social aspect of empires, shedding light on political element seen in cross-civilization encounters. He points out three possible motivations for cultural conversion: voluntary association, political and socio-economic pressure and assimilation; processes of conversion that reflect the broader political, social and economic contexts. For example, the degree and motivation for cultural conversion depends on the relative strengths of the parties involved in cross-cultural encounters.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Synopsis
The book provides an introductory study that briefly spans the history of modern French empire and is meant to concentrate on the important problems with regard to French imperialism and their aims in garnering colonies. Betts set the context by referring to the period where a shift in locus of French interest occurred from the New World to older worlds, those of Africa and Asia. The colonial system was seen as hypothetical since even at the end of the nineteenth century there were still no effective colonial administration, and the reality of imperialism was in the singular person of the Frenchman who "happened to be there".
Betts espouses that the French empire was created without a nation-wide inspiration, for it was the military who largely acted as agents of imperialism and the then-existent French colonial world remained crudely defined by the military. Imperialism was thus the end-products of the passion of a small number of dedicated nationalists, ambitious soldiers and as the nineteenth century came to a close, a few ministers of state. The French perspective influenced largely their forms of colonial practice, for the 'assimilation' process was largely driven by the French colonizers, who saw the people they ruled over as the children that they have to control and 'nurture', for only the French was equipped with the know-how to guide and educate the 'natives'. In this framework, decolonization became defined as modification, rather than total abolition of the colonial system.
Ultimately, the focus remains largely on the theories of the French empire, how it came about and who drove it forward. This provides a good introduction book for the empire-reader.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
As a history of nineteenth-century European imperialist activity, this book begins with a cursory review of colonial affairs since the Treaty of Paris of 1763 and ends with a final glance toward the Western Front in August 1914. This volume focuses largely on the internal development of empire-building in Europe. Theories of economic imperialism, disjunction of theories and practice of colonialism, the structure and organization of empire as well as native policy and protest sheds light on the various issues faced in the establishment and maintenance of a colonial territory.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
In exploring the idea of European empires, the editor claims that since the contours of the historical problems of empire are enormous, no single theory will provide a meaningful explanation for the myriad of forms that imperialist activity took; no single model will allow for an integral reconstruction of its history.
Like the steam engine, the most obvious modern artifact of the age, technology and the spirit that informed it provided the dynamic thrust that temporarily created an Eurocentric world and propelled the significant vehicle of global domination - modern imperialism. Overseas expansion was thus a constant factor in nineteenth-century European history.
The atmosphere during the era of the empires bear the influence of geographers such as Halford J. Mackinder. He asserted that the European phase of history was passing away as the Mediterranean had done before it, implying that the European state as a culture and political unit was diminishing with the rapid expansion of the political world. The reality of the fear, as expressed in imperialistic rhetoric, was also evidently seen in the production and population statistics. However, the extent of it was conditioned by the ideologies that enshrined the ideas of competition and conflict.
Imperialists linked expansion to those issues that appealed to the public as questions of "national interest". There was, however, a constant gap between local activity overseas and national policy at home. Issues of "national interest" were made so by the man-on-the-scene, who was fulfilling his personal aspirations by making them suitable to fit national dimensions. Advocators of imperialism saw the impending internal crisis as caused by the effects of industrialization, which was impossible to control and an ever-expanding phenomenon; requiring more raw materials and markets. Thus, only by expanding abroad could they avert such a crisis. Settlement colonies were deemed able to absorb increasing populations, with tropical dependencies to provide raw materials and which might become brisk markets.
In summary, the faces of imperialism were numerous. The imperialism of prestige over which the flag majestically waved was joined by the imperialism of geopolitics in which strategy figured colorfully on large-scaled wall maps. This was enjoined with the imperialism of trade which manipulated and added up statistics to justify colonies as outlets; and by social imperialism through which domestic social problems would be alleviated or diverted by popular glance and a national thrust overseas. Hence, imperialism was like the mohair settee - a convenience of the age.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Synopsis
The book provides an introductory study that briefly spans the history of modern French empire and is meant to concentrate on the important problems with regard to French imperialism and their aims in garnering colonies. Betts set the context by referring to the period where a shift in locus of French interest occurred from the New World to older worlds, those of Africa and Asia. The colonial system was seen as hypothetical since even at the end of the nineteenth century there were still no effective colonial administration, and the reality of imperialism was in the singular person of the Frenchman who "happened to be there".
Betts espouses that the French empire was created without a nation-wide inspiration, for it was the military who largely acted as agents of imperialism and the then-existent French colonial world remained crudely defined by the military. Imperialism was thus the end-products of the passion of a small number of dedicated nationalists, ambitious soldiers and as the nineteenth century came to a close, a few ministers of state. The French perspective influenced largely their forms of colonial practice, for the 'assimilation' process was largely driven by the French colonizers, who saw the people they ruled over as the children that they have to control and 'nurture', for only the French was equipped with the know-how to guide and educate the 'natives'. In this framework, decolonization became defined as modification, rather than total abolition of the colonial system.
Ultimately, the focus remains largely on the theories of the French empire, how it came about and who drove it forward. This provides a good introduction book for the empire-reader.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The book adopts a largely theoretical approach, since the different facets of French imperial thought and the modes of governing are examined in great detail. Other than merely examining the French context before the 'High Imperialism' period, Betts makes the connections between ideas of economic and political dependence of the present-day Third World. Particularly, according to the argument of neo-imperialism replacing formal colonization, the underlying purpose of imperialism persisted since present-day Third World countries are still largely economically and sometimes politically dependent on their former imperial powers.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
France's loss of formal empire in Canada and Louisiana becomes the starting point for a qualitative change in the form of French empire. Betts attempt to identify patterns of colonial rule, particularly the reasons for its evolution. Border incident was seen as a frequent provocation for the extension of colonial rule, as witness the British in Punjab: raiding tribes that fought against defending colonial troops became a reason to elicit the support of the British home government.
The roots of the French empire in Indochina was also seen to have been largely been instigated by Frenchmen, but was not deemed a conscious national effort. The governor of Cochinchina had personally sent an explorer on an expedition to open Tonkin to French trade and to establish French influence with the court of the Emperor of Annam through military means.
Betts argued that "imperial thinking , in the new age of technology, was global thinking". And yet, global thinking most often followed well-established patterns of nineteenth century nationalist patterns - especially after defeat to Germany in 1870-71 - French nationalists became imperialists. Thus, a qualitative shift of the form of colonies and changing perceptions of imperialism as tied to national prestige becomes a reality in the nineteenth century. Yet, Betts acknowledges the difficulty of making a critical analysis of the causes of empire at the time, for it is tainted by the idea that the colonial empire was a fact of life rather than a historical development.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Synopsis
Bickers considers the presence of foreigners in Chinese governance in the period between 1832 and 1913, and the legacy such presence has left for the country’s modern foreign relations. He seeks a middle ground between China’s portrayal of the treaty century as an era of national humiliation, and foreign residents’ insistence that they had China’s best interests at heart, and on self-congratulation for altruistically raising up the “sick man of Asia”. He emphasizes interconnection and global context, arguing that any understanding of recent Chinese history, as well as modern Chinese attitudes, is incomplete without consideration for the role of foreign agents. Crucially, he narrates the growth of foreign influence in China as beyond the formal recognition of European empires; he denies that it was ever an imperial project.
That said, the book is still relevant to our study of imperialism and expansion. Even though it was an “unplanned scramble for China”, it still involved the carving out of a frontier zone in a sovereign state and a strong foreign hand in Chinese governance. Territories were seized, sovereignty impaired, and the indigenous people exploited. Similar to former colonies, China’s modern character has a highly foreign heritage.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
Bickers focuses on the period of foreign ascendancy in China, beginning in 1832, when British ships entered the forbidden area of the Canton Delta. He discusses the treaties and wars that result in increased foreign clout in China, not just that of the British, but also of the French, Japanese and Russians. The scramble for China unravels after 1913, where Bickers closes off his analysis. However, Bickers is also interested in a meta-historical examination of the various representations of this period, questioning the portrayals of both the British and the Chinese. In particular, he considers the bitter labeling of the period as the era of “national humiliation” through the lens of post-World War I nationalism. He also explains why an understanding of China’s past is crucial to an understanding of its present and future.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Crucially, Bickers clarifies in his introduction that the “scramble for China” was never a planned imperial project with specific objectives in mind. He also points out that the nature of foreign presence in China was multinational and not just restricted to the British. This highlights an important theme in Bickers’ narration: all histories are strongly interconnected, and this period of Chinese history was inextricably tied up with global trends, such as British predominance on the world stage and technological innovations like telegraphy and the steamship. Therefore, Bickers concludes, there is nothing uniquely humiliating about the treaty century.
However, he recognizes that the Chinese version of this period has been tinged with strong anti-imperialism. After the Treaty of Versailles led to profound disillusionment with the West, Chinese political legitimacy hinged on the denunciation of imperialism. This involved a recasting of Chinese history: victimizing the Chinese of the 19th century and introducing the term “unequal treaties”. Bickers points out that there are kernels of truth to the arguments of the Chinese nationalist: documentation in Chinese and British archives show that the Chinese did indeed suffer territorial, political and cultural losses at the hands of foreigners. At the same time, as much as the self-congratulatory tone of foreign recounts are misplaced, the point is that they did provide precedents for modern China’s cosmopolitanism and its reintegration into the global economy. Both narratives may be difficult, almost impossible, to reconcile, but they must be studied parallel to each other. In his conclusion, Bickers reiterates why such a study of foreign presences in China is important for the 21st century: “a globalized China is not new, but a powerful global China is unprecedented”. Given China’s leading position on today’s world stage, it is important to understand the instinctive indignation of Chinese youths. The memory of the era of “national humiliation” has not been lost on them due to hard state work.
Annotated by Jennifer Yip
Synopsis
Biran argues that the time of the Mongol Empire was the watershed period of Inner Asian history. In this article, he explains the reasons for its successful founding and maintenance before it crumbled into four separate entities. For instance, the Mongol Empire had its roots in its 10th and 11th century nomadic steppe predecessors, whose experiences ruling over conquered sedentary peoples proved to be invaluable to the Mongol leaders. The Mongols were also willing to accept that their new subjects were superior in some practices, and actively sought to adapt these practices to improve their own systems. Biran also discusses the influence of the Mongol Empire on various parts of the world, including Western Europe, Central Asia and the Middle East, as well as the legacies still visible today.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
Even though Biran’s ultimate focus is the Mongol Empire, he reaches frequently back to the 10th-13th century period to show how the earlier steppe empires influenced the Mongols. His discussion also encompasses the present day—for example, when he examines how the Il-khanate raised Iran to replace Egypt as the pivot of the Muslim world, or how Moscow developed as a legacy of the Golden Horde. Geographically, Biran claims that the existence of the Mongol Empire touched almost every major region of the world, including Western Europe, Central Asia, the Middle East, and Russia. Biran’s physical and temporal scopes are thus flexible and liberal as he seeks both to root the Mongol Empire in a historical context and to illuminate its imprints on the present.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Biran argues that the Mongol Empire was successfully created and maintained due to its pragmatic openness. He firstly points out that the Mongol Empire had the privilege of learning from the steppe empires that preceded them. These ex-nomads of Central Asia grew closer to sedentary civilization and developed the administrative skills necessary for sedentary rule. By the time Chinggis Khan attempted to conquer bordering sedentary civilizations, thereby expanding beyond the nomadic world, they had already established a coexistence of nomadic and sedentary peoples, effectively laying the foundation for Mongol rule. Secondly, the Mongols were fully willing to learn from their subjects and even allow them to rule and collect taxes in more faraway territories on their behalf. Thirdly, through the intersections facilitated by trade, the Mongols acted as agents of cultural exchange, selecting desirable traits and practices and assimilating them into their own systems. This openness toward and even encouragement of foreign influence was the Mongol Empire’s greatest strength.
Biran also argues that the Mongol Empire was a revolutionary, not evolutionary success. The theological foundation for the Mongols’ rule was that of the Tengri, or the right of a super-tribal unit to rule over the world. Before the Mongols, “the world” comprised all the nomads in Inner Asia. It was only after Chinggis Khan turned his ambitions toward the bordering sedentary civilizations that the “universal” rule of Tengri expanded to include other groups. Other revolutionary practices include the intentional dismantling of existing nomadic military organizations and Eurasian elites in order to ensure that loyalties extended beyond single tribes and belonged instead to the Chinggisids.
Finally, Biran discusses the impact of the Mongol Empire on other entities. For example, Western Europe benefited intellectually from its interaction with the Mongols, whose efficient statecraft and financial institutions provided much insight. While the Mongol Empire ultimately did not cause major disruptions to Eurasian geopolitics due to its willingness to rule through indigenous leaders rather than impose direct control, it left lasting impacts: for instance, the integration of the steppe peoples into modern-day China.
Annotated by Jennifer Yip
Book Title & Publisher
Military Strategy: A Global History. New Haven. Yale University Press. 2020.
Author
Black, Jeremy
Professor Black has published more than 180 single-authored monographs in his long and incredibly prolific career. That fact alone would suggest that any volume with his name on the cover will rest on a very broad and deep base of reading and reflection, over many years. That lends itself to producing a book that takes on a very wide-ranging subject, defined very broadly – a painting on a very large canvas. Such indeed is the case with this effort, the latest in a series of such publications by which Black is challenging what he sees as the tendency to treat far too many subjects and topics in military and international history through Western lenses, or focus on Western experiences. Consequences of that approach include modernizing things that had longer antecedents, secularizing things that were broader in conception, and failing to globalize things that ranged much more widely than the Euro-Atlantic world. In this latest sortie, Black challenges the long-standing tradition to see the conceptualization and definition of military strategy as a European Enlightenment product, brought to fruition by Clausewitz and emerging as a universal theoretical abstract. Instead, military strategy has been the product of so many different influences and factors, is so deeply embedded within civilizational and cultural milieus, and is so perennially contingent, that it has a genuinely global history which must be engaged as such.
Yet having said all that, Black then presents an extended essay that certainly tilts its attention strongly towards the Euro-Atlantic world, with nine of its eleven chapters focusing on the last three centuries, into the present. Then there is the matter of defining terms and concepts. At one point Black is admirably clear in presenting his main argument, on page 270:
Whether or not repeated strategic circumstances can be seen, with all that that might offer for those who wish to provide laws to analyze strategy, strategy, like war itself, has become a term that is widely defined … Specifically, there are now many alternatives to a distinctly military character to strategy. It is readily apparent that the function of strategy, if understood as the relationship between ends, ways and means in power politics, is not necessarily military. Strategy has been taken to refer to the full range of human activity.
Unfortunately, two things obstruct reader’s efforts to engage this thesis as Black unpacks it. The first is his decision to go so far as to argue that so many things are involved in formulating strategy, at so many levels, that it can neither be defined nor categorized. This raises the question why then pursue any inquiry into something specifically labelled military strategy if it emanates from the same plethora of sources that generate any other agenda and course of action. The second is the unfortunate fact that most of the prose is nowhere near as clear as the example above. Dense, elliptical, repetitive, it makes following the thread of analysis difficult. Both these two problems are combined in another passage on page 254:
The theme of variety and contingency has been extended to suggest that, with strategy understood as a multi-level decision-making continuum, with decisions being made on means and ends, these decisions, and the related behaviour, are not only contextualized and contingent, but are so at every level of an organization and socio-political structure. Thus, for strategy, decision-making can take place down the chain of command.
Despite the difficulties cited above, Black does put together an argument: no one, not even Clausewitz, can be seen as having formulated something that rises above and beyond contingency, context, and culture. He displays a good eye for historiographical laziness, persuasively arguing for example that nineteenth and twentieth century Germany has received too much attention from students of this theme while maritime powers have received too little. He is also right to argue that a large part of this theme must include the close study of strategy as it was applied, in politics and in the field, by practitioners, rather than just concentrating on thoughts and thinkers.
The close attention Black pays to context sharpens his eye for change over time, the attention he plays to individual agency is warranted, and he is certainly right to support those who have argued that strategy stretches back to the beginning of recorded history, avant de la lettre. Conversely, it is hard to disagree with his contention that what is casually labelled “politics” has almost always played a crucial role in shaping and applying strategy. But this is also precisely where and why the prose becomes too dense and the argument too attenuated. If strategy comes from everything and everywhere, at all levels, and is so amorphous it can not be defined in any way at any level, then the very term “military strategy” surely loses any real meaning or utility in analysis. This seems in the end to be fatal to the analytical objective. That leaves the book standing out as perhaps an interesting trace through three centuries of the interplay between conflict and the direction thereof, with occasional glimpses of the “global” which here, really, just means Asian.
Annotated by Brian Farrell
Synopsis
Blaut offers the reader a critique of the idea that Europe was historically superior to the rest of the world. This is by showing how the concept of “Eurocentric diffusionism”, which entails the belief that Europe had internally been more progressive and advanced than other regions of the world before 1492 , led the continent, through colonialism, to subsequently spread modernization is false: it is “in a sense folklore”. Thus, the book sets out to show why the concept of diffusionism is historically inaccurate, because it is a by-product of modern European colonialism.
As a product of European thinkers’ conceptions of progress in the sixteenth and seventeenth century, by 1870 it would be clear that the ideology of internally generated progress in Europe would be a firmly accepted proposition. This was a period where Europe had established itself as a colonial power around the globe.
By distinguishing between classical and modern diffusionism, Blaut recognizes two periods of European intervention in the world through colonialism- the latter is marked by the second world war, and eventually, decolonization.
The book is clear to put forth that it cannot demonstrate that its assertions are true, instead, it is able to produce a coherent theory within which the propositions fit. In this way, it uses the evidence to posit a theoretical framework. Thus it raises good questions about the nature of methodology and veracity.
In concluding that diffusionism is a “serious malady of the mind”, the book shows how many fields, including economic history, are still being written in relation to an understanding of diffusionism- especially those dealing with the impact of the Industrial Revolution. The book invites more scholarly contribution to the field, by rejecting scholarship by writers such as Eric L. Jones in the work The European Miracle as containing false claims and being laden with oriental despotism. The book is both well written and intellectually stimulating.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The book is clearly structured, and deals with Eurocentric diffusionism,its spread and prominence in European scholarly thought, and subsequently refutes the idea of a historically superior Europe. The book can be divided into two major periods, before and after 1492. By showing how colonial accumulation led to Europe’s rise as a capitalist society, whilst Asian and African protocapitalist centers declined, this justifies the colonial ideology and subsequent exaltation of a tradition based upon a constructed myth- that Europe was always historically superior to the rest of the world. Blaut manages to use themes such as environment, biology, rationality, technology, religion to dissect claims of European historical superiority. This allows for a well- structured argument and understanding of how he wishes to analyze the phenomena. By rejecting deterministic theories, Blaut is clear to highlight that the rise of capitalism legitimized the shift of European society away from feudalism. By highlighting the rise of industrial development in Europe as a result of colonial processes, the book shows how the topic of European supremacy must be understood as legitimizing itself through a narrative of both racial and historical supremacy: the colonizer’s model is one that can, in the book’s view, be disproved through a greater analysis of longer historical periods and evidence which could lead us to a better and more valid understanding of the past.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The clear premise of the book is to displace previous views about European diffusionism and myths about European superiority before 1492. By arguing that the views are a product of mythology, Blaut is essentially arguing that there is a necessity for scholarship to critically assess colonialism and its forms of knowledge; especially in the way we look at the experience of interaction between Europe and the rest of the world. By assessing how subjects such as history and geography would be taught at different periods of time in the past, the book allows the reader to understand the concept of changing fields and development of human knowledge in an accessible way.
The book argues against European historians who place emphasis on events in the past that attest to Europe’s centrality in history, this giving rise to the legitimacy of diffusionism as a ‘super theory’, something that gives credence to many other theories that substantiate it.
By showing us how history is taught and written about (and thought about), the book offers a good critique of the way we think about the past. It is not just limited to an assessment of the roles of colonizer and colonized, but expands the question to the legitimacy of colonial dominance and how scholarship has legitimized an image of superiority and deserves to not just be challenged, but also refuted.
By taking such a position, we are able to question even the concept of ‘modernity’ and what constitutes it. If progress itself is an idea that is constructed through a colonial self-serving myth, how could we redefine the past, and to what end?
Annotated by Sandeep Singh
Synopsis
This book is a third volume in the series "Comparative Studies in Overseas History" and contains a number of essays regarding the function of the great Companies of trade in the European expansion in Asia and the Atlantic World during the 17th and 18th centuries. The central question of this book concerns how the Companies actually achieved the opening of new markets and the widening of the economic boundaries of the world of the ancien regime. Some themes explored are the organization of the Companies, their relations with the state, their trade-policy, and their ability to make use of the economic potentialities in the overseas world. Though the essays are focused on a specific subject, this study is treated in a comparative way within the broad spectrum of overseas history. The companies were thus institutions designed to be expedient to further trade interests of the European nations during the Ancien Regime.
The maritime joint-stock company with its charter from the national government was a Janus-headed creature. On the European side the features of each company reflected more or less the interest groups, nation and its particular period. Overseas, the company displayed another countenance, owing to the fact that it had to adapt its trading methods and policies to the local institutions and customs of the people with whom it was dealing. Thus, it was the local conditions overseas which eventually dictated the point at which the relations between the Europeans and non-Europeans settled on the scale between dominance and servitude.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The primary form of organization in this book is its division into two major themes. 1) the Companies acting as instruments of trade and expansion, and 2) the adaptation of the Companies to the trading world in Asia. A topic frequently broached is the placement of company history into the framework of expansion history and discussing how trade became the tool of expansion. The book revolves around themes that go beyond the surface questions, exploring the debate surrounding economic benefits of Asian and Western countries. According to liberal economists, Europe may not have profited as much as was possible, but Asia did not profit as much as was reasonable. This conviction has led some historians to discuss the question of whether and from what moment this unequal relationship, in which each step forwards for Europe meant a step backwards for Asia, led irreversibly to the division of the present world into developed and undeveloped countries.
Thus, studying the structures of the trading companies entails the need to examine and analyze the larger framework within which management and trade policy was executed. Themes such as the role of government are discussed, since it had remained limited in terms of the initial expansion of controlled by the Dutch and English East India Companies. The examination of the relationships of merchants and the state in the French Companies also highlight that merchants operating under the Company could make their own private fortunes, such that when in the eighteenth century the government tries to turn the tables on the merchants to acquire financial aid, it found itself deserted. In examining the organization of the Companies, it is important that the variance within the European agency has an effect on the interaction with the local traditional prevailing economic networks in the territories that they claim as their own sphere of influence.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The question that was persistently asked was not why the companies did not survive, but under what conditions were the companies able to compete successfully in the market?
Arguments such as those of O. Prakash presents a different outlook to problematize the statement that when Europeans arrive in Asia they either dominate the existing trade networks or interfere with the indigenous economic system. It is perhaps more accurate to assess the situation as localized to different areas depending on the amount of privileges the Companies can obtain: While in Bengal where no special grants or exclusive privileges can be extracted, the Companies had to keep a low profile and exerted little influence. Here the indigenous populations derived decided benefits from the presence of the Europeans. However, in Ceylon and Malabar, the companies interfered with the indigenous economy in order to get a monopolistic hold of the market. Such that by excluding other parties from reaping the fruits of the economy, it introduced a new, negative aspect.
Particularly, the integrative stage of the commercial activities of the companies in the Asian trade pattern is seen in the case of Japan. The Dutch could offer a wide variety of goods obtained throughout their vast trading network and without political implications, leading the Shogunate to believe that trading with the Dutch was to the interest of Japan. Seen from the European perspective, the companies appear to have been dynamic powers establishing a new stage in the international trade: but authors argue that when viewed within the Asian context they were viewed as mere newcomers making uncertain attempts to find their way into existing structures. A contentious point is that the companies' adaptation was not a point of weakness, but on the contrary the basis of their success.
The interest in Company history as a gateway towards knowing the history of non-European countries meant that this should be studied as components in a global process of expansion and reaction; not to be viewed in isolation. The Companies could not dominate the world and the cultures they met, the conquered, traded, adapted themselves or subordinated themselves according to the environment they met, but everywhere they added something to the world they found. Another argument is that the companies were successful in maintaining the balance between the forces of the market and the power of their government. Their unplanned losses became unexpected investments in the process that led from the discoveries to the existence of a modern world market.
Thus, the author concludes with the argument that companies were able to do well in the Asia trade because their specific form of organization was well suited to solve problems in the long distance trade, allowing them to prove their efficiency in the world market.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Synopsis
The book underscores the relevance and resilience of the Indian Ocean space in modern times. There are deep and unique bonds that tie together the peoples of this interregional arena of human interaction, particularly a common historical destiny since the ocean was frequently characterized by specialized flows of capital and labor, skills and services, ideas and culture. The idea of the shared historical destiny of communities around the Indian Ocean is thus based on the paradigm that spatial boundaries help historians theorize and place in historical context the Indian Ocean as an interregional arena of political, economic and cultural interaction.
This book has been attentive to the global context and a larger set of global connections throughout. Yet it also has shown that Indian Ocean history in the age of global empire had elements of history of the processes occurring in the ocean.
Bose tells his stories in the form of a series of nonlinear narratives. Hence, the laying out of broad patterns of interregional networks is matched in each chapter by the unraveling of individual tales of proconsuls and pirates, capitalists and laborers.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The cross-cutting Indian Ocean stories have something to say about the historical conceptions of both space and time. In this way, the historical analysis of the areas surrounding the Indian Ocean and trade networks highlight a different way of delineating a space to examine history. They underscore the relevance and resilience of the Indian Ocean space throughout modern times. This book has been attentive to the global context and a larger set of global connections. Yet it also illustrates the point that Indian Ocean history was significant in the age of global empire as its history touched upon a large part of the processes occurring within the development of empire through the sea.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
A question posed that is extremely relevant is whether the Indian Ocean rim had continued to be a coherently definable interregional arena after the imposition of European economic and political domination by the first half of the nineteenth century. Some historians argue and the author agrees that the Indian and Chinese chain of trade and finance stretching from Zanzibar to Singapore formed "a distinct international system that never lost its identity in the larger dominant world system of the West". However, the changes that had occurred was more within the administrative domain. Most importantly, Bose identified principles of unity that might have sustained the level of economy and culture in an age where it had become part of and in many ways subservient to a global set of interconnection.
Perhaps the most prominent focus of the book is on the way concepts of sovereignty had been altered. Pre-colonial states and polities generally possessed a shared and layered concept of sovereignty, which helped create certain autonomous spaces for the inhabitants of port cities. However, the notion of indivisible and unitary sovereignty imported under colonial conditions from Europe represented a major break from ideas of good governance and legitimacy that had been widespread in the Ottoman, Safavid and Mughal domains and their regional successor states. Another important theme explored is the significant decline in the position of most intermediate groups on whose collaboration colonial rule initially rested.
The topic of flows of capital and labor, specifically migration, is explored in memoirs, travel accounts and letters, such that statistical evidence is offset by textual sources. This merges the quantitative aspects of trade and finance balanced by a range of qualitative source materials that tend to be more evocative. Even at the turn of the twentieth century, the globalism experienced by the colonized was different from the globalization of the territorial nation-state by colonial empires. It may have been in the form and structure of states, but alternative universalistic allegiances were never wholly disavowed.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Synopsis
The book aims to give an overview of the Portuguese maritime empire from the 15th to 19th century. It approaches discussion from the perspective of various groups, such as merchants, soldiers, and the Crown, and describes how they determined the characteristics of the Portuguese colonies. Fitted into such discussion is a close tracking of the strength of the Portuguese empire vis-à-vis European rivals—most notably the Dutch—on political, economic and demographic fronts, and how it strove to protect itself from such threats. Boxer also pays close attention to circumstances in Portugal itself, and regularly draws causal connections between the metropolis and how colonies are run.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
Instead of using a strictly chronologically or geographically based presentation, Boxer takes two approaches. In the first part of the book, he identifies overarching themes that collectively facilitate a broad, all-encompassing understanding of the Portuguese empire. In the second part, he turns to more detail, categorizing agents of empire according to the nature of their contribution, and approaches his discussion from each of these angles in turn. The book examines Portuguese colonial practices in Africa, America and Asia while always keeping a watchful eye on developments at home in Europe.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Because of the emphasis placed on the importance of metropolitan priorities in the making of colonial decisions, Boxer presents colonies around the world as literal extensions of the Portuguese kingdom, and never examines them in isolation. Characteristics of Portugal itself have a clear influence on the determination of the strengths and weaknesses of its far-flung colonies: the chronic lack of labor and the general inadequacy and ill discipline of the military, for instance, or more positively, technological prowess in relation to other colonial rivals.
Boxer also pays considerable attention to Portuguese interaction with other parties, such as the Dutch, the indigenous peoples, and Negro slaves or servants. The Portuguese colonial armies, for example, made extensive use of Negro soldiers, and were in fact dependent on them to defend against Dutch encroachments. Despite significant disadvantages in the areas of manpower and military skill, the Portuguese managed to cling on to their empire, he argues, because they struck deeper roots as colonizers than the Dutch. By the time the Dutch were able to wrest colonies from Portuguese hands, the indigenous peoples had already grown accustomed to the latter, and actively preferred Portuguese rule for a host of social and political reasons.
Ultimately, Boxer presents the Portuguese empire as one which was profoundly commercial despite the traditional Portuguese prejudice against merchants, but which was also deeply ecclesiastical due to its exceptionally strong crusading spirit.
Annotated by Jennifer Yip
Synopsis
Braudel submits an assessment of the writing of economic history in this book. By dealing with this specific field, the author reflects on his own method (primarily in relation, but not limited to, his Civilization and Capitalism trilogy). By dealing with the concept of exchange, Braudel observes that “without exchange, there is no society”- giving economic history a centrality to all history. By using the aid of illustrations as well as conceptually grounding itself in relation to laws (such as the law of reciprocity), the book takes a variety of examples and organizes them into valid observations about a global economy.
The book discusses the rise of capitalism as a global and local force, though preceded by a material life that made the advent of market economy and capitalists (examined through merchants who were able to expand outside national boundaries) possible. By examining factors such as the state, social hierarchies, and the feudal systems of Europe and Japan, Braudel shows us how capitalism destroys social hierarchies in order to create new ones to its own benefit. Capitalism is thus a phenomenon that both assimilates and obliterates.
Braudel, in finding the origins of the modern economy, gives it a shape by creating working definitions of what it comprises. By disagreeing with Immanuel Wallerstein’s approach in his work The Modern World-System in assuming that the only world economy was a European one, Braudel instead posits that the globe was already divided into coherent economic zones, even in times of antiquity. The book puts forth that world economies such as China, the India and “Insulinde” block and others had been prominent members of the world economy up to a certain point. The key point is, however, that capitalism is a global phenomenon that is only triumphant when it defines the state.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
Giving a broad overview of themes such as material life, the market economy and capitalism, and capitalism and dividing up the world, Braudel is able to structure this book into a concise account with three chapters. The structure of the work is wide, consisting of a time period before 1450 and ending with modernity. The nature of the work, whilst brief (it is 120 pages), makes general observations with a commanding tone; Braudel here writes in the first person. There are astute points made about the emergence of the market economy and its relationship to power over time.
The book also focuses on the historical method and how one can distinguish between the market economy and capitalism, whilst encouraging more work by young historians, stating that history is a field that is constantly re-inventing itself- questioning this book’s ability and adequacy to explain the origins of the modern global economy.
By examining cities, diseases, trade, currency and methods of transport, Braudel’s work is accessible to the reader by providing a broad picture of social life that underpins his economic analysis. For instance, the knowledge of steam power to Ptolemaic Egypt is relevant insofar as it justifies how the industrial revolution could have occurred before its final realization, but did not. The examples thus give a contextual understanding of how economic development occurred over time and also imply continuity with, rather than a break from, the past. In this sense, the scope of the work is one that invites reflection, but also posits a method of situating global trends within historical continuities.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Braudel’s work is significant in relation to his three volumes on civilization and capitalism, being a concise reflection on the general themes that could be derived from such an extensive study of society over time. By characterizing both pre-industrial and industrial economies, the book asserts that both are subject to trends, more specifically, long-term equilibriums and disequilibriums. The book observes the term capitalism to be ambiguous and “loaded with contemporary, and possibly, anachronistic connotations”.
Braudel explains the emergence of the industrial revolution as an event with roots in the past, and questions the idea of a divergence between past and present; assuming that the past contributes in many ways to the present.
By leading us to question the habit and routine nature of human action, the book puts forth that the ways in which we act are grounded in the beginning of mankind. The work thus consciously submits that there are linkages between disparate societies over time- the resultant outcome is a ubiquitous marketplace that transcends difference.
Displacing the idea that we could attribute economic progress primarily to capitalism, the book instead offers the explanation that the expansion of material life gave a pretext to capitalism.
The book distinguishes between the terms capital and capitalist. The former, it posits, is a real tangible series of financial resources whilst the latter is a person who attempts to preside over such resources being inserted into a production process. Capitalism therefore relies on individuals and capital; the former usually “possessed superior knowledge, intelligence, and culture”. Braudel goes further to argue that capitalism is able to flourish through the concept of change, and is monopolistic in nature. Yet, he argues that capitalism has not changed in itself, thus retaining universal properties which enable it to exploit resources globally.
Whilst acknowledging that his method of splitting up time into three stages is “mutilating” complex realities, Braudel’s work is an exercise in contemplating the emergence of a global economy and the trends that contributed to it, to explain how the past is in many ways inseparable from our understanding of the contemporary.
Annotated by Sandeep Singh
Synopsis
This work is the first volume in a three part series on the subject of material civilization and capitalism. By material civilization, Braudel means the existence of a zone that underpins the market economy (he calls it a “shadowy zone”), that provides a way to understand a system that emerged which contributed to the establishment of social hierarchies and also the emergence of modern economic systems such as capitalism. Critically, the book claims to be a way to understand, by using a schema, the development and existence of present day societies: it is an examination of transnational trends. The past is thus linked invariably to the present: the trends of the present are explained by, and could be compared to, those of the past.
Showing a real and detailed richness of everyday life, the book is a history: being, admittedly, an inexact science. By highlighting the complexity of the past, whilst also using a global scale, the book is aware that the exercise is one of grand proportion, and the author shows this by making the telling claim “how shall I begin?” before undertaking the writing of the work.
Material life is something which encompasses both humanity and objects, but what we are able to produce materially is not a singular way to understand reality. Working without data such as population statistics, instead using images and impressions of the time, Braudel is able to cover themes that are complex, appropriating them into a well -researched narrative, giving us a wealth of information that is structured thematically.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
Braudel’s work has an expansive scope, but deftly deals with his subject matter- this work is exemplary of a narrative both constructed as a thematic study of how the world had changed between the 15-18 century, but it must be seen as a contribution that is part of a larger framework, thus the study could not be isolated to this book only. Dealing with things on a global scale is hardly a straightforward task, but the book is able to study society and its processes and existence from the multifarious vantage points: dietary change, the role of wheat, how alcohol and stimulants played a revolutionary role as “the great innovation”, creating new markets but also giving a plausible explanation for development, including nations both within and without Europe.
Braudel is clear at the outset to provide a schema which he works with in his volumes, and this is that there is a triple division between the upper, lower and observable limits of material life, where the lower is that of informal economic activity that evaded documentation (basic activities such as barter), upper being that which includes the individuals who, through being merchants, could create “zones of turbulence” thus having power to create new social hierarchies.
Taking Pierre Chaunu’s description of “weighing up the world”, the book examines the limits of what was possible in what is termed the pre-industrial world. Giving revealing insights into habits, Braudel is able to make use of even a potato to give a reflection of social change and market forces.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The book is essentially taking a historical approach to give light to forms and ways in which the international economy operated and changed at the point, and in its pursuit of being a comprehensive account, it demonstrates the ability to reference extensively and give light to complexity by employing what Braudel terms “parahistoric languages”, excavating the records of demography, food, dress, money and other such technologies to give a coherence to the past.
Where records do not exist, Braudel reads from inference of other sources and attempts to persuade the reader that he is constructing a well- informed narrative: the example of decrease in birth rate is thus juxtaposed to an increase in use of contraceptives, statements such as “husbands…take care in their raptures to keep from adding a child to the household”, are utilized to make the points in the book.
The book is careful to qualify that it is only attempting to provide one plausible view of the past and, by taking a dialectical approach, it could explore the world through a new lens. Giving a commonality to the structure of everyday life and thus lending credence to homogeneity, Braudel provides the idea that there is more in daily practices that peoples have shared in the past.
With a detailed examination of the time, he is illuminating the past and its contribution to the present, and this is generally the proposition that drives the work- the book justifies how revolutionary events are based upon, and build upon past developments, thus historicizing civilization and capitalism as developments that must be seen in a chronological trajectory: these developments, if deprived from their social milieu are bereft of an adequate explanation.
Annotated by Sandeep Singh
Synopsis
This book builds upon the first volume in this trilogy, expanding upon the issues explored but also considering, importantly, the subject of economic life and the relationship to the action of capitalism. By examining a totality of the workings of exchange, Braudel links together processes that underpin the global capitalist system, giving a good explanation for why things had developed without restricting the approach to being theoretical.
The book credits and employs Marc Bloch’s proposed method of the long term or in French “La Longue durée”- thus the writing does not highlight chance development, instead emphasizing continuity and comparison. By opening the space for the examination of an artificial, superior economy, Braudel finds that the world of trade has its own hierarchy, and observes the rules that he believes regulates and contours the social action he examines.
The book is written in clear language that Braudel developed over the course of delivering the chapters prior to their eventual publication at locations such at the Ecole des Hautes Etudes in France. Thus, in an accessible way, the book approaches the complexity of the topic. Albeit a monumental task, clear thematic considerations and the sub-division of topics allow the reader to navigate this expansive study with ease. By making the study grounded in social aspects, the work is both a historical study whilst also situating it in the larger contextual frame of societal forces and studies.
Much like the prior volume, this study is a contribution to the field by extensively researching and developing on studies and sources that give a very good insight into the topic. By rigorously employing documents such as the letters of merchants, the book engages the reader on a global scale, whilst not compromising its own ability to delve in depth on a wide range of topics.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
Braudel writes that the “word capitalist probably dates from the mid seventeenth century. The Hollandische Mercurius uses it once in 1633, and again in 1654.” Although being a single example, the book covers the topic of trade, civilization and capitalism as traceable and explicable through its use of a distinct historical method. Being neatly divided, the scope which seems extremely broad at the outset becomes a collection of clearly written observations on different facets of the topic that the book examines. This does not mean however, that the book is a collection of aphorisms. Far from it, each section uses laborious research and illustrations to cover topics ranging from the boom in shopkeeping to political structures and capitalism. This book delves into capitalism as a central theme but also explains its rootedness in pre-existing market conditions, which then allows for the analysis of the global economy to be understood through multifarious dimensions.
Whilst tracing a historical development, it does not approach the topic in a chronological fashion, and thus the work is more focused on its own observations of what is important- the function of money, for instance, is examined in relationship to its ability to empower an individual to acquire social stature, and with it a set of possibilities, such as patronage. In this sense, the book offers the reader the ability to appreciate topics in a contextual way, fleshing out the broader themes they link to.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The book must be situated in the three volumes as a part of the whole, but on its own it is still a significant contribution to our understanding of the emergence of a global, integrated economy. If we are able to appreciate the commonalities drawn out by Braudel’s analysis, they suggest that the past is not too discordant from the present, and the book’s ability to expand themes to a global scale is a contribution to history writing. Whilst admitting the imprecise nature of the study, the method of approaching the topic limits the universal nature of its focus to very specific situations in the past.
Braudel tells the reader at the outset that he understands that he may be engaging in an anachronism by examining capitalism, a concept which only emerged fully in the twentieth century in periods prior to it, but that it does not worry him much- the word to him is not as important as the trends that make up the foundation for which we seem to situate it semantically.
Between Braudel’s observation and the construction of models of zones that constitute the world of economic interaction in the past, there emerges an analysis of social forces that also are distinct and are in conflict with one another-thus the work remains as an exercise in analysis without succumbing to a determination to separate the past into separable categories. Whilst one may question the viability of an approach to explicate these trends on a global level, and that it may be asserted with some merit that cultural particularity deserves attention; the work is able to put across some good observations that form a coherent argument for understanding the international system of capitalism.
Annotated by Sandeep Singh
Synopsis
This book is the final volume of Fernand Braudel’s trilogy on civilization and capitalism. Building on the observations of the first two volumes, the work finds commonalities in global developments and relates it to the present. This particular volume focuses directly on the economic history of the world in the time period, employing and expanding upon the literature of Josef Kulischer and Werner Sombart- eventually breaking away because this book takes global, not just a European context.
The economic history of the world is the whole history of the world, seen from the vantage point of an economic history study. Braudel’s ability to use the model of time and construct his analysis around the concept of world-time is testament to his belief in the primacy of history in giving us insights into the present.
The book examines economies through trade, secular trends, and the appropriation and accumulation of specific resources (such as grain). Braudel’s claim “let us simplify without feeling too guilty about it” shows the conscious appropriation of the book’s topics into a structured model, but also admits the limitations of this approach. It is therefore a meditation on the origins of the economic system, and the nature about writing about the past. The latter work Afterthoughts on Material Civilization and Capitalism is a broader introduction into the thoughts of the author into his work: the volumes show a historian unafraid to question his own methodology, especially dealing with a global scale of history over three centuries.
The book contributes to our understanding of mercantilism and roots the development and supremacy of colonial power and trade in broader contexts which allow both an internal and external examination of societies.
This book both highlights the ability for us to situate analysis in particular and also universal scales and thus gives critical insights into geography, and many other relevant fields.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
As with the other two volumes, the topics in the book are selected thematically. From the rise and decline of cities in Europe to the creation of national markets (and with it, national debt and productivity), the book is able to take a large course of the past and navigate through it by examining sources and reading the meaning of them on a scale of historical development. Essentially, the premise of capitalism and processes underpinning it keep the analysis grounded in explaining the ability of finance, or economy, to be a central part of history.
Whilst Europe forms a large part of the analysis, its relation to developments in the other parts of the world is examined, a “European world-economy” emerges as a part of the study –the bill of exchange and other such facets suggest the development of global exchange with a new world economy. The breadth of the study allows the reader to look at developments and their meanings in terms of human relations, for instance, in the case of warfare and the new meanings created by relating it to a world economy.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The book introduces capitalism as a barometer to understand long term aspects of the economic landscape. The book concludes the civilization and capitalism trilogy by opening up the volume to reflection and accepting that the past had contributed to a present that “lies before us in all its richness and confusion”.
Braudel makes it clear that the different forms of capitalism did not develop in a series of stages, with specialized forms developing over time. He posits that the merchants had simultaneously invested in trade, finance etc. Our concept of “monopoly” has to be understood as something which has developed in new ways through taking new forms, and the ability to choose is part of the way in which capitalism could change, it gives it vibrancy. By dislocating capitalism from the social reality, as most of this three part volume argues, is a fatal error, and the way in which Braudel has vivified the past is telling; the social systems and the development of a global market have to be seen as inter-related phenomena.
Reviewing the work of thinkers , and also reading the pace of capitalism’s development over different periods of time, the book is a contribution to the work in the field of economic history and also can help us have more insights into the presence of capital and its relation to our lives.
Annotated by Sandeep Singh
Synopsis
The book addresses the need for a historical study of the ‘world of goods’ or the ability of material objects to affect human life and society over time. Combining different forms of historical study, economic, social and cultural, whilst building upon work such as The Birth of a Consumer Society , the work establishes a necessity for a historical approach to the field. The apparent “discomfort” at the thought of a history of consumerism fuels the necessity to confront the need to write a history of the sort that addresses the centrality of goods and services, as the study claims that it is an important aspect of western societies and their development.
Whilst understanding the ideological critiques of such an approach, alongside its ‘historiographical immaturity’- the work sets itself up as a new approach that should be considered as part of important, critical work in the field of history. Being a large volume with a wide array of contributors from Peter Burke to Simon Schama, the work is generally comprised of (largely) historians and individuals who work on topics related to consumerism and society.
Commenting that “we are all semiologists now”, the volume confronts the advent of the rise in studies on material culture and societies, and situates itself in the field of reading signs and their signifiers. It does this by examining goods in the shaping of the modern western society.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The book is structured in six sections, with each part addressing problems found suitable to understand western society (Europe and North America) and the relationship to consumption. Chapters covering themes such as the problem of situating and defining the term “consume” form the opening section which is largely a methodological assessment.
Subsequently, the work addresses the contextualized relevance of consumption in society. It goes on to deal with provision of goods and their usage by buyers. This is followed by studies on the meaning of consumption and the visual and tangible properties of objects, as well as the communication technologies in the ways objects are distributed. The volume is divided into chapters which deal with the subject matter thematically, relating to issues in and around consumption.
Whilst unable to cover themes on a global scale, several studies in this chapter do merit comparison to other regions- as the volume makes many valid observations that are indeed well written and illuminate many subjects that link together to a desire to write history with the lens of consumption; which may provide a new way of looking at the world.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The work is largely historical, creating the impetus for a more developed historiography in the field of reading commodities in historical development. As with any other large volume, it is segmented, giving enough breadth for its contributors to provide individual arguments- both impacting the context of their study but having repercussions for studying the vast mass of ‘western society’ as a whole.
Accepting the critical discourse that comes from political ends ie. Left, Right points of view that such work could be a veiled attempt at ideological promotion (the teleological structure of reading the present into the past, or on the other hand, the promotion of a history of market capitalism which also glorifies it); it rejects these claims to assert that there is an important value in reading the past and its relationship to consumerism, if only to deepen the historiography of the approach. By taking a cross-disciplinary approach to the volume, it allows the contributors to approach themes with a larger scope to understand human society.
Considering the impact of semantics, the ostentation of possessions, suspicion towards consumerism due to religious and other moral inclinations, the volume systematically unravels the issues that concern commodities and historical development. In this sense, it is important not just for the wealth of information, but with a clear and developed approach, gives readers the ability to navigate through the book easily.
Annotated by Sandeep Singh
Synopsis
Hemery and Brocheux emphasized on the 'ambiguous' nature of the colonial experience. They rejected nationalist readings of the colonial past on both sides of the divide. Until the 1950s, interest in French Indochina was confined to the discipline of colonial history, with its narrow Eurocentric or an apologetic stance. However, now there was an increasing need to counter these perceptions as societies objectified by colonialism needed to be more aware of their own social and political history at a time when they were asserting themselves as major actors on the international stage.
Indochina is presented as a historical construct where not only is the control imposed and improvised from without, but it is also rooted within the social and anthropological space of the Peninsula. The impact of colonial rule is examined thus within this framework, thus lending the balance in focus and distance needed to provide a more wholesome examination of the period of colonization in Indochina.
Indochina acted as the site of an intermingling which had brought colonizers and the colonized into confrontation, yet leading also to cohabitation. The relationship was thus complex in that the relationship of the victor to the vanquished was intersected by the equally significant relation of the colonized to the colonizer. The book sought to approach Indochina through its multiple dimensions - political and military, economic, social and cultural - and various temporalities, encompassing the long colonial period as well as the brief, violent ruptures of decolonization.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
This book covers Indochina's entire history from her inception in Cochinchina in 1858 to the crumbling at Dien Bien Phu in 1954 and her progress toward decolonization. The impact of colonial rule represented one of the broader topics approached in this book. However, the writer also specified the examination of the relationship of both colonizers and the colonized, whether they were collaborating, in the process of cohabitation or in conflict. The book provides the uncovering of French Indochina multiple dimensions - political and military, economic, social and cultural - and various temporalities, encompassing the long colonial period as well as the brief, violent ruptures of decolonization.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Indochina was approached as a historical construct, not only imposed and improvised from without, but also rooted within the tensions and dynamics of the social and anthropological space of the Peninsula. While Indochina was in fact a colonial space - the complexity that it entails would require more attention to the way the colonizers and the colonized are portrayed. Thus, the approach retains a perspective that is neither Eurocentric nor nationalistic but that carefully considers the positions of both the colonizers and the colonized. In doing so, the writers go beyond descriptive history, providing for a more substantial exploration of the various ambiguities and complexities of the French colonial period in Indochina. This helps to shed new light on the national histories of the emerging nation-states of Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia.
Promoters of Indochinese colonization ensured its initial great success: plantations and mines, banks and trading firms. Yet, the authors emphasized the fact that a colonial regime would not be able to operate without first securing a partnership, however subtle or fragile, with the dominant native classes and the colonized elites, who hoped to use modernization to secure their own aims. The concept of "French Indochina" was thus built upon the gradual convergence of solidarities and antagonisms between the dominant and the dominated. Up till the 1930s, this configuration of a "French Indochina" acted as a provisional compromise, strongly unequal yet very real such that some Vietnamese defined themselves as French Indochinese. Yet, authors also argue that in the end, modernity was seen as a tool for resisting colonization and promoting political democracy, particularly by Vietnamese intellectuals.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Synopsis
The book is a developed version of a doctoral dissertation by the author. By examining steles that are from the late-Ming period, the book attempts to uncover the system of patronage at the time, and the social structure that is able to be understood through the gentry or elites. Whilst it is assumed that Buddhist practices were despised by orthodox Confucians, this provides the motive for the book: why were the gentry in this period supporting religious institutions they were taught to be antagonistic towards?
The complexity of everyday life contributes to the existence of religious institutions- for they are the expression of a cultural significance. By studying patronage, we see how the gentry in the late- Ming period had invested wealth into physical structures such as monasteries- also indicating a growth of commercialization and social change. The book does not study religion in particular, but looks at the social implications of the revival of religion in the period- the gentry had contributed the context for such a revival.
By rejecting Communist historiography for portraying the West as responsible for China’s inability to adapt in the 19th and 20th centuries, the book assesses economic and social thought, as well as how gentry studies had developed over time. This contributes to the understanding of status and hierarchy, through understanding monastic patronage as “a unique cultural signification”.
The book contributes to a cultural but also economic perspective to the late-Ming period that gives us an insight into power, its forms and shifts from the national to local level, and what this power meant in the context of the time.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
By focusing on the prestigious Si or monasteries, the book explores the different ends to which patronage was extended. By focusing on how Buddhism featured in the culture of the time, more specifically to the gentry, the book gives a good introduction to the systems of cultural significance in the late- Ming period (answering questions about the how and why of gentry patronage). By reading sources and terminology that emerged in the period, especially during the Wanli era, the book shows how the gentry had become localized- through terms such as “county gentry”, it is able to coherently display how cultural mechanisms worked at the time.
The topic is apt because, as the author puts forth, gentry society is particular to the late- Ming. Paralleling Habermas’ concept of the public sphere in Europe, (whilst also modifying it) the book looks at how the growth of commerce can be related to the emergence of a local social elite, but must be differentiated from Europe due to the particular cultural systems and nature of the state. The book can be read as a critical examination of the aspects of late-Ming China through the lens of patronage.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The availability of sources provide a context for Brook to examine monasteries singularly- they allow him to examine the patronage as an important indicator of the orientation of the society in the late-Ming period “toward autonomy”. Thus, the gentry are presented as the social elite that could mobilize resources on a local level, and the ability to manipulate cultural commodities showed and legitimized the gentry’s social dominance.
By understanding the gentry’s position to be at once both encompassing the sphere of the state and outside it, the gentry could be seen as distinct from the European public sphere as it excluded non-elites. Whilst the gentry was comprised of private individuals, they were shifting towards a public realm that symbolized a growing autonomy from the state.
Before the Ming, power was a concept that did not really relate to monastic patronage- but the shift to significance is a context for the study. The study is significant in that this was not about isolated and disparate cases but a substantial growth of gentry support for such institutions can be read as a social phenomenon. Being indeed a very specific and detailed study, it is a rich account of the period, showing how both philosophically and also materially, gentry society must be seen in relation to their patronage- as this defines them as a group.
Annotated by Sandeep Singh
Synopsis
This book is a cultural history of Ming China, more specifically about the role of commerce in remaking society during the period. Showing us how in the early period, there was self- sufficiency, and later, a culture of urban based commerce, where agriculture was made inferior to enriching oneself through trade. Whilst this led to moral decay, it also meant that power was now able to be purchased by capital. Trends such as population growth, the creation of regional and national commercial networks, and the appearance of silver from foreign lands in the Chinese market give context to our understanding of sources produced at this time.
By studying commerce through the experience of being Chinese, the book investigates records left from the period- it takes them and incorporates them into a structured account of the centuries of Ming China. By using the text of a minor official at the time, Zhang Tao, the book is structured in an arc of four seasons. Whilst acknowledging that this structure is cyclical and that of a rise and decline, has an understanding that the elite structure, whilst facing dynastic collapse at the end of the Ming era, was still in control and had a broader base of social power.
Being an expansion from the author’s work in a chapter of The Cambridge History of China (vol. 8), the work is about both the pleasures and confusions created by wealth, this being the result of commercialization as a whole.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The book covers the Ming China period. The presence of a genealogy of Ming emperors at the beginning, alongside a chronology of events that the author deems important to the period, allow for a clear understanding despite the breadth of the material. By exploring the main topic of commoditization, the book relates to parallels of the past to the present, post Mao era. By neatly dividing the book into seasons (Winter, Spring, Summer, Fall) and following a chronology of centuries from 1368-1644, the book is able to address topics in each period such as the state’s involvement in the economy, the luxury trade, commerce and connoisseurship among others.
By putting forth that this period is not necessarily unique, and that the “confusions of pleasure” had been present within a broader time period due to the tenuous relationship between economic progress and social structures, the study situates itself as a presentation of the period and factors involved in shaping it, without assuming any larger centrality to Chinese history. The book examines sources in detail to reconstruct the period, and in doing so, gives a human texture to the study of the time: sources range from essays to epitaphs.
By using illustrations and even drawings of evidence of superstitious beliefs, Brook takes historical developments (such as epidemics) and gives them a cultural significance. This is further supported by stories of people at the time.
The book is overall a good account of the Ming period in Chinese history, especially as an assessment of indigenous development at the time.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The book situates its study to the particular aspects of development during the Ming. However, it looks specifically at the social and cultural effects of commerce, arguing that an economic history is unable, at the time of the book’s publication, to be written due to limitations of knowledge. Brook puts forth that commerce dominated both due to and despite of the agrarian order instituted by the Hongwu Emperor at the beginning of the dynasty.
Critically, Brook submits the argument that China had a global economic significance in the period, further, that it was the lucrative economic prospects during this time in China that encouraged Atlantic trade. Thus, the study is relevant to understanding a facet of global commercial power during the period of 1368-1644, whilst also demonstrating that the past cannot be seen as simply contributing to the present, but must be understood to have developments that contradict and conflate- giving the impetus to study a historical period for its own merit.
Examining social change and the ability of social distinctions to dissipate but also be reinforced, the study reflects, thematically, the ways with which we could read change in the period. By using a diatribe against commerce as the guide for the study, it is written as a history of the period in order to understand the story of decline presented in the diatribe- this way, we see the world of the Ming from and in relation to, the characters that make up this part of Chinese history.
Annotated by Sandeep Singh
Synopsis
The book is part of a series which covers a specific aspect of the European initiative and reaction across time and space. It is a reference for the study of European presence beyond Europe in the early modern period, interaction with non-Europeans, and experiences of peoples of other continents, religions and races in relation to Europe and Europeans. The series highlights revisionist interpretations and new approaches to what has been called 'the expansion of Europe' and whose historiography traditionally bore the hallmarks of a narrowly Eurocentric perspective, while focusing on widening the scope of this European role to more than those characterized by dominance, conquest and control.
This volume is a collection of articles which illustrate the assortment of imperial administrators, the methods they had used to secure office, some of the pressures they experienced, and the opportunities they had enjoyed as office holders. While Despite variations in the physical size and populations of the conquered and settled territories, they still demanded significant differences in the complexity and extent of the colonial bureaucracies. As such, all drew on institutions and personnel from the mother country and provided for executive, judicial, legislative and taxation responsibilities. The book allows for the comparison between the colonial powers, as well as the criteria for the employment of the colonial administrators.
While the first administrators were men born in Europe, the maturation of both the colonies and the descendants of the first settlers brought up the issue of the colonists' participation in administration. Imperial administrators' exploitation of, or integration into the local population was related to the length of their service.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The essays selected for this volume emphasize the imperial administrators and their working environments rather than colonial administration in general. For example, John Leddy Phelan's "Authority and Flexibility in the Spanish Imperial Bureaucracy" provides a broad overview of the pressures on administrators within the colonial context. Although focused on colonial Spanish America, the article possesses several insights which help in understanding the behavior of administrators in other colonies as well. "Army and Empire: English Garrison Government in Britain and America, 1569-1763" also gives information on the governor-general within a broader argument concerning the nature of colonial administration. Chapters such as these are hoped to provide a wider dimension for students of empire to consider how the British colonial power was influenced by their administrative structure in America, before they begun their colonial conquest in Asia.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
It is argued that the imperial administrators' exploitation of, or integration into the local population was related to the length of their service. Those who were promised a longer term of service in the colonies showed greater tendency to settle into the urban centre where they served and became permanent members of the community. Thus, the degree of exploitation was lesser than those of provincial administrators who were limited to 3-5 years' term, hence using their position to enrich themselves by serving as conduits for merchant houses, in the case of Spanish colonial administration.
Colonial chief executives were men from their home country, nobles and professional soldiers who had previously served their monarchy elsewhere. Later, men of European descent born in the colonies began to secure government positions and in some cases rose to offices just below the chief executive within decades after colonization officially began. Aside from such generalizations, however, the differences were more striking than similarities.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
C
Synopsis
Cady’s interest lies in the revival of French imperialist tradition in East Asia in the two-decade period between 1840 and 1860 under the leadership of Louis Philippe and Louis Napoleon. On the foundations of genuine religious zeal as well as a renewed desire for the recovery of national prestige, the French pursued an expansionist policy in Annam, China and Siam through a series of alliances and wars. Diving headfirst into intricate detail, Cady describes the French’s interactions with both indigenous authorities as well as European rivals, most significantly the Portuguese, Dutch and British. It is clear from his narration that the French were by no means the principle agent in East or Southeast Asia, and were often forced to react to unexpected political circumstances or momentous decisions made by other parties. Cady also places great emphasis on happenings in Europe and in France itself; according to him, developments at home had a strong causal effect on French policies in East Asia.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
Cady’s period of interest is the twenty-year span between 1840 and 1860, but he provides context by giving a brief overview of French activities in East Asia and Indochina from 1662 to 1830—the French Company was established in 1664. He claims that French imperialist policy dates back to the time of Louis XIV, an era of French dominance in Europe. Geographically, Cady focuses on China, Annam and Siam, but also uses happenings in France and in Europe as reference points on the timeline. He also makes frequent references to other regional players such as Russia and Japan. His account is primarily narrative and is shot through with detail. He describes single diplomatic missions and treaties through the perspectives of individual agents not limited to the French.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Cady’s overarching argument is that the roots of French imperialism lay in national pride, which in itself encompassed many facets. It was the desperation for the recovery of national prestige during the time of Louis Philippe that spurred renewed interest in imperial endeavors. The expansion of the French empire was also intended to bolster dynamic popularity, and increasingly, to avoid decadence. Importantly, this was a shift away from the focus on missionary efforts that dominated the pre-1840 era of expansion. Catholic missions were replaced by more political and economic concerns: the French wanted both to tap on overseas markets and to establish a geopolitical stronghold in East Asia so as to maintain their relevance in the European arena. These aims were inextricably bound with their bitter rivalry with Britain, whom the French refused to leave unchallenged. Indeed, competition from other colonizing or regional powers figures prominently in Cady’s narration; the decisions of the Portuguese, Dutch, British, and even the Russians and Japanese deeply affected French policy. Thus whereas pre-1840 colonizing efforts had been spun in heavily clerical terms, by 1860 the religious desire for Catholic proselytization had been replaced as a driving factor by a national desire for wealth and pride vis-à-vis other European powers. On that note, Cady is careful to point out that France’s motive cannot be described in purely economic terms: the taproot of French imperialism was ultimately political and nationalist.
It is also clear that Cady sees domestic developments as a key factor in French imperial policy. The second chapter of the book is dedicated to establishing contextual knowledge of the political environment in France before 1840; he uses European events such as the ascension of Willliam and Mary in 1689 and the War of the Austrian Succession from 1740 to 1748 to put the East Asian narration into wider perspective. In his conclusion, he notes that political confusion in France, in the form of military defeat by Prussia and civil war with the Paris Commune, distracted the country from the imperialist attitudes they had developed between 1840 and 1860. The Church also had some effect on French fortunes: Rome’s prohibition of Confucian practices in the Church, for instance, adversely affected France’s attempts to penetrate China.
Annotated by Jennifer Yip
Synopsis
The book emerged as a result of the author’s membership of the Modern Chinese History Project at the University of Washington. By using the term “gentry”, the book is able to comment on a totality of dominance of the group: encompassing realms of the social, economic, political and ideological at the time. This implies that they had been a distinct and unique social group in society.
Critically, the role of the gentry has to be understood within the Confucian education system, of which they were privy. Bringing an examination of the group in more recent history, the gentry is seen as having special positions and a prestige that was unattainable by other segments of society.
Relating the relationship between the gentry and the state, the book fleshes out the complexities of the social relations as well as gives readers the opportunity to understand different ways to read institutional control and agency- the book offers both classification and also a way to look at the system of bureaucracy in China, building upon and similarly refuting ideas of thinkers such as Weber on the nature of the Orient.
Examining the prevalence of the bureaucratic institution and the system of social-institutional relations, the study sheds light on the imperial Chinese state and its nature.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The studies in the book deal with a range of problems. Initially, the book defines the gentry and tries to define the character of the group, being that of both institutional privilege and social function, clearly evident in society at the time. It then deals with the statistical evidence of size of groups within the gentry, and the impact on this size of events such as the Taiping Rebellion (1850-1864) and the Opium War (1839-1842). Next, it looks at how the examination system ensured the stature of gentry, and the perpetuity of examinations contributed to the fashioning of official ideology at the time. Finally, it deals with five thousand biographies of gentry from all provinces in China in the period, and gives coherence to the breadth of information, whilst positing ways to decipher the material, building on the prior sections.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Looking at the “shen-shih” or gentry in China in the period is important to understanding relations between state and the particular group in society, whilst also offering insights on the relevance of the titles and privilege such a group received/held.
Showing how the gentry could be sub-divided into two broad divisions (upper and lower), the book is able to demonstrate that even as certain officials such as “chin-shih” were in the upper levels, there were also officials that were in the lower levels “sheng-yuan”. This is supplemented by the fact that gentry groups themselves could be seen to have sub-groups and further can be split into both regular and irregular. The ability to characterize the group as a singular entity, but also providing easy to understand framework, reduces the complexity for the reader (societal structures are complex, the author here demonstrates the ability to negotiate this complexity). The book is also insightful into the ways in which someone could enter the gentry.
Both being an exercise in factual consolidation to support an accessible account of the gentry at the time, whilst also giving good estimates on the components of the gentry through reading titles and edicts, the book features a great deal of statistics that would help anyone in need of understanding the significance both in both qualitative and quantitative terms, of this group.
Placing a great degree of emphasis on the examination system, the gentry lifestyle is examined as one that is earned and sustained through this system and in turn, this legitimized the continued tradition of preserving Confucian moral principles.
This book is supported by a great deal of research and can be seen as the distillation of the vast data compiled and interpreted by the author. Whilst employing a theoretical method, the study is able to use this to the end of consolidating and helping us decipher an aspect of complex state-society relations in nineteenth-century China.
Annotated by Sandeep Singh
Synopsis
This book examines the wealth of information available on the English East India Company, contained in letters, memoranda, and other such records, and revises the historical literature on the subject of the company, in order to present an account of the company’s history, as well as an account of the countries it had been trading with, more particularly, in Asia.
By examining the sources in detail, Chaudhuri is able to give the reader an insight into the decisions made by officials with regard to the trading system at the time.
The book is the result of an almost decade long study of the records and statistics left behind by the company. Examining aspects of East India trade, the book is able to read a significant linkage between foreign policy and the trading patterns of the time- the trading company, or companies, must be situated in the context of a larger economic system, of which they function as a mechanism to market the commodities of Asia to the rest of the world.
Looking at periods of time and the change in trade and monetary liquidity in Europe, the records available allow for the understanding of the 1680-1720 monetary crises, especially in relation to the bullion trade. Looking at the European East India Companies, the book sees them as the symbols and manifestation of developments in Western nations from the beginning of the 17 century.
By examining the machinery of the trading companies and locating them within the indigenous Asian context, the book allows for an understanding of both the European as well as Asian situation at the time.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The book covers one century of study, being from 1660-1760. It examines the development of international trade, organizational structures of the East India trading companies, the early trade and settlements in Asia, capital requirements of the Asian factories, characteristics of Asian markets, monetary system in Europe and many other such relevant themes. The study is comprehensive and attempts to explain the underlying systems and ideologies behind trade and expansion. Covering materials as objects of trade specifically, the book deals with materials such as pepper raw silk and coffee (to name a few) as individual topics that feature in the larger study of trade. Overall, the book is accessible and allows one to appreciate the extensive research on the topic.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The book appropriates the vast amount of material left behind by the companies into a broader narrative of trade between Europe and Asia. It argues that both the VOC and the English East India Company both had similar institutional structures and were also part of a larger global market. The purchasing power of Europeans increased with the import demand of the people in the European nations- which also relates to an increase in money supply.
Finding common trends such as the reliance on Amsterdam banking houses relevant to both the VOC and English companies, the book examines developments such as the export of precious metals and the development of alternative credit instruments and token currency in relation to the monetary crisis in the early 18 century.
Chaudhuri goes on to posit that the large scale application of machinery led to a shift in production costs in Europe over time, and that this is related to the importance of precious metals as a medium of exchange. The eventual creation of a factory system is the result of the creation of machinery for physical operations of trade. Alongside bureaucratization and other factors, these led to the long term success of the East India Company.
Analyzing the role of trade in transforming the relationship between Europe and Asia in the period, key industries are located within broader trade flows, where metals and textiles converge and also diverge, where power is both negotiated and redefined- and most importantly, where economic acceleration means new ways of articulating trading presence in the world.
Annotated by Sandeep Singh
Synopsis
The book deals with the questions of why Renaissance Europe succeeded where the Europeans of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries failed and why, after the end of the fifteenth century, the Europeans were able not only to force their way through to the distant Spice Islands but had also gained control of all the major sea-routes and established overseas empires.
This book is a useful reference for students and researchers studying the technological advances that had made European ventures into the Asiatic continent possible. Cipolla makes connections between economic problems and its technological implications. In addition, in comparing the technology possessed by different European explorers, one is able to compare the progress made by different sailing parties and the outcome of their technological advancements.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The book covers essentially the time period of 1400-1700, since the focus would be on the development of technology that had changed the course of history for the Europeans. Particularly, the revolutionary changes that had affected the relationship between European traders and the indigenous merchants, rulers and producers were important consequences. The constant comparison among European powers engages the question of the different extent of dominance the different European countries had on the territories and trading networks where they had established commercial ventures.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The book is structured into three different parts: "The European Scene", "Guns and Sails Overseas" and the "Epilogue". While the last part briefly summarizes the reasons for Europeans entering into trade relations in Asia, and therefore may not give readers an in-depth analysis for the origins of European dominance in Asia and the context as seen from the perspective of the indigenous population, it serves a more general purpose in indicating the possible reasons for European ventures into Asia.
However, the first two parts shed light on the vital developments in technology and explores the economic dimensions of the costs on the part of Europeans, and could serve a useful tool to compare the extent of power each European power had, particularly in the comparison of naval power amongst the Europeans. Cipolla also states that the relative advantage of the Europeans was on the seas, since on land they remained for a long time highly vulnerable. Thus, no serious attempt was ever made to make an inroad into Asia and extend territorial conquest. Until the eighteenth century, European possessions the world over consisted mostly of naval bases and coastal strongholds.
However, the advent of the Industrial Revolution changed the context in which the Europeans were operating. The development of technology during the Industrial Revolution was assisted by overseas trade agreements and this in turn facilitated the Europeans' ability to subjugate non-industrial economies through the policy of 'free trade' and the subtle mechanism of 'dual economies'.
Thus, the period of European conquests in Asia that began in the eighteenth century was deemed to be largely connected to the early maritime expansion and subsequent dominance.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Synopsis
Cooper takes a highly theoretical approach to colonialism, providing a meta-analysis of colonial studies as an interdisciplinary field while defending the importance of the historical perspective. He critiques existing approaches to colonialism and problematizes the concepts most commonly used in existing literature: identity, globalization, and modernity. He actively avoids the Europe-centred narrative of “progress” as well as the abstract narrative frames of “rationality” and the “Enlightenment”, arguing that these methods suffocate discussion. For instance, assuming a linear development from empire to nation-state implies that nation-states were the only alternative to imperialism, when in fact—as Cooper shows in the case study of Senegal and France—leaders of social movements could work within the imperial framework and reform the imperial unit itself. In doing so, they changed this framework and contested the very concepts of empire. Ultimately, Cooper reminds us that the meanings of these concepts will always be internally changed by their usage. He also aims to spell out a larger range of possibilities and trajectories and to recognize a much wider imaginative space in the study of empire.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
Because Cooper’s discussion is heavily theoretical, there is no stipulated time frame or geographical boundary. However, he uses Senegal and France as a case study, and emphasizes in particular the repercussions of colonial histories on today’s nation-states. He is interested in what an understanding of colonial studies can tell us about modern multinational politics; thus, his examination of colonialism spills over into the world as we know it today. He also makes frequent references to “rationality”, “modernity”, and the Enlightenment, which are historically loaded concepts and which require contextual knowledge in order to extract the full essence of his argument.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Cooper’s overarching argument is that current literature on colonialism has not explored all possibilities. It has instead been boxed in by flawed assumptions on the theoretical level. Cooper aims to revisit these assumptions and explore the parts of colonial imaginative space that have been neglected.
Firstly, Cooper tackles the three most utilized concepts in colonial studies: “identity”, “globalization”, and “modernity”. He points out that “identity” is always fluid and contested; more importantly, “globalization” and “modernity” have assumed a teleological, Europe-centered character which limits fruitful discussion about empire by implying that the end-goal of former colonies is their achievement of Western standards of living. He also attempts to reframe globalization as a concept, arguing that it is in fact linear and artificial in that it creates “containers” of interaction—the state—when there are many other fluid groupings scholars have failed to acknowledge. On that note, Cooper argues that existing literature about post-colonialism has limited its discussion of political mobilization to the nation-state, when in reality empire faced other alternatives, such as pan-Arabism or pan-Christianity and the proletariat. It was only in the 1960s that the nation-state became the clear favorite as a replacement of empire. Scholars also do not sufficiently acknowledge that empires faced challenges other than indigenous desires for independence in the form of nation-states; Senegal, for instance, turned French colonization into claims for French citizenship. France was then faced with the dilemma of either abandoning the colony, or granting the Senegalese the citizenship benefits they could not afford.
Cooper also strongly warns against the attribution of history to abstractions such as “modernity” and rationality” over human agency. This is hardly meaningful, as it denies human responsibility for the decisions made, and also fails to acknowledge the workings of various historical factors in the shaping of events and trends.
Annotated by Jennifer Yip
Synopsis
This collection of essays examines European colonialism in Africa and Asia in the 18th and 19th centuries, arguing that it was different from previous forms of colonialism because they now involved appeals to universal concepts such as citizenship, sovereignty and political participation for legitimacy. The colonial question of who was entitled to inclusion in such rights haunted Europeans, who to begin with were faced with the task of defining exactly who their colonial subjects were. It details the intricate relationships between colonies and metropolis, operating on the basic assumption that the social transformations that occurred in both places were products of both local and global patterns. Cooper and Stoler examine the attempts of the metropolis to dominate and redefine their colonies, as well as the profound intellectual, social and moral impacts of exposure to indigenous people on the colonizers.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
Cooper and Stoler focus on the 18th, 19th and 20th centuries, considering colonialism in within the context of modernity and capitalism. Most authors focus on European empires in Africa, with Frederick shifting his gaze onto Southeast Asia, Chakrabarty to India and Wildenthal to the larger German empire. In each case study, the author emphasizes the universal concepts Cooper and Stoler claim were the lines along which colonialism in this period was shaped: race, gender, citizenship, and religion. They examine the two-way transaction between colony and metropolis: how the colonized were profoundly influenced, for better or for worse, by European presences, and how Europeans in turn were forced to re-evaluate themselves after contact with foreign peoples.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Cooper and Stoler firstly point out that colonies were not testing grounds for European capitalist social engineering, nor did they represent “unfettered economic opportunities” or virgin markets free of competition. The indigenous people were a force in their own right and could circumvent the conditions required for European-style capitalist development. Representations of colonies as blank slates on which Europeans could draw whatever they wanted are thus heavily inaccurate.
Secondly, and more importantly, Cooper and Stoler argue that the Manichaean (black-and-white) dichotomy between colonizer and colonized is false, and that the relationship was in fact more complicated than that. Ultimately, the colonial powers ushered in a series of policies which sought both to include the colonized peoples in their vast empires, and to exclude them by distinguishing them as fundamentally different from (and often inferior to) their white masters. The tension between inclusion and differentiation is a major running theme in the nature of colonial projects.
The cultural boundaries the colonial powers insisted on maintaining with their peoples, under the illusion of the simple Manichaean dichotomy, had to be defined and actively maintained; they were, of course, a product of both perception and sometimes expedience. Using concepts such as race and gender, the Europeans tried to systematically categorize the indigenous peoples on their own terms in order to understand and then control them. This reproduction of colonial societies was always deeply flawed: Cooper and Stoler write that the colonizers were trying to “[define] an order of things according to untenable principles that undermined their ability to to rule”. Moving forward into the 20th century, the consequences of these decisions are still visible in many former colonies.
Annotated by Jennifer Yip
D
Synopsis
Hard off the heels of two well received broad studies of ‘the rise and fall of global empires’ in modern history and the ‘rise and fall of the British world system,’ John Darwin revisits the British Empire in an interpretive essay that will become a standard work on the subject. The book is timely, both regarding the unfolding of Darwin’s own work and scholarship in the field more broadly. Big events prompt big reassessments; we all publish around anniversaries. Darwin’s masterful monograph long essay may be seen as a deeply learned assessment of the wave of scholarship on the historical experience of the British Empire, and all things and peoples touched by it, touched off by the decline, disintegration, dismantling, or deconstruction of that empire after the Second World War. One suspects Darwin would argue for the use of all four adjectives, and more, in defining the British and British Empire experience so inadequately summarized by the code word ‘decolonization.’ But Unfinished Empire is also an original argument about the nature of that imperial experience, one deeply contextualized in a wider global historical framework.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The book is structured thematically, with chapters taking the reader through the historical problems involving a given theme and the scholarly treatments of that theme. Darwin occasionally zooms directly in on a scholarly discussion as the focal point, for example in identifying Edward Said’s work as the launching of a new direction in the cultural interpretation of Western overseas imperialism. But more frequently he weaves historiographical evaluation into his own assessment of the problem at hand, debunking more often than not. Starting with a discussion of visions and concepts of empire, Darwin moves through the experiences of contact, claiming and taking possession, settlement, conflict, and trade. After this fairly chronological progression he moves on to evaluating problems of governance, dealing with ‘rebellion,’ culture and religion, imperial defence, and the always lively problems relating to ‘ending empire.’ Readers of Darwin’s previous work will find both familiar and reconsidered arguments herein—that the settlement colonies which become Dominions occupied a central position in both the empire itself and in the perceptions of that empire held by British people; that British imperialism was indeed flexible and pragmatic in handling so many problems, across a wide range of time and space; that so called ‘indirect rule’ was one such pragmatic adjustment to circumstances, rather than any grand theoretical insight. Darwin maintains his argument about the reasons for and consequences of the British special position in India and its influence on the Empire as a whole, especially during and after the Second World War. On the other hand he clearly takes on board the arguments made by Cain and Hopkins about the importance of an ‘empire of influence’ without the hard framework of territorial possession. And while acknowledging the contributions made by scholars expressing strongly critical views of the empire experience, whether from the orientalist or the subaltern or the national or the postmodern vantage point, Darwin demonstrates convincingly why all such narrow interpretations must fail to explain such a multifaceted experience that involved so many, from such a wide range of space and backgrounds, for so long.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Darwin’s central argument is that there were many British empires, developed by, and reflecting, multiple vectors from both within Britain itself and from wider global forces. But this British imperialism only became a pre-eminent world system for about a century because of a remarkable conjunction of fundamental historical developments—the exhaustion of European Great Power conflict from 1815; the onset of the Industrial Revolution; the ability to coexist profitably with the USA; economic dependency in South America; disarray in Africa; and perhaps most important of all, a period of division and weakness in both South and East Asia, particularly India and China. Britain was uniquely well placed to exploit this window of opportunity, for many reasons, and it did so. But while it became a great Asian power, that position always rested as much on circumstances it could not really manage as on any enhancement of British power. From a longer and broader global perspective, Britain’s empire was remarkable but hardly unique, in either its geopolitical structure or its methods of governance and control. But the habits of empire, which was really the concrete base which sustained Britain’s wider influence in global economics and politics, proved hard to outgrow. This made for a much messier and more conflicted experience of ‘dismantling’ empire, especially in Asia, than is usually suggested; Darwin debunks the memoir writers and spin doctors who argue for a smooth British exit from empire with as much conviction and success as he dealt with the more ideologically negative schools of interpretation. It was all just too untidy for both. The synthesis presented in this book is little short of masterful. It will contribute strongly towards re-historicizing the study of both the British and empires more broadly, and should be widely used in reading lists by students and specialists alike.
Annotated by Brian Farrell
Synopsis
Dewey and Hopkins search for an overarching framework within which the economic history of India and Africa may be studied, and in doing so examine the value of various emerging approaches of economic history. They argue for the comparative approach, in which links between various historical situations are drawn in order to make broader conceptual inferences. More specifically, they also hope to use these historical studies to account for the present economic situations of former colonies.
This collection of essays has both a zoom-in and zoom-out approach. It begins and ends with discussions on relevant concepts such as neo-mercantilism, capitalism, and most importantly, the development of economic history as an independent intellectual discourse in its own right. In between, however, chapters narrow down on specific historical economic practices in Africa and India—for instance, the slave trade or the lifting of cotton tariffs. While the subject of study in each chapter can be quite isolated, they all examine colonial governments, merchants, peasants, the international market, and the economic relations between each of them.
While empires are not a focus of this collection, colonial economic practices and motives are a key component of the economic histories of Africa and India. African and Indian activities are often examined in relation to the dominant European economic ideological systems—neo-mercantilist, capitalist—within which they operate. Moreover, authors invest in the detailed indigenous political and social contexts to which economic activities are inextricably tied, and colonial presences have a profound impact on these.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The essays all focus on the economic histories of either India or Africa. Discussion ranges from pre-colonial times to the modern 20th century. Some essays remark on the general performance of a colonial economy within a broader theoretical framework: for instance, India’s performance in the days of neo-mercantilism. Others focus on specific functions or trends found in that colony alone; for example, examines the motivations of the Moplah revolutions in India.
Because economic history is only a fledgling intellectual discourse, most authors also devote some time to consider the various approaches an economic historian may make, and the challenges he may face.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Firstly, the collection contains rich debate about the burgeoning body of economic history, and how such history is best approached. Hopkins, Usoro and Dewey all provide a meta-historical discussion of the utility of economic history and its significant limitations. Usoro concludes that quantitative data is only helpful insofar as it is appropriately connected to qualitative contexts; Hopkins similarly considers the value of treating economic history either as a positive or a normative discipline. Other major discussions include the application of modern models to economic situations, and the pertinent problem of collecting proper data. Africa in particular is lacking in official documentation of economic activity; this has greatly impacted the way in which economic historians tackle Africa as an area of study.
Secondly, the essays primarily focus on the effects of contact with the international economy on two key indigenous groups: merchants, and rural peasants. For instance, Bayly considers the existence of a merchant city which defies the traditionally low caste status of merchants, and the relevance of the north Indian social universe to merchants, while Fisher, Wood and Miles write about rural unrest in response to unpopular colonial policies or international economic circumstances. On the other hand, Wrigley and Dewey provide the European perspective, detailing colonial decisions within the ideological frameworks of capitalism and neo-mercantilism. Wrigley argues that while the economic was necessarily blurred with the political, it was not always true that mercantilist concerns dictated political ones.
Finally, and perhaps most significantly, many authors contribute to the growing body of literature on African economic history. Africa does not have a tradition of rigorous documentation, so its economic history is a combination of—in Usoro’s words—simple economic theory and imagination.
Annotated by Jennifer Yip
Synopsis
Di Cosmo aims to build a basis for the study of early relations between China and Inner Asia by focusing on political and military elements rather than more traditionally pursued economic factors. She approaches the topic from four different angles: archaeological, historical (based on written documents), political, and finally, specifically through the lens of Chinese historian Si Ma Qian. Di Cosmo avoids remaining within the boundaries of any single approach, pointing out that each of them alone has its limits—for instance, relying exclusively on artefacts would restrict her to inferences which are themselves contained by the extent of archaeological discovery. She thus attempts to broaden the foundations of her examination of early China-Inner Asia relations by encompassing all four stated approaches, even if she admits that the the conclusions drawn from each one are not entirely compatible and thus must be treated separately.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The book roughly covers five centuries leading to year 1 AD, and focuses primarily on the relationship between the northern Chinese states and the Inner Asian nomadic tribes. Di Cosmo is principally interested in the formation of the “frontier” between the Chinese kingdom and the nomadic peoples. She shows how the four approaches, each of which occupy a section of the book, represent transformations in the nature of the boundary drawn between the two sides, and collectively chronicle the constant shifts in the balance of political and military power. For instance, a political study of the relationship between the newly-formed nomadic Xiong Nu empire and the Chinese Han dynasty would reveal a reversal of roles: the Chinese effectively became a tributary state of the Xiong Nu, when they had in contrast assimilated Inner Asian states and occupied their territory during the earlier Warring States period.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Di Cosmo argues that the cultural boundary between the Chinese kingdom and the nomadic peoples of Inner Asia was in most instances a conscious construction. The emphasis on cultural differences and the claim of civilized superiority over the nomads in contemporary Chinese written documents must be seen against a backdrop of military threat and constant threats of violence. At the same time, one cannot assume that the Chinese and nomads had completely separate cultural value systems, and that the boundary between them was a rigid one; while there was undeniably a sense of “otherness”, archeological studies prove that there was strong Sinitic influence on nomadic cultures. The Chinese frontier in Inner Asia was therefore ever changing.
The Chinese assumption of their own cultural superiority, however, cannot be used as an absolute guide to the manner in which actual foreign relations were conducted with the nomads. Depending on what was politically and militarily strategic for the Chinese empire, the nomads were treated as enemies, peoples to be assimilated (and thus “civilized”), or allies. Ultimately, Chinese attitudes toward the peoples of Inner Asia was dictated by a strong sense of survival: the Chou states, for instance, adopted an expansionist strategy and occupied territories in the north in order to keep Inner Asia in check. The erection of walls, therefore, was a defensive measure.
Finally, Di Cosmo’s decision to devote a quarter of the book to Si Ma Qian is indicative of her appreciation of the nomadic Inner Asian peoples as an equal partner in the construction of early Chinese history. Rather than dismissing them as supporting actors in the Chinese historical narrative, Di Cosmo implies that they are just as influential as the Chinese themselves. The Chinese empire was shaped as much as by the peoples it interacted with as it was by its own internal affairs.
Annotated by Jennifer Yip
Synopsis
Dirks draws a parallel from the use of charges of weapons of mass destruction in the present-day international context as false pretext of invasion in 1991 to the earlier period of imperial history; that of the British conquest and occupation of India in the eighteenth century.
While the trial and impeachment of Hastings had exposed the corruption of British presence in India, it ironically resulted in empire acting as a natural extension of British sovereign and commercial rights and interests. The book represents an in-depth exploration of how well-known scandals of the East India Company in the eighteenth century became forgotten or subsumed within the larger and more compelling imperial narrative of an exhausted land that invited Britain to conquer it. Particularly, the book recognizes the work of historians of India who had observed how the social, political and cultural and economic buoyancy of India becomes suppressed by the narrative in which decay of India becomes the primary reason for, and the inevitability of European conquest.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The scope includes the constitutive importance of empire for modern Europe and the record of violence and scandal that mars all imperial encounters.
Dirks explores the arguments put forth by historians who had examined the significance of the British empire in bringing about an end to a 'despotic' rule and bring India back from the 'decay' it has become since the prevailing view was that of an endemic Mughal decline. Mostly, the book focuses on the debates surrounding the portrayal of important characters such as Clive, Burke and Hastings. Clive himself has been constantly portrayed as the epitome of masters of empire.
The book thus possesses the aim to refocus attention on the history of empire, cutting through unquestioned assumptions of imperial history. Thus, the concept of colonial ideology is distinguished from a balanced history, cases of managerial crises for the political history of empire are examined, and the genuine perils of empire are brought out to light.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The author argued that although the trial and impeachment of Hastings had brought to light the corruption of British presence in India, it ironically enacted the reformist agenda of Burke. It made empire a natural extension of British sovereign and commercial rights and interests. As the trial continues, with scandal becoming increasingly identified to have roots in Indian principles and culture itself, it became the principal justification for a formal establishment of empire. Dirks thus argues that there was a real impact of trials such as Hastings' in changing the circumstances in which empire creation becomes a valid and desirable political outcome.
The primary focus of the book is on the topic of sovereignty. The greatest scandal concerned this idea of a private trade was predicated on the unscrupulous use of a Mughal imperial decree of 1717, granting a suspension of tariff for some Company trade under limited conditions. Thus, the author argues persistently on how the systematic misuse of treaties by the East India Company had led to a consistent breach on the sovereignty of the Mughal empire, subsequently creating the conditions that increased the chance for empire-creation.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Synopsis
As the title suggests, the focus of this publication is to examine the different ways that the period of European colonialism in Asia has been examined by historians. Academics works evolved in the last 50 years largely in response to a series of enormous changes - economic, social and above all political - that have transformed both continents since WWII.
In Part One, essays are geared towards producing a thorough investigation and understanding of the beginning of the European presence, in the process revealing historiographical change and continuity on this particular topic. The book begins with van Leur's famous piece, 'On the Eighteenth Century as a Category in Indonesian History'. Van Leur was the first historian to have argued that in the eighteenth century, major Asian countries were stable, had larger population and was almost equal to European technology. Yet, the thesis of European impact in Asia evolved after P.J. Marshall argued that van Leur had underestimated the importance of Europeans powers since British infiltration in Bengal in the eighteenth century had laid the foundation for nineteenth century European dominance.
As a complementary part of the investigation into various relationships that existed between Europeans and Asians, Part Two discusses the initial contacts between European explorers in Asia and Charles Boxer attempts to enlighten readers with a fuller understanding of European commercial relationships and processes in the trading world of Asia and of the Asian contexts of European expansion.
Part Three consists of essays discussing 'formal' European presences, broaching the topic of organized settlements and the trend towards dominion. Finally, Part Four examines the informal presences of European explorers, who before the eighteenth century did not necessarily see themselves as a part of a formal imperial process, expanding the premise of European and Asian experiences which may occur outside the imperial framework.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
This book is a good introductory to the historiography of empires in general. However, specific to empires in Asia are the works of van Leur; 'On the Eighteenth Century as a Category in Indonesian History', essays on the Portuguese colonial historiography and early English trade and settlement in Asia 1602-1690, to state a few. These essays emphasize the general trend of historiography, beginning from the end of the 1930s. Western empires in Asia and Africa were still largely intact and thus viewing the history of the European presence in these regions from a non-imperial or non-Eurocentric standpoint was still an anomaly.
Pre-1945 historians focus overwhelmingly on formal presences, especially on the forging of political dominion and they interpreted what preceded it as a background, preparation, and a source for explanation for the triumphs of imperialism. Yet, in the post-1945 era, historians realized that empire was not the crowning climax of European presence overseas, but a passing phase For example, D.K. Bassett's overview of the English presence in Asia in the 17th century was concerned primarily with the functioning of the EIC in Asia as a formal economic institution. C.A. Bayly also argued that internal changes within the indigenous Asian and North African states in the 18th century had brought about decline of the non-European empires, which was replaced by 'Sultanist states' with neo-mercantilist policies that conflicted with European interests, encouraging European intervention and conquest. The works remain limited to Europeans who approached the two continents by sea, as the continental expansion through Eastern Europe into Asia is not represented in this book.
Essays include the informal European presence before 1800 as well as individuals such as Constant Phaulkon who attained high status and wealth. - one of the many Europeans who attained positions of power and prominence at Asian courts as technological experts, interpreters, military commanders.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
A.J.R. Russell-Wood outlines two primary objectives for the entire collection of volumes: 1) to cover a specific aspect of European initiative and reaction across time and space, 2) provide an overview and reference source on the European presence beyond Europe in the early modern period, interaction with non-Europeans as well as experiences of peoples of other continents, religions and races in relation to Europe and Europeans.
The revisionist interpretation aims to diminish the influence of the historiography of the 'expansion of Europe', which traditionally bore the hallmarks of a narrowly Eurocentric perspective, focusing on the achievements of individual European nations and characterization of the European presence as one of dominance, conquest, control.
The debate among historians is based on trying to discuss the colonial period in the Asian context rather than using parts from European history. Thus, the approach was to revamp the historiography of the period and to recognize European dominance in Asia for what it was - a short passing phase that needed to be set in perspective against the longer duration of indigenous histories.
However, the approach of the writers are still narrow in that the focus remained largely in the perspective of Europeans within the Asian context. For example, the process of Dutch colonialism of Indonesia was seen as a gradual process where VOC officials established the Company's control in Java and edged in to the traditional Javanese patron-client relationships. Thus, the book remains confined to the perspective of the colonial powers, i.e. the Dutch VOC, who progressed from an institution with privileged trading rights, to a protecting and finally an administering power.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Synopsis
The book is an account of the massive impact of occidental civilization upon the Pacific islands and the Far East (principally China and Japan) and its effect upon the island peoples and the Eastern civilizations. Specifically, the first beginnings of European economic relations in China were highly disreputable to the latter. The Portuguese was said to have mistreated the Chinese, as well as broken their rules so much so that it soured early trading relations between East and West. However, Macao emerged as the Portuguese trading port for China and also became a centre for the new missionary zeal of the Roman Catholic Church in the sixteenth century.
Since the main topic covered is concerned with the degree of change that was occurring because of the arrival of Europeans in the Pacific and the Far East, the perspective seen in this book is largely that of the external powers. One sees the cultural, economic and political issues that were evoked when the people from two different civilizations interacted, as well as the preconceptions of the Europeans when they arrived in Asia.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The book's emphasis remains on the western impact, which were examined in various degrees the consequences of the European's arrival in the Pacific islands and the Far East. This means that there is little room to consider events from an internal perspective. The scope covers the early stages of European arrival in the Pacific and East Asia, focusing largely on the trade and the 'opening' of ports in China and Japan.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The subject of this volume almost automatically divided itself into two parts according to the region under examination; the Pacific islands and East Asia. The author aims to present distinctive issues encountered by the European powers as well as the indigenous people from this encounter. The main argument itself is however, difficult to substantiate. The author claims that "so traumatic, swift and so all pervading was the sweep of Western civilization that every shore lapped by its waters and every island dotting its surface was affected, engulfed, or changed in a relatively brief period of time" This seems to have diminished the importance of internal agency and fails to consider the consequences of actions carried out by both the internal parties and the Europeans.
Finally, Dodge argues with a problematic Euro-centric and a more narrow perspective since he argues that China, Japan, the Philippines and Southeast Asia have all been transformed by the Europeans' arrival in Asia. This is problematic in that the evaluation would therefore not take into account the existing political and economic structures found in Asia. For example, the author claims that Japan was reconfigured by Western contact and imitated its teachers impeccably to succeed in becoming an imperial power scarcely ever equaled in a similar length of time. While there is some truth that Japan were motivated by the Western colonial powers, Japan's internal political and economic concerns and policies are not directed the appropriate amount of attention that they should have in their imperialist tendencies in the late nineteenth century.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
E
Synopsis
The author provides a historical description of the development of Manchu institutions and identity. The book is concerned with tracing the development of the Eight Banners, the Manchu's trademark system of social and military organization, and the parallel evolution of Manchu identity in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, in turn providing a perspective on rule in late imperial China that is less "sinocentric". This means that the study would present observations of the Manchu history that was less predicated on the assumption of the all-encompassing centrality of Chinese civilization and less structured around a deterministic narrative of the rise of the Chinese nation.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
Part One focuses on the origins of the Manchus and the foundation of the banner system, the latter becoming an important guiding principle of the political, social and cultural life for the Manchus. It also covers the Manchu occupation of China and the establishment of Manchu cities, before developing into a discussion of the creation of the Manchu state, which simultaneously reinforces ethnic distinctions.
Part Two sees the laying out of the fundamental aspects of banner life in the significant economic, legal and social privileges that people operating within the realm of the banner system enjoys as members of the conquest caste. This section also covers the relationship between the Manchus and the ethnic Chinese.
Finally, Part Three examines the parallel transformation of Manchu identity and institutions that began under the Yongzheng emperor in the 1720s and investigate key aspects of Manchu cultural and social history through the Yongzheng and Qianlong reigns. The author ends his discussion with that of the topic of the financial burden of the Eight Banners, and exploring the extent and cause of poverty within the banner system, which also threatened to undermine traditional Manchu institutions.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The author proposes three arguments. The first is that Qing rule relied not only on their acceptance of Chinese political norms and recognition by the Chinese literati, but also on the maintenance of boundaries of difference between the majority Han Chinese and the Manchu conquest group.
The author argues that the legitimacy of the dynasty rested on, and was understood by Qing rulers themselves, on orthodox Chinese ideas of kingship and a narrower conception of the interests of the Manchus in terms of an alien conquest. Hence, if boundaries that set the Manchus as a group apart from the majority Han Chinese crumbled and the Manchus become scattered among the general population, ethnic sovereignty would have been vitiated and the dynasty's future imperiled.
The second argument is that "ethnicity" can help explain the dynamics of group identity in complex societies, and do justice to the intricacies of the Manchu's place in Qing China. This proposal puts us in a better position to appreciate how the Manchu identity was constructed, how it was enforced and how it changes. The author puts forth the main argument that practice ultimately mattered more than ideology, and that even with the waning of many of the obvious cultural markers of Manchu-ness, a coherent Manchu ethnic identity persisted, largely due to the survival of the banner system.
Following this line of argument, the Eight Banners system was a highly militarized form of social organization which stood for their un-Chineseness. Yet on one level, the widespread presence of the banner system in China asserted the identity of the Manchu dynasty as a whole. On another level, the way of life imposed by the banner system upon its people profoundly affected the evolution of the Manchu's conception of ethnicity in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
Finally, the author examines what the Manchus had written in their own language to distill a fuller understanding of the Qing imperial enterprise - why had the Manchus taken over, as well as how they saw their empire, their people and their fate.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Synopsis
This book is a revised edition of an original work published in 1984 and 1990. It contains a new preface and additional new chapter, as well as revisions to all the other chapters. The book’s origin is from the author’s own search for understanding the importance of the role of jinwenxue or New Text classical studies to kaozhengxue or “evidential research” studies during the Qing dynasty. Looking at the role of Qing scholars, the book tries to present an overview of the major changes in late imperial intellectual life and the advent of a “somewhat secular academic community” that formed which is different from that of the Western counterpart.
Looking at the structure of gentry society in late imperial China, it attempts to reconsider the nature of Confucianism as a singular entity, showing the complexities instead that underlie the society at the point of study, especially in relation to the ‘literati’. This is substantiated by the fact that the literati were not strictly bound by a monastic order, and that western conceptions of religious belief could only be fully understood in the late nineteenth century.
The term Confucianism or Kongjiao is explored in relation to the conceptions of belief of the scholars, and the author finds that it is better to use the terms “teachings of the scholars” instead of Confucianism. Giving an in-depth insight to the scholars and their types of learning, it is able to give its own account whilst also refuting long-standing views about Confucianism.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The book covers the period of the Ming and the transition to the Qing in Chinese history. As a revised edition, the book contains chapters looking at the problems of categorizing scholars as part of a particular religious order, as well as the problem of looking at them through a singular lens of Confucianism as a whole. Looking primarily at discourse, and the ways in which scholarship changed over time and created progress in evidential scholarship, the book is able to give an in depth look on the production of knowledge and the ways in which scholars operated in late imperial China.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The book generally attempts to demystify the different types of scholars during this period of Chinese history, and borrows from conceptual schemes of Western scholars such as Thomas Kuhn to illuminate its own analysis. Focusing in on the Lower Yangzi region in particular, the book looks at the academic community that was both fashioned and produced over time through an interpretation of the social origins, patronage system, and types of professionalization. It further goes on to look at the production of scholarly communication and the inter-related phenomena of books production, libraries and scholarship.
Looking at the composition, development and fracturing of the Kaozheng movement, the study is both historical in nature, and further posits a different way to read the community of scholars in the late imperial period. The book is indeed well researched and invites a critical readership.
Annotated by Sandeep Singh
Synopsis
In this book, Emerson explores the aftermath of World War II: rapid decolonization in Asia and Africa against the backdrop of a burgeoning world order. With the establishment of the United Nations, and with it, the (theoretical) acceptance of the principles of democracy and self-determination, the vast overseas empires of France, Britain, the Netherlands, and other European powers were quickly dismantled, though not without violence and bitterness. It was not only that Europe was forced to beat a moral retreat from imperialism in the face of socialist or liberal doctrines; it was also no longer possible for them to retain their empires. The peoples of Asia and Africa had been roused by a shared dislike for imperialism into a nationalist fervor that reached its peaked in 1945, after the war. Through discussing workings of nationalism within the new international structures of the 20th century and the tension it shares with remaining European colonial attitudes, Emerson traces the Afro-Asian movement from empire to nation.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The book was published in 1960, during the time of intense decolonization, and when Asian and African anti-colonial nationalism was at its peak. Emerson thus focuses on the 15-year period between 1945 to 1960, but allows himself to tread back well before 1945 for historical context—for instance, World War I also marked years of radical decolonizing efforts, this time in the land empires of Europe. As readers in the 21st century, we may find some of Emerson’s remarks outdated or irrelevant, but his analysis provides a first-hand account of the overwhelming changes experienced by the immediate post-war generation. The United Nations, 12 years into its existence, also figures a fair amount in this book as Emerson discusses its institutional and legal roles in decolonization.
Emerson’s approach is broad and theoretical; rather than providing blow-by-blow details of case studies, he examines various themes from a bird’s eye view. Examples of such themes include comparisons of nationalism with democracy and Communism, nationalism in non-colonial countries, and nationalism and the principle of self-determination as understood in the United Nation Charter.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
To Emerson, imperialism’s greatest impact on the world was cultural diffusion. He goes to pains to clarify that this diffusion was a two-way affair: European colonizers and the Afro-Asian colonies had many profound effects on each other. Yet, Western values and practices, at first vehemently rejected by the colonized peoples, were eventually accepted as desirable and then fervently sought after as proof of “modernity”. Emerson argues that this change in attitude was because Afro-Asian peoples recognized Western superiority in technology and economic ability, and concluded that adopting their strategies was the only way to safeguard themselves against perpetual inferiority vis-à-vis the Europeans. Emerson laments that this diffusion of Western civilization—for which he seems to be a proponent, if a cautious one—is incomplete, and that many Afro-Asian territories had not yet reaped its benefits and remained backward and undeveloped. He also recognizes that, in order for a colony to accept Western systems, an elite class educated in the “modern” ways of the Europeans had to be present, and must be strong enough to push for change in their societies. Without them, the tension between the pursuit of modernity and the maintenance of tradition would be too strong to overcome. These elite classes were often a product of colonial education. Emerson therefore claims that nationalism was imperialism’s “finest fruit” at the same time that it was its “bitterest enemy”.
Emerson also makes observations from what would have been contemporary news in the late 1950s. He remarks that the reversal of imperial values in favor of democracy and other liberal doctrines meant that anti-colonialists could act with more impunity than ever before, while the European powers were increasingly politically hard-pressed to defend their attempts to retain their empires. Despite this, the debris of imperialism remained and made the achievement of independence far more complex than its proponents may have imagined. For one, Western interests in former colonies remained, and Western governments fought to protect them at the expense of the independence nationalists yearned for. For another, the United Nations’ legal recognition of the “principle to self-determination” was too weak for effective invocation—it was only a principle, not a right, and was open to exploitative re-interpretation by various parties for their own purposes. The United Nations itself was disappointingly ineffective in aiding the decolonization project as it did not have the legitimacy to take lasting action. Finally, the Cold War only added more complications, as “self-determination” was used as a moral and political weapon by both the Soviet Union and the United States against each other. Emerson argues, therefore, that the story does not end with independence: with the creation of a new state comes a host of new problems inevitably rooted in the colonial history as well as the profound recasting of the entire world structure.
Annotated by Jennifer Yip
Synopsis
Eraly writes comprehensively in an easy-to-follow narrative about the Mughal emperors, systems and society. Chapters such as "The Land and the People" and "The Right Royal Lifestyle" illuminate readers on the background of the Mughal empire, as well as the elite institutions in the Mughal empire. Yet, the history is also seen from the perspective of the commoners, as seen in "Producers and Predators", which provides a comprehensive exploration of the relationship between the ruling powers with commoners. Akbar's religious tolerance and the unusual practice of founding a syncretic religious fraternity of his own called Din Ilahi (Divine Faith) are cited as way ahead of its time and thus rendered incapable of surviving Akbar, the only one who held its vision and future. Yet, contrary to the expectations of imperial successions being an element of despotic rule and Asiatic barbarism, Eraly argues that the fight of son against father, and of brother against brother for the throne was the norm among the Mughals, as it is with royal successions in European empires. Central themes include religious tolerance, syncretism among Persian and Islamic ruling structures and imperial succession conflicts as a norm of the Mughal imperial centre highlight discovery of imperial systems not within the Western sphere.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
Eraly focuses on the young emperor Akbar's succession to the throne that swept a Second Golden Age for the classical civilization of India. However, Eraly also discusses the origins of the Mughal empire in the form of Akbar's grandfather, Zahiruddin Muhammad (known as Babur) and how after several failed conquests manage to secure the throne of Kabul. From this, the empire had expanded to Hindustan, Afghanistan and finally India, conquered under Akbar's rule when in 1560 the eighteen-year-old Akbar launched a rapid series of conquests which enlarged the Mughal kingdom in India into a vast sub-continental empire.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Eraly's central argument is that the Mughal empire came to an end not because of Aurangzeb's theocratic policies, but that the main reason for the Mughal collapse was that the empire had grown far too large, beyond the capacity of the emperor to hold it together or to govern it efficiently. His second central argument that the Mughal Golden Age was only golden for the elite was substantiated by how there was no fundamental transformation in different facets of life and on different socioeconomic communities of commoners. Instead, he espoused that the emperors' lavish lifestyle had translated into poverty for his people, and that Mughal culture was largely derived from these external Persian elements; thus when the latter declines the Mughal culture experienced a setback as well.
Finally, the author puts forth a controversial argument that while the Mughals had major political and economic achievements to their credit, consolidating most of India under a central rule, provinces were in the process of becoming independent domains upon Aurangzeb's death. Thus, the British arrival was argued to be saving the integrity of the territorial domain of India. The institutions the British established, which became a foundation on which a modern economy, society and nation could be built thus remained the primary role of Britain in contributing to Indian progress.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
F
Synopsis
In this book, Fairbank discusses the effect of the British presence in China in the 19th century. Focusing primarily on treaties and the administration of treaty ports, both products of the Opium War (1840-1842), Fairbank aims to examine the repercussions of the tribute and treaty relations between Britain and China on modern Chinese foreign relations—the book was written in the 1960s. He also argues that tribute and treaties are alternatives to the traditional Western concept of imperialism in framing Chinese diplomatic history: the British were concerned with trade, not governance, but nonetheless played major parts in the running of treaty ports and made irreversible changes to Chinese structures. Fairbank also draws on China’s long history of tribute relations with the Inner Asian “barbarians” and argues that such experiences colored the way the Chinese reacted to the British, whom they initially viewed as just another barbarian.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
Fairbank’s area of focus is the two decades immediately following the Opium War, and China’s transition from tributary to treaty relations with the British. Fairbank provides context by first discussing the unique nature of Chinese society and its dynastic decline, and secondly the theoretical basis of tribute and its eventual eclipse by trade. In his proper subject matter, he begins with the Opium War and its result, the Treaty of Nanking, written in 1842. He then describes in considerable detail the implementation of the various treaties and the resulting sources of Anglo-Chinese collaboration and tension from 1843 to 1845. The period 1845 to 1851 sees the breakdown of the treaty system due to piracy and the evasion of legal duties, and culminates in the establishment of the Foreign Inspectorate of Customs at Shanghai in 1850. Fairbank concludes with a remark on how the treaties succeeded the tribute system.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Importantly, Fairbank argues that the traditional European concept of imperialism is not the only way to view Chinese foreign relations. Rather, the treaty system is a more accurate approach to 19th century China because it not only highlights Anglo-Chinese collaboration, but also how the Chinese reaction to the British was ultimately in line with the former empire’s traditional attitude toward foreigners. Tribute always remained the mode of Chinese foreign relations, as previously maintained by both the Mongols and the Manchus. The only difference was the balance of power within these tributary agreements.
The British presence in China after the Opium War resulted in momentous changes. For one, China, who had once imposed tributary demands on neighboring entities, was now on the losing end of a series of tributary agreements. The British reaped the most benefit from the tribute system and propped up the crumbling Chinese regime only on the basis of self-interest. It took two decades for the balance of power to be restored, and the Chinese given more opportunity for self-governance and decision-making. Exposure to the British also stirred the processes of modernization and nationalism.
Fairbank also points out that China’s experiences with the Inner Asian peoples had a significant impact on the way they interacted with the British. He remarks that China was already well equipped mentally and structurally to accommodate foreign intruders, and that the entrance of the British into domestic administration was against a historical background of Chinese-foreign cooperation. This was why the British were able to serve Chinese sovereignty in the capacity of foreigners. In fact, the treatment of the British under treaty conditions was not new to the Chinese: the use of Westerners in Chinese employ dated back to the time of Marco Polo, and the most-favored-nation status granted to Britain and other European powers was similar to the concept of the Confucian monarch’s inherent benevolence toward barbarians. The nature of the British intrusion was also similar to that of the Mongols and Manchus: it was invasion without the dismantling of existing Chinese political structures.
Annotated by Jennifer Yip
Synopsis
This is the first volume in a 2 part study about a racial and ethnic category, the Chinese in the Philippines. By openly considering them as an economic force, as well as an ‘alien’ population, the volume considers the role of the Chinese in the historical development of the Philippines. It does this by considering the relationships between Filipinos and Chinese, and the ways in which the Chinese assimilated or instead, refused to assimilate into the community.
Primarily written as a history of a nation through a study of community and minority ethnic population, the book is a contribution as a history written from the perspective of preserving a national identity. Engaging topics such as the problem of discrimination between the Chinese and the Filipinos, the records of massacre of the Chinese, and also the important role the Chinese played in the wealth of the nation; the book assesses attitudes, both colonial and indigenous, towards the migrant community.
Considering the contemporary situation that affected writers at the time, whilst reflecting on the historical development that caused phenomena such as discrimination towards the Chinese, the volume contextualizes this ethnic community in the history of the Philippines.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The work is structured in two volumes; this volume covers themes from (although not limited to) 1570-1770. Introducing a general historical context of the nation, this book subsequently covers topics such as the Chinese in Manila, the Chinese Ghetto or “El Parian de los Sangleyes”, as well as eyewitness accounts of the early years of the Chinese in the Philippines. Whilst focusing on the majority of contacts that occurred in the “Christianized” portion of the Philippines, the historical interaction between Chinese and the people of Sulu is also examined.
The book goes beyond trade in its analysis, including chapters on the Chinese family. By including discussion by academics, priests and a Chinese scholar, the volume is a broad introduction written from different perspectives and thus giving a considerable scope to the understanding of this topic historically.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
As with any other broad volume with a range of authors, the book presents different facets of the Chinese community and their relevance to the history of the Philippines, giving the narrative space for breadth. Opening with the consideration of the “problem” of the integration of the Chinese in the Philippines, alongside recorded evidence of persecution, the volume argues for the integration of the Chinese community into the larger “national” community. Whilst considering themes such as discrimination and loyalty, the volume takes up a situation of problematic relations: the language of the first chapter happens to be problematic in itself (it considers possibilities of massacres, using a gestapo to watch the Chinese, then attempts to logically refute such solutions). The chapters provide different accounts of interaction between the Chinese, Spanish and Filipinos and the topics provide a good background to the understanding of the history of the Philippines.
Written in a time where the new nation states in Southeast Asia were finding their own distinct voice, one could read the effort as an attempt at understanding the diversity and also integrating ethnicity in the archipelago. The volume can itself be read as a source for scholars who want to know how history was written, and to what end, in post-independence Philippines.
Annotated by Sandeep Singh
Synopsis
This book is the second volume in the two part series on the Chinese in the Philippines, containing documents and studies relating to the role of the Chinese in the history of that nation. Emphasizing the many links between Filipinos and Chinese, it attempts to read the history of the Chinese in the Philippines as a narrative of both assimilation and also difference (distinctive cultural attributes).
Continuing where the previous book leaves off, the study examines the dominant trends that the contributors find essential to understanding this community in the discourse of the nation and critically- as it is a work from a conservation society, the role of this work is to remember or serve as a platform for remembering.
Both emphasizing the general and the specific, the book is able to cover in detail, for instance, laws and regulations applicable to the Chinese, whilst also making larger observations about phenomena such as inter-marriage (acknowledging the importance of the Chinese Mestizo in Filipino history).
Even though the book admits the limited size of the Chinese community, being smaller than that of certain countries in Southeast Asia, the impact of their influence and presence certainly merits a study. Thus, the impetus of the work is both to understand this community historically and also aim to find common ground with the descendants of their immigrant ancestry.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The book covers the period 1770-1898 (one could observe the terminus as the advent of the War of Philippine Independence). Combining analyses with comprehensive documentation, the work consults a broad array of sources to present facets of the Chinese in the Philippines over the years. Whilst giving a token chapter to the “Chinese Point of View” in the appendix, the volume covers a great deal of ground with studying families, laws, economics and even opium addiction. Thus the volume is worth considering- being not solely contributed to by academics in the field, it opens up avenues for discussion about collective heritage and national identity.
The volume provides an interesting insight to the type of work that was being done at the point of time and can serve as a reference point for individuals interested in the representation(s) of minorities in Southeast Asia, particularly in the ‘maritime’ or ‘island’ Southeast Asian states. It also is able to give light on nation building and the effects of ethnic relations on the scripting of a national past.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
By examining the role of the Chinese, the volume generally takes the approach of attempting to reconstruct the events which had impacted sentiment toward this community. The idea of sentiment or attitude is a ubiquitous one in the work- it surveys how the Chinese were acting whilst also being perceived in different ways by both the Filipinos and Spanish.
This book, a compilation of different aspects of the role of the Chinese, does not provide a clear central thesis- the book can be understood as a broader project to put aside discrimination. The study of the past is thus supposed to aid a vision of reconciliation in the present. By explaining practices such as opium addiction as misunderstood if characterized as unique to the Chinese, the volume attempts to give a broad insight to attitudes about the cultural attributes of the community, and their implications.
This book is significant as it can be read as a study of attitudes towards the Chinese in the Philippines, and through use of records and documents to aid its perspectives, allows us to reflect on the role of migrant and minority communities in the historical narrative of a nation.
Annotated by Sandeep Singh
Synopsis
The change in attitude towards the history of the British empire can be attributed to the new wave of sentiments of freedom and sovereignty, particularly when Britain was no longer seen as a benevolent power, but an exploiting one. Ferguson brings up Cobden's argument to fore: that neither trade nor even the spread of British 'civilization' had needed to be enforced by imperial structures.
This book represents the argument that it was not possible for the benefits of an international exchange to be reaped without the British putting in place imperial structures. Globalization in an international system of multilateral cooperation most often than not does not arise spontaneously, but was a result of coercion, most effective if the dominant power in the world favors economic liberalism. Despite not making any claims as to the altruistic nature of the British empire, the author expresses the view that no organization in history has done more to promote the free movement of goods, capital and labor than the British empire in the 19th and early 20th centuries. In this way, the history of globalization is seen to have been promoted by Great Britain and her establishment of a wider and more global economic trading system, by constructing a network of colonies.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The first chapter emphasizes that the British empire had begun as a primarily economic phenomenon, its growth powered by commerce and consumerism. The British were not the first imperial powers, but imperial imitators. Subsequently, the second chapter expounds on the role of migration in creating a network of polities that formed a larger number of connections with one another. Chapter Three explores the voluntary, non-governmental character of empire-building, focusing more on the role played by a variety of actors in the gradual deepening of imperial characteristics. Chapter Four asks how it was possible for such a tiny bureaucracy to govern so huge an empire, and explores the symbiotic but ultimately unsustainable collaboration between British rulers and indigenous elites, both traditional and new. Finally, Chapter Six saw the changed perception of the reality of empire when the European imperial powers saw empire in a different light with Hitler's blueprint for empire.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The author's objective was to show that the Empire was not just 'racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance' but the triumph of capitalism as the optimal system of economic organization, along with the internationalization of the English language and the survival of parliamentary institutions. Ultimately, Ferguson broaches the main question: Was there a less bloody path to modernity?
His conclusion was a large "no". The rooting of liberal capitalism, which in turn was argued to have pioneered free trade, free capital movements, abolition of slavery and the construction of a global network of modern communications. A plausible hypothesis was that empire - and particularly the British empire, encouraged investors to put their money into developing economies.
Yet, the author makes a distinction between the impact of Western colonization depending on the internal context of the territories concerned. Where the British conquered already sophisticated, urbanized societies, the effects of colonization were more commonly negative, as colonizers were tempted to engage in plunder rather than focus on the transplanting of their own institutions and engage in institutional development of those territories.
Finally, the author attempts to draw a straight line from the era of the British empire to that of US' global power today, espousing that a different form of imperialism is in place, and that only those possessing substantial military power could do so.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Synopsis
The book examines why the second expansion in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries had taken place on such a large scale. However, the more important question was deemed to be more complex; how the character of the empires developed after about 1850 had differed substantially from those created in the period of the first expansion of Europe. The older colonies which had been for most part 'settlement' colonies in which quasi-European societies were created by emigrants: the new phase consisted of colonies of 'occupation' in which a small minority of European 'sojourners' exercised some degree of political control but which remained essentially non-European in race and culture.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The topics include the different policies that had been practiced by the European powers during both phases of expansion. Chapters 6-12 examine a number of territories of obvious importance, and these were used as case studies to assess the importance of economic and other forces making for annexation. In Chapter 13, the evidence provided by case studies will be used to assess the general importance of economic factors within Europe or elsewhere in the imperialistic process.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Fieldhouse uses a method which has two special features: he examines the half-century before 1880 to place the 'classical' period of imperialism in historical perspective and he deals with countries or regions individually, rather than as a part of a single global story. He acted on the hypothesis that imperialism may have been a composite, and possibly contradictory phenomenon rather than a unitary one.
In addition, Fieldhouse attempts to reinstate the economic factor in the critique of modern imperialism, though as only one factor among a number of forces. These factors tended to create a disequilibrium between a 'modernized' European and an unreconstructed outer world.
There were valid grounds for regarding the 1870s as a watershed - much of the colonial expansion was occurring in regions of Africa, Asia or the Pacific; mostly unknown to Europeans. Also, the intervention of European countries such as Germany, Belgium and Italy, with no colonial possessions or tradition, suggested that the aims of colonization were changing, since these continental states suddenly undertook forms of overseas activity which had been previously the preserve of the maritime powers.
This book consists of explanatory theories broadly classified into two categories, based on where they look for an explanation of why European expansion occurred in the late nineteenth century and why there was an apparent discontinuity with the mid-Victorian past. The first category is the Eurocentric perspective. In a book concerned with economic history, the two interpretations of imperialism are factored into the examination. The first being 'imperialism of trade': a product of the changing character of European economies and expanding industrialization and secondly the 'imperialism of capital investment', where new colonies which might constitute fields for profitable investment of capital.
However, other than the Eurocentric approach, one could approach the same question from outside Europe, which is the 'peripheral' approach, based on an initial assumption that it may not be necessary to find any all-embracing cause of European expansion either in Europe or elsewhere, but that colonial annexation commonly sprang from relatively localized issues. Their common denominator was that some difficulty existed in areas outside formal European possessions in which Europeans were involved, making it difficult or inconvenient to maintain the status quo.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Synopsis
Findlay and O’Rourke attempt to give an overview of world trade in the second millennium. The book is angled to be of interest not only to historians, but also to scholars of various other social science fields, such as economists and anthropologists. Roughly chronologically organized around three selected world historical events—the Black Death, the discovery of the New World, and the Industrial Revolution—it traces the origins of today’s international economy, examining how trade gradually assumed its globalized, heavily integrated nature. While their discussions are not about empires per se, their analysis of economic interactions in Eurasia and with sub-Saharan Africa is inextricably intertwined with the building of commercial empires, and they invest in a detailed examination of the imperial practices of Iberian, Dutch and British Empires. The book therefore focuses on trade and economy against a detailed backdrop of various imperial endeavors.
As the book nears the 21st century, however, attention is drawn away from empires to focus instead on contemporary geopolitics and the modern debate on the pros and cons of accelerated globalization. The later chapters are thus less relevant to those looking to understand the economist aspects of “empires” in the conservative sense.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
Findlay and O’Rourke focus on the Eurasian landmass, dividing them into seven regions based not only on geographical realities but also on social, political and cultural lines. They examine trade interactions between these regions and sub-Saharan Africa, but decline to study the latter as an eighth region. The Americas is similarly excluded from such attention because it was not engaged in world trade before the European voyages. Findlay and O’Rourke adopt this intercontinental model of world trade because continents are immutable, whereas nation-states are not. While the result is an admittedly “Eurasia-centric”, their discussion accounts for almost 90% of the world population at the beginning of the second millennium.
In its discussion of 1000 years of economic activity, Findlay and O’Rourke identify the Black Death, the integration of the New World with the Old, and the Industrial Revolution as pivotal events that determined, both directly and indirectly, the course of future international trade. The Industrial Revolution in particular is treated as a crucial fulcrum point, and Findlay and O’Rourke temporarily digress from their chronological commentary on trade to examine the relationship between trade and the Industrial Revolution—with reference to, of course, consequences of empire such as slavery and New World trade. Ending in modern times, the book considers the economic standing of each of the seven regions today, drawing comparisons between them. It also discusses very recent developments on the fronts of globalization and trade liberalization in a broad geopolitical context, factoring in the effects of pertinent trends such as environmental concerns, growing demands for oil, and conflicts with rogue nuclear-armed states like Iran and North Korea.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The book’s ultimately economic focus means detailed descriptions of the operations of important commercial centers such as Manila, as well as the use of quantitative data. Findlay and O’Rourke assume a rudimentary understanding of economic and financial terminology on the part of the reader.
Findlay and O’Rourke consistently remind the reader that economic activity and violence have always been intimately related. The capacity for conflict and hostility has always been a crucial arm of profit-centered trade. Thus, in setting up the necessary contexts, the book constantly makes references to intra- and interregional wars which simultaneously affect both patterns of trade and the expansion or destruction of commercial empires.
Because empires are not the focus of this book, they are given attention only insofar as they provide the necessary contexts for Findlay and O’Rourke’s economic analyses. This is not to say that they warrant only sporadic mention; in fact, imperial endeavors are quite prominent as factors of the centuries-long development of the international economy. For instance, Findlay and O’Rourke argue that the Industrial Revolution, which determined the fate of the world economy, was the culmination of converging historical trends, one of which was overseas colonial expansion, particularly in the New World—which itself had historical antecedents in the form of the Crusades or the Mongolian Empire. In the historical chain of cause and effect, empires are often presented as a key link. However, Findlay and O’Rourke sometimes divest from empires altogether, either to detail intra-European commercial relations and trade policies, or to make general comments on the world economy, often from a heavily European perspective.
Where empires do figure in their discussion, Findlay and O’Rourke consider the relationship between trade and economy, and imperial endeavors to be two-way. European voyages and conquests, intense imperial rivalries, and decolonization all drastically affected trade patterns and priorities, while demand and supply for, say, gold and spices also determined the fate of certain colonies. Where the creation of European commercial empires in Asia and the New World are important from an economic perspective, some chapters focus on the debate over the details of these relationships.
In discussing the interaction between European imperial powers and the indigenous peoples of Asia and the Middle East, Findlay and O’Rourke make it clear that the latter had already set up elaborate political and trading systems prior to European arrival; the Japanese and Chinese were empires in their own right. It is evident in the book’s analysis that, where there was strong political organization, the Europeans could only seek indigenous consent to insert themselves into existing trading structures and compete with indigenous merchants on a fairly level playing field. In the Americas, however, where native peoples lacked cohesion on such a level, the colonizers were free to use brutal, unmitigated force to achieve their economic ends. Findlay and O’Rourke also point out that intra-regional trade still formed the economic foundations of motherlands, thereby warning the reader not to overestimate the contributions of interregional trade, or trade with colonies, to European powers from the 16th century onward. The significance attributed to empires in this book is therefore measured and carefully qualified.
Annotated by Jennifer Yip
Synopsis
Wesley R. Fishel's doctorate dissertation The End of Extraterritoriality in China is a well-crafted and detailed analysis of the many twists and turns in China's road to the abolition of extraterritoriality. It fills out the scope of the topic it had set itself beautifully, namely a study of how extraterritoriality, heavily focused on the British and American example, in China came to be abolished after numerous detours and delays within the US and UK governments from 1917 to 1943. The entire process of terminating extraterritoriality in China can be summed up in one of Fishel's subheadings: “deadlock, renewal and suspension”. By 1917, Fishel makes the case that extraterritoriality had become quite the conundrum for the Western powers, on one hand necessary to protect Western interest in China, on the other an embarrassing, very visible violation of another country's sovereignty. It was something of a hot potato that needed to be handed carefully, and yet, in the post-WWI atmosphere, the UK and the US were left holding the metaphorical bag. By 1928 only the UK, US and France maintained extraterritoriality in China. In trying to explain why it took 26 years to terminate extraterritoriality, Fishel pointed to three main reasons, the lack of a unified government in China to hand authority and responsibility over to, what is referred to as the “exisiting conditions in China”, the reluctance of the Western countries, in a post-WWI atmosphere initially, then on the eve of WWII, to launch any kind of military interference in China, and the rising Chinese nationalism's eager vilification of extraterritoriality, and subsequent “unbending attitude” during negotiations. Fishel's apparent determination to believe in the altruism of American foreign policy with regards to China seems to have blinded him to another factor; that of Chinese weakness, and their inability to make any kind of demands upon the Western powers, which resulted in the long and drawn out process of terminating extraterritoriality. Fishel's writing is sharp and to the point. However, this same advantage becomes a weakness when one considers Fishel's failure to sufficiently and critically situate and contextualise the issue of the ending of extraterritoriality within larger world events of the period. While he does consider major events like WWI, WWII and the rise of nationalism within China, the effort was so brief as to be nearly irrelevant, which is a pity because Fishel quite possibly had honed in on an incident of great interest and significance to empire, imperialism, and decolonisation in modern history. Despite its shortcomings, the book will be enlightening to anyone looking for a detailed understanding of the tail end of extraterritoriality in China, and, read in the context of empire and imperialism, provokes some interesting questions about how extraterritoriality in China fits into the narrative of empire in Asia.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The topical and chronological approach is put to effective use here, so that the narrative of a long and, even, convoluted issue is presented in a clear and concise manner. A key contribution made by Fishel is his extensive use of unpublished files of the Department of State on American policy with respect to extraterritoriality, which allowed him to chart the important roles played by key figures such as Frank B. Kellogg and Henry L. Stimson. The inclusion of private papers of the late Silas H. Strawn, American commissioner and chairman of the the Extraterritoriality Commission of 1925-26, is also invaluable. The book follows closely unfolding events which culminated in the abolition of extraterritoriality, with particular focus on, and insights into, the inner workings of the British and American governments as they attempted to navigate and balance national interests and the ideas of sovereignty and international law, which, uncomfortably, they themselves champion in the international arena. Opening with an introduction to the extraterritorial system in China, Fishel moves briskly towards the beginning of the end for extraterritoriality, from the troubled period at the end of China's dynastic history to the rise and strengthening of Chinese nationalism, which Fishel terms “The Era of Uncertainty”. After that, Fishel dealt almost exclusively with the British and American side of the story, from the Washington Conference on 1921 to the treaty revision in 1929 and the abolition in 1943.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The book would have benefited hugely from a wider consideration of extraterritoriality, and the motivations behind it, especially its origins. Fishel noted that the early period of extraterritoriality in China has been competently and comprehensively covered in numerous works, and he is right, particularly the Opium Wars. That does not take away from the fact that a study of its origins and development, leading to a broader understanding of the historical experience of extraterritoriality, would deepen any attempts to explain the how and the why of the end of extraterritoriality. Without denying the vast political, social and economic implications of extraterritoriality in China, Fishel sees extraterritoriality as first and foremost a juridical device, and scoped his book accordingly, with lengthy discussions on the legality of, revisions to, and fates (and ends) of the various 'unequal treaties' China was party to. While that may be true of its origins at the very beginning, that is a rather narrow way to approach the subject. Published only a few short years before Fishel embarked on what would be a successful career in foreign and international relations, the highlight of which was his role as advisor Ngo Dinh Diem, then Prime Minister of South Vietnam, as well as his appointment as chief advisor of the Michigan State University Vietnam Advisory Group (MSUG), his keen interest in foreign policy is clearly evident here. His argument that extraterritoriality's ultimate demise was caused by Japan's attack on Pearl Harbour on 9 December 1941 and its subsequent, official, entry into WWII, after 26 years of feet-dragging by the US and the UK, and that its demise possessed only political and propaganda value, all betray Fishel's almost unwavering focus on the foreign policy aspect of extraterritoriality.
Read in the context of empire and imperialism, the implications raised by the end of extraterritoriality seems pregnant with possibilities, even now, more than 60 years after the book's publication. Fishel acknowledges that extraterritoriality in China amounts to “semicolonialism”, and that extraterritoriality was “a ready vehicle for the expansion of their (Westerners) trade and influence”, all of which provides intriguing openings into examining the end of extraterritoriality in relation to empire and imperialism, and more temptingly, decolonisation, none of which Fishel followed up on. The fact that China was never colonised as a whole, but instead had major and minor empires claim chunks of the country as their own, spanning almost the entire period of Western imperialism, from early 19th century to mid 20th century, suggests that much can be made of China's experience of extraterritoriality in relation to the study of empire in Asia. As discussed above, Fishel attributed the eventual demise of extraterritoriality to Japan's entry into WWII, but that is only part of the story. Fishel neglected to account for the fact that while Japan's attack on Pearl Harbour took place on 9 December 1941, the British only opened extraterritoriality negotiations in April 1942, during which Japan attacked, and emerged victorious, British, American and Dutch colonies in Malaya, Singapore, the Philippines and Indonesia. It could certainly be argued that the success of Japan's campaign in Southeast Asia, more so than its attack on Pearl Harbour, pushed the British and the US into ending extraterritoriality in China. While the motivation would still center around such a move's political and propaganda value, it would be with an eye towards mitigating the damaging effects of the loss of the colonies, and perhaps even in anticipation of post-war pressures to decolonise. The link between extraterritoriality in China and the period of 'New Imperialism' is not new, as explored by Robert Bickers in his book The Scramble for China: Foreign Devils in the Qing Empire, 1832-1914. The title clearly co-relate events in China and events in Africa, the so-called 'Scramble for Africa', a pivotal period in the development of global Western imperialism. However, Bickers' analysis ends at 1914, and does not examine the end of extraterritoriality, which we know came in 1943. This is likely where scholars of imperialism in China can use Fishel's book as a stepping stone into further areas of research.
Annotated by Amelia Tan
Book Title and Publisher
The Weary Titan: Britain and the Experience of Relative Decline, 1895-1905. Princeton University Press. 1988.
This study has aged well enough to deserve the label classic and remain in print, despite being, as its author pointedly noted, a product of its time. Friedberg is that rare scholar, a political scientist with a deep critical understanding of the methodology and value of empirical historical research. His study of a moment of change in the British experience of trying to maintain Great Power status was certainly heavily influenced by three factors contemporary to him: the rise of International Relations Theory regarding Great Power behaviour and international systems; Paul Kennedy’s study of the rise and fall of Great Powers and the widespread discussion it provoked; and growing American concerns about a possible decline, relative or absolute, of American power. Friedberg dissects the relevant IR theory with forensic insight in a strong first chapter, then returns to it in an even stronger summary. He argues that it shares a flaw with what became the “standard historiographical interpretation,” ie. that turn of the century British leaders were remarkably clear on the threats they faced and successful at facing them – that neither captured the much more complicated internal array of clashing perceptions, agendas, and choices from which a more incremental response ensued. Friedberg does not discard theory altogether, but his own, drawn directly from this “case study,” spells out a seven-point conclusion that makes it clear how much depends on two things: the structure of the political system involved and the distribution of power within it, and the manner in which it carries out an all-important task: assessment of power – relative, absolute, national, and systemic.
National or Net Assessment is the other great scholarly tool that indicates how heavily his own context influenced Friedberg, informed by mild personal contact with its American founder and legendary guru, Andrew Marshall, and more sustained influence from some of Marshall’s main exponents, notably Samuel Huntington and Stanley Hoffmann. It would not in fact be wrong to call Friedberg’s book an examination of possibly relevant British historical experience by the American assessment community during the late Cold War. The irony there is that at the time of publication the USA was on the cusp of victory in the Cold War, the emergence of a new unipolar era, and a long period of global singularity. If that owed anything at all to the understanding of Net Assessment that Friedberg applied to his British study, it would not be surprising.
Friedberg proceeds thematically, making four central points, chapter by chapter. First, British political and social leaders understood that economic change was posing challenges to their earlier global ascendancy, but could not rally around any consensus response. The only one they tried, tariff reform, provoked an opposing consensus in favour of retaining the broad approach, free trade, that many were aware was already buckling. Second, few if any British leaders understood how to measure the financial and spending potential of their economy. They relied on the crude metric of absolute expenditure rather than a more nuanced focus on percentage of national income, an approach not understood at that time – and therefore they misunderstood how much more they could have spent on defence and security without causing too much economic or political damage, had they opted to try. Third, efforts to generate more defence capability by reform and reorganization were not pointless, but could not match the challenges arising; only increasing resources or decreasing commitments could hope to do that. Finally, as a result, British leaders opted for incremental and ad hoc responses to specific problems and opportunities, to avoid triggering a feared internal political upheaval – and the price they paid was two-fold: the Royal Navy could no longer meet all commitments that it might face, and the British Empire now relied, to a dangerous degree, on alliances, understandings, and support from overseas auxiliaries, in order to maintain its central place in the global order built by British power.
Crucial to Friedberg’s argument is the juxtaposition of two things: massive jarring shocks to the system usually did not provoke sweeping fundamental changes, because of the deeply embedded presence of conflicting schools of thought within government as to which policy direction to purse. A long thoughtful chapter on the defence of India and the problems posed by preparing to support the Indian Army against any possible Russian invasion unpacks this juxtaposition very well. The Boer War acted as a systemic shock, revealing dangerous weaknesses in the British military system. But the constraints imposed by perceived financial limitations regarding spending, and political limitations regarding expanding the Army, stood in the way. Useful reorganizations, such as the establishment of the Committee of Imperial Defence and the General Staff, helped the British government evaluate the challenge more systematically, but could not undermine these perceptions that imposed apparently immovable obstacles. The long discussions underlined how grave the security threats facing imperial defence were becoming, even after they were rendered at least temporarily moot by events (alliance with Japan and its war with Russia).
Friedberg’s conclusions stand the test of time. Constrained as they were by their own understanding of Net Assessment, British leaders saw reasonably clearly the nature and scale of their relative decline in global power, but could not find systemic answers to this challenge. What they did instead was to respond incrementally, often sensibly, to a succession of specific problems – in ways that, over time, did not allow them to halt this decline, but did enable them to find ways to muddle through in coping with it. The price had to be paid in 1915-16, when the old assumptions that constrained commitments to defence had to be set aside to face total war. But the turn of the century responses did at least place the British in a viable position from which to attempt this. Friedberg succeeds twice: in unpacking the complexity of British responses to relative decline at a pivotal period, and in explaining why that helps us better understand net assessment in general..
Annotated by Brian Farrell
Synopsis
The book is a study of British maritime and imperial expansion in the Indian and Pacific oceans in this period. It encompasses seaborne discovery, strategy in wartime, and the creation of infrastructure necessary to support far-flung maritime activity, colonization and trade.
With the work of explorers in drawing up a more comprehensive map of the seas, explorations of 1764-1815 were made in larger and handier ships which were able to carry more supplies of food and other necessities. Yet the diplomatic struggle between Britain and France for the control of Dutch affairs were perpetuating long-established attitudes between inveterate rivals. In the years 1783-1786, the British also began a series of new initiatives which were intended to give them control of the routes to the Indian and Pacific oceans, and therefore lay the basis for the expansion of trade.
The book also examines the role of other parties, such as the encompassing vision that underlay Pitt's and Dundas' thinking. They envisioned the creation of a great triangular commerce spanning the Pacific, with avenues to India and Europe. Dundas pointed out the lack of success in the conduct of war and to the absence of Cabinet consensus concerning what moves were either necessary or desirable, Instead, he persistently argued that Britain could not take 'a direct part in the Military Operations on the Continent, and can only act indirectly and collaterally with our Continental Allies', which thus in part led to the strategy of forming alliances with local rulers. Thus, various decisions from the summer of 1786 into the 1790s show that Pitt and Dundas had formulated at least the basis of this vision by the mid-1780s - most importantly is their ability to conceive the world as a whole.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
This book covers the essential years of 1764-1815, beginning with the Seven Years' War of 1756. The author frames his discussion of imperialism by starting with the argument that the beginnings of British presence and her need for a strong navy ought to be seen against the backdrop of French-British rivalry, technological developments and European rivalry and dominance in general.
The Seven Years' War (1756-1763), exploration of the Indian and Pacific oceans, naval expansions and wars, diplomatic struggle in Britain (1782-1788), search for bases and trade (1783-1786), the vision and implementation of policy beginning in 1786-89 gives a more coherent idea of the gradual process of British imperialism in India.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The writer argues that the British succeeded in the quest for global empire (which involved trading networks as well as territory) because they had greater naval capacity and administrative competence, and a stronger economy. Their policies included not only the pioneering of sea routes, the acquisition of territories to give control of these routes and the liberalization of trade, but also the large-scale transfer of people, animals and plants from one hemisphere to another. "a global empire of the sea"
In the span of fifty years, within the period of British imperial expansion in the second half of the eighteenth century, the British military marine gained control of the sea routes to the large world envisaged by the politicians, and their merchant marine began what would become the massive exploitation of its resources. In this way, the history of Pitt's administration should be seen against the backdrop of the history of the world. Pitt, Dundas and Mulgrave instigated the idea of a maritime trading empire spanning the Indian and Pacific Oceans and therefore the globe, arguing for warships to protect this trade, which might be built predominantly of eastern materials, in order to ease the pressure on European sources and facilitate the overall operation of the empire.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Synopsis
This is a two volume series that, as the title suggests, provides a documentary chronicle of Sino-Western relations from 1644-1820. It must be seen as an attempt to gather the significant documents from the period and is a good resource for scholars interested in the subject. The book organizes the sources in the order of official publications, unpublished documents that were suppressed in the Ch’ing period, semi-official accounts by high-officials, private accounts by civilians at the time, provincial gazetteers of maritime provinces, primary sources written in Chinese by non-Chinese and finally, unpublished Chinese diplomatic documents.The items are selected based upon the accuracy of sources, the degree of their importance and the size of original documents.
Providing a clear format to the organization of the sources at the outset, the work is at once well- structured and insightful. The sources are both given dates and are allocated specific times- explained by the author in the “writer’s rules” that precede the main body of text. The extent of research for the work is exemplified by the fact that the second volume contains the notes to the chapters in the first, also providing a comprehensive glossary for the terms used in the documents. By providing a translated version of the sources in English, the volume offers the reader an accessible way to study the Chinese sources in relation to interaction with the West from the seventeenth to the nineteenth centuries.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The sources cover the period from 1644-1820. Involving the reigns of Shun-chih (1644-1661), K’ang Hsi (1662-1722), Yung-cheng (1723-1735), Ch’ien-lung (1736-1795), and Chia-ch’ing (1796-1820), the volume translates texts relevant to the interaction with the West in these periods.
Dealing with topics such as trade, taxation on foreign shipping, religious beliefs, and the role of officials and armies, the volume is able to compile in great detail the sources that are contemporary to their time. The work must be considered as a compilation, rather than promoting any singular argument about the period itself, it is a contribution to the availability of the sources of the period in the English language.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The book is the compilation of records that the historian has chosen from the period of study. This is significant as it is able to produce a large collection of sources that are translated and are employed in relation to understand the connections between the West and China to a greater degree. It gives the opportunity for those who have limitations in terms of language and accessibility to the original documents to both read and examine these sources for their own purposes.
While the volumes only deal with the Chinese perspective and this may be considered a limitation to being a more holistic study, the comprehensive nature of the work does warrant some merit.
Annotated by Sandeep Singh
Synopsis
Graham Fuller spent 27 years getting to know the Middle East in particular, and the Islamic world in general, in ever more senior positions in the State Department and CIA. Moving on to a post-government career with the RAND Corporation and an adjunct position at Simon Fraser University, Fuller published widely on the themes of geopolitics and international relations involving the Middle East, Southwest Asia, Turkey, and the Islamic world in general. This volume is a provocative critical analysis of the roots of political conflict, especially as expressed through physical violence, between these regions and peoples on the one hand and ‘the West,’ especially the USA, on the other.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
Fuller stipulates right away the inherent problems with ‘what if’ or counterfactual analysis, arguing that his study explores not any ‘might have been’ scenarios but rather the real place and role of Islam, as a political, social and cultural force, in this protracted inter-regional conflict. It does this by identifying both deeper causal roots, and continuing drivers, of the perennially violent relationship between ‘East’ and ‘West,’ putting Islam into both historic and social/political context. Fuller’s main argument is a direct one: had Islam not existed the geopolitical conflict between these regions might not look very different than it does not, because its basic roots and principal causes are more fundamental than religion. Islam provided and provides not a cause or a defining frame for this conflict, but rather a vehicle through which much of it has been defined, redefined, and expressed.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Fuller does not make the mistake of ignoring the importance and impact organized religion can have as a political force. On the contrary, he argues that the deepest roots of the conflict between the regions we now call the Middle East and the ‘West’ were very much driven by political disputes expressed as religious conflict. Islam emerged in a context of already well entrenched ideological and political conflict between different groupings of Christianity. Disputes over theology mingled with cultural and other antagonisms between different regions, escalating in time to sectional feuds within the Church—ultimately to the great schisms between its branches. Islam was shaped by, and fed into, that ongoing dynamic. Islam as a political power inherited already sharp conflict between what had become Byzantium and its empire and what remained of Rome and its western imperium. Religion mattered, but was far from being the sole trigger for friction—and the expansion and evolution of Islam did not change this underlying geopolitical tectonic plate clash. When the emergence of Christendom under the Roman Catholic dominion produced, over time, the political zone that came to be called the ‘West,’ it projected chronic political/military friction with the now Orthodox ‘East.’ That antagonism merged economic, cultural and military frictions with those driven by religion and ideology; Islam became in time a vehicle by which those pre-existing conflicts were continued, and redefined. The feud between West and East both predated and transcended Islam, as a political force and power.
This dynamic influenced the evolution of relations between Islam as a political/cultural force and such regions as Russia in Central Asia, India, and China. Islam created a layer of ideological and cultural commonality that sat atop pre-existing practices of culture and fault lines of politics. While it often helped define and express political conflict, rarely did it cause or trigger it. The causes of conflict continued to be driven by clashes over economics, culture, and social agendas; they were influenced and expressed by organized religion, but not primarily caused by it. Fuller’s conclusion is that American foreign policy should therefore focus not on any supposedly essential characteristics of Islam as a driver of geopolitics, but rather on the underlying continuity of causes of conflicts between West and East. The implications of this analysis for the historical experience of Empire in Asia lie in observations about the relationships between Islam and regional political powers, as they evolved over time. In the region that produced all the world’s great Muslim ‘gunpowder empires,’ with particular reference to Ottoman Turkey as a long standing flashpoint of conflict that inherited the already locked in cycle of Western antagonism with the Middle East, this provides food for thought richer than the title might suggest.
Annotated by Brian Farrell
G
Synopsis
Goldstone aims to assess the causes of revolutions and major rebellions, by looking at them as part of worldwide state crises. Given the impact of the French Revolution, the book seeks to examine the problem of defining how one can tell when “a state is truly threatened by revolution?”
Mainly focusing on the English Revolution of 1640 and the French Revolution of 1789, the book extends to other parts of the world, attempting to explain why crises occurred on a broad scale in the particular time frame of 1789 to 1848.
Giving an analysis of how population trends globally affected early modern societies, and assessing its impact on different groups such as workers and elites, the volume is able to expand the role of demography to explain trends in the past. Similarly, the volume develops a conjunctural model of state breakdown, stressing that social order must be understood at many levels, featuring an analysis of social, political, cultural and other such factors. These allow for, in the view of the author, a better insight.
Highlighting the “profound similarities” between European and Asian development, the book sheds light on topics in early modern history- it aims to give a prediction to the reason for the breakdown of states across Eurasia by looking at how prices changed due to demographic fluctuation, which in turn affected many social institutions.
Writing the book as a comparative history, and employing statistics to complement a theory of revolutions, Goldstone finds in this work that “the periodic state breakdowns in Europe, China, and the Middle East from 1500-1850 were the result of a single basic process”; that being demographic change and its effects.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The book covers what the author labels the early modern period. More specifically, it deals with the time frame between 1500- 1850. Using a structural and theoretical approach, the book uses models to test the hypothesis it is presenting. Assuming that large states in the early modern period had all faced similar problems and limitations, this is taken and used as a lens to deal with events such as the English and French revolutions, whilst also expanding on topics such as the ideological origins of revolutions.
The book focuses on the many different aspects of society and social breakdown, and eventually weaves it into an explanation for, and study of , revolutionary change.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
By using a largely comparative and theoretical framework, the book aims to test a hypothesis using a number of factors to explain the development of, primarily, revolutions. The theory of revolutions proposed is one where a society is likely to experience a revolution, when simultaneously, three difficulties are apparent: firstly, a state financial crisis, brought about by imbalance between government revenues and its obligations and tasks, second, the presence of severe elite divisions, created by an increase in insecurity and competition for elite positions and finally a high potential for mobilizing popular groups caused by an increase in grievances as well as social patterns that predispose these groups into action (such as more autonomous rural villages). The book therefore takes the approach of opening itself to being tested, and also refuted, the latter of which the author welcomes as a challenge.
Whilst demography features as central to the book, it is not, the author asserts, part of a ploy to advance demographic determinism. Instead, the book looks at demography in relation to its impact on the social institutions. The similarities drawn between societies are institutional similarities.
The book submits the argument that the conditions above were apparent in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, as well as the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries featured a lack of population growth- which contributed to political stability rather than revolution.
Demonstrating the link between population growth and price inflation, among others, the book refutes the claim that such historical situations were unique, but rather can be seen as the product of a combination of variables.
Annotated by Sandeep Singh
H
Synopsis
The book opens by declaring that capitalism fundamentally changed the world in the nineteenth century, which included China. Explaining that the commercial sector or rather the commercial ‘stage’ of capitalism was “a most vigorous and fascinating development” has been widely ignored by scholars, it provides the book an impetus. The author looks at the effects of the development of coastal mercantile activities in the late eighteenth century, and locates the resultant developments within a commercial revolution. By examining the scope, intensity and important features of the commercial revolution, the book is able to give an analysis of the impact of this on the Chinese society and economy.
Using the term Capitalism whilst claiming it to have anachronistic and contemporary connotations, the work employs the term because it finds it the most appropriate for its analysis. Similarly, the term revolution is problematic, as trends had been developing for a long period of time- the book is also a thematical study of commercial developments over a long period.
The book aims to depart from existing analyses by focusing on all the important developments of commercial capitalism along the coast, and further, throw light on problems related to worldwide capitalism and Chinese history.
Largely being based on western records, the book examines the relations between China and the West and those formed with the advent of capitalism. It also examines the change in the structure of Chinese society in relation to the development of technological advancements. The author qualifies clearly that the subject of Sino-Western commercial capitalism is the central focus of the book, whilst related topics such as coastal commerce feature as secondary to this central focus.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The book focuses on late eighteenth and nineteenth century China. Claiming a larger scope than many previous studies in the field, the book looks at the commercial developments under the Canton system to the end of the nineteenth century. It goes on to examine all the important features of commercial capitalism along the coast: including free commerce, the rise of Chinese “shopmen”, new forms of money, and opium as a key commodity among other analyses of rates of interest, credit transactions and the import and export market. By looking at the concept of economic nationalism, the study is able to give commentary on Sino-Western competition in the nineteenth century.
Giving a general assessment of the important features, but also providing a rigorous account of the relationships generated and the practices of trading at the time, the book opens up discussion on the emergence of capitalism and commercial relations, and the parties both impacting and also being transformed by these developments.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The basic argument of the book is that Sino-Western commercial capitalism occurred as a critical development which was the result, (the author uses Fernand Braudel’s term conjecture) of a multitude of factors that occurred simultaneously. With fundamental economic change as a development without the active promotion of the Ch’ing government, the commercial revolution could be seen as the stimulation of ‘free’ commerce substantiated by latter free trade mechanisms.
The growth in the use of money from the 1820s created a new economic force. The commercial revolution gained momentum in 1860, after the war with Britain and France, as well as the failure of the Taiping Rebellion. At this point of time interior silk producing economies were given revitalization and the expansion of tea exports increased to a sum of 250,000,000 pounds in the 1880s (88% of world exported tea).
The capitalist expansion drew competition and this was visible in the pursuit of profit. This had led to greater Sino-Western cooperation and gave both Chinese merchants and Western businessmen different benefits.
After 1860, the growth in worldwide communication led to greater commercial rivalry, and as compared to 1820, the period during and after 1860 gave a larger scope and structurally changed the nature of the commerce. However, it must not be assumed that the process was straightforward, for the period was marred by conflicts as well as financial crises. The past, as the author admits, is far more complex and involves simultaneous and sometimes overlapping developments.
With far less government control in the nineteenth century, it was a system primarily based upon private undertakings. With Sino-Western commercial capitalism being broad and quick, this gives an insight into the risk taking mentality of the entrepreneurs on both sides at the time.
The Chinese economy was affected as a whole and there being a lack of political disturbance through treaty ports, usually meaning that the trade overshadowed the political framework it was under. The coast and the rise of commercial capitalism is argued to be a salient aspect of China’s quest for modernity.
Annotated by Sandeep Singh
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
Headrick presents a broad survey essay aimed at the intelligent general reader. A student of William McNeill, Headrick continues the examination of the role and impact of technology, broadly defined, in the global expansion of Western societies, from the Renaissance to the Iraq War. Headrick defines Western as emanating from Western Europe, including the European ‘conquest’ of North America, and the subsequent rise to global power of the United States of America, as part of that story.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Headrick makes three main points. First, when we speak of the power of technology we really mean the ability of one group of people to exploit knowledge of how to manipulate the environment to pursue their agenda, often at the expense of others. Second, and therefore, the role and impact of technology has always been environment specific, and must be so contextualized in order to be understood. No ‘magic bullet’ has ever transformed the very nature of human history. Finally, technology, broadly understood, was always an important factor, and often a crucial factor, in shaping the expansion of Western power; but this expansion was neither linear nor irresistible, something that can also be explained by examining the role of technology in relative as well as absolute terms.
The ground will be familiar to established scholars, although Headrick presents a useful and lively narrative that brings it all together in one volume, ranging from Henry the Navigator to Donald Rumsfeld. The narrative rests on examining three factors: using technology to master particular environments, for example using medical advances to penetrate into the interior of Africa; technological innovations that enabled Western powers to conquer or coerce non-Western societies, for example the development of airpower; and the responses of Western societies, technological and otherwise, to Western expansion and pressure. Weaving them together, Headrick explains why Western expansion took place, but also why it was often stymied, or delayed, as well as why it sometimes swept all before it. The key point is the interrelationship between technology, broadly defined, and the environment, also broadly construed. Headrick does not present another tract of technological determinism, not just due to his redefinition of technology. The impact of such factors as the caravel and carrack and ocean navigation, the introduction of the horse, and the invention of the steam engine — these seminal developments, and others are all deeply and critically contextualized. Disease tipped the balance in favour of early Spanish expansion into Central America; the introduction of the horse enabled the Plains Indians to delay the expansion of European power into Central North America for generations. The steam engine played a crucial role in transforming the strategic situation in East Asia, underlined by the Opium Wars. The flow of firearms into the hands of Afghan and African peoples helped them contest, delay, and in some cases defeat European expansionism even during the age of ‘high imperialism.’ The point Headrick makes is that technology has always been an important but rarely a fundamentally transforming factor in shaping power relationships on a larger, indeed global, scale. This will not surprise scholars, but Headrick is aiming more squarely at a more general, especially American, readership that has become accustomed to arguments driven by technological determinism.
Annotated by Brian Farrell
Synopsis
The book is divided into three parts, each discussing the different component of technology. These chapters are titled "Tools of Penetration", "Guns and Conquests" and "The Communications Revolution", thus touching upon the reasons as to how the colonial powers came to be, to a large extent, assisted by their dominance in their respective fields of technology.
Two events had changed the world: progress and power of industrial technology, and the domination and exploitation of Africa and much of Asia by Europeans. The author recognized a need to examine these two changes that impact world history together. In this way, one will be able to examine both the impact of technology on the subjugation of Asia and Africa to the domination of the European powers, as well as the ethos of European imperialism in the nineteenth century. The author concludes by making a bold argument that the real triumph of European civilization was that of technology, and not ideology.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The main issues explored is that of the explanation for how colonial powers were to a large extent assisted in their ability to establish control over their territories in Asia and Africa because they were the most advanced powers in terms of technology and scientific discoveries. In addition, the author aims to compare the two reasons for advancing European control over their territories, which was that of the 'superior' Western ideology and technology, so as to uncover the methods by which European powers were able to subjugate populations larger than their own country.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The connection between technology and imperialism must be approached from both sides: from the history of technology as well as from that of imperialism. Given a historical phenomenon like the new imperialism, it was imperative to the author that we examine how technological forces shaped the development of new imperialism?
For example, the author argued that as a result of advances in medicine and pharmacology, iron and steel and firearms, conquest in Africa was not only far cheaper than it had ever been in the past: it was infinitely consuming far less lives and money than equivalent operations ever had been.
Headrick cautions readers on the use of the concept of causality. If one views imperialism as the result of many causes; their interpretations differ in the weights they attach to each cause. As such, Headrick argued that every cause and justifications for imperialism ought to be considered to provide a more wholesome discussion on empire. In this way, even if the more dramatic aspects of the Industrial Revolution had only a marginal impact on imperial expansion, it does not follow that technology in general was inconsequential. Thus, Headrick proposes that the new imperialism was not the result of mere technological superiority, but that the attitude of European powers had been altered; particularly since they were more willing to unleash overwhelming force when minimal costs could be attained. Technological changes affected the timing and location of the European conquests. They in turn configured the economic relations of colonialism.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Synopsis
This book is an attempt at accounting for Britain’s rise as the first industrial power, and subsequent to this, the many effects of this development over time. Placing Britain at the centrality of the world’s economic development, in relation to the era of industrialization, Hobsbawm attempts to write an account which is accessible to the general public. The work assesses and presents the prior scholarship on the subject, and it is written with the concerns of the particular time (1950s-1960s) in mind; such as the disparities between developed and developing nations, and the advent of postwar decolonization.
By placing emphasis on the uniqueness of Britain’s development in terms of “economic and social pioneering”, it studies the impact and character of these developments and their relationship to institutions within Britain. However, some focus is given to the role of Britain globally, in tandem with the expansion of trade and the advent of empire.
Combining the seemingly opposite phenomena of political practices continuing from the pre-industrial era, and the elimination of the peasantry signifying change and the emergence of the ‘middle’ and ‘working’ classes; the book gives the reader an account of the enduring British system. This then leads to an examination of practices and tradition-expanded upon in the chapters which survey different topics.
The book synthesizes established perspectives and thus is both a good introduction for readers to the literature on the development of modern Britain and its foundations in the process of industrialization.
Hobsbawm instructively tells the reader that the calculations that marked the transformation of society (human activity came to be expressed, if to look at Jeremy Bentham’s ideas of “deduct the pain from the pleasure and the net result was his happiness”), is inferior to the transformations themselves.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
This book covers the period from 1750 to the 1960s. Dealing with the institutions within Britain, it is no surprise that a large emphasis is placed on understanding society and social transformations in the period. Even in the case of the industrial revolution, Hobsbawm devotes a chapter to understanding the “human results” that followed; and the development of cities is seen through the lens of labour and the accumulation of capital. The book, therefore, explains the impact of trends over time-exploring points of significance that may not be as conspicuous as a history of, for instance, political developments in Britain.
From the beginnings of industrial expansion to the conquering of the British detective story by the thrillers of the USA, the book explicates the rise and decline of Britain as an industrial power and as a major player in global affairs. The emphasis of the author, however, lies in the developments within Britain themselves.
Both boom and decline feature in this work, but the critical use of topics such as standards of living, agriculture, land and their transformations allow the history to encompass many facets. It gives the author a wide scope to work with.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Hobsbawm cautions the reader in his preface against the over-reliance of statistics, and the work grounds itself in the information gotten from Abstract of British Historical Statistics. Whilst Britain cannot be seen as the only industrial power in history and may be only part of a global phase, it does require a detailed study to unravel and explain the economic and social change in Britain, which allows us an insight to both an important player in our contemporary past and as an imperial power.
Britain found itself profoundly affected by the collapse of the single liberal world economy, and being no longer important in the inter-war period. With the shift of the economy from being uncontrolled to monopolist, and subsequently to new industrial technologies constantly replacing old ones, this coincided with the creation new traditions whilst retaining some older traditions from the past.
In comparison to the Western European nations compared with at the time of the book’s publication, the author asserts that Britain did not adapt itself with similar success- being marked by nostalgia for economic supremacy and imperial dominance.
By 1960, Britain had become the third largest industrial economy, but was far behind those that were ahead of it. However, if we were to detach ourselves from a global lens, we could see that domestically, the people of Britain had a high standard of living. Developing a simple two class system and the ability of the Labour party to potentially form a government in politics, whilst being traditionally socialist, this reflects a unique and distinct trajectory for Britain in the view of the author.
If we are to study the development of society under the system we know as capitalism, the author argues, we must be able to understand the British experience after 1750. This is aptly contained in the title “Industry and Empire”.
Annotated by Sandeep Singh
Synopsis
The book consists largely of Hodgson's essays from which the ideas are extracted and form the framework of a new way of looking at world history. Hodgson saw Islamic history as a strategic point from which to undertake a critique of the discourse of Western civilization. The roots of Islamic civilization arguably lay in the same basic Irano-Semitic religious and cultural values, crossed with the ambiguous legacy of the West Asian imperium. Islam at that time was the vastly richer and more successful Other against which the West defined itself. Most importantly, the spillover of Islamic civilization over conventional regional boundaries allowed Islam to be an assertive presence throughout Afro-Eurasia, forming a more global, pluralistic and interactional image of society. What Hodgson aims to see is a world history without placing the West at the centre, but an interregional hemispheric approach to history as the more logical approach.
Part One examines specifically the place of both Europe and of modernity in world history, through works zooming in on the interrelations of societies in history and the idea of nations seeing themselves as the hub of history. This results in a controversial contribution to the current debate on Eurocentrism and multiculturalism. In Part Two, Hodgson seeks to locate Islamic civilization in a world historical framework. Thus, the Part Three that follows represent the point when Hodgson arrives at the conclusion that in the end there is but one history - global history - and that all accounts must be resituated in a world historical context. An introduction and a conclusion by the editor, Edmund Burke, III, is well-placed to contextualize Hodgson's contribution to world history and Islamic history.
The writing of world history undergoes changes since the collapse of the sense of moral exceptionalism which had privileged the West above the rest of humanity, thus highlighting a new sense of global interdependence.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
Hodgson's focus was on the "Middle Periods" of Islamic history, since this was the period from the decline of the Abbasid caliphate as a centralized bureaucratic empire (c. A.D. 945) until the rise of the gunpowder empires of the sixteenth century. Arab was not the only bringers of Islamic language of culture, but from A.D. 945 Persian and Turkish played major roles in the elaboration of a cosmopolitan Islamic culture. This provides the key to grasping the hemisphere-wide role of Islam in China, India, South and Southeast Asia, as well as the Balkans and the Maghrib. This forms a reinvention of how Islamic civilization might be conceived; not as a truncated version of Europe, but in a world historical context and on its own terms.
The problem of modernity, and how one may situate it historically - as a global process rooted in Europe or as a specifically European manifestation - is broached in "The Great Western Transmutation". The essay "Cultural Patterning in Islamdom and the Occident" presents a sustained comparison of Islamic civilization and Western European civilization. Lastly, Part Three features an essay "The Unity of Later Islamic History" argues the underlying unity to post-Mongol Islamic history, challenging the established scholarly orthodoxy of the day. Particularly, the book ends with Burke's essay which argues that Islamic history as World History has always been the consistent framework that Hodgson had worked with.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The main approach of Hodgson involves focusing on the capacity of the Quranic message to repeatedly inspire men of conscience to confront the dilemmas of their age in response to the challenge in its ideals; not merely the work of great generals, statesmen and builders of empires. Since most of the essays were rather centered on some of the main ideas of Hodgson, the sources of these essays are often extracts of letters, scattered articles or essays of Hodgson, compiled by Burke. The importance of this work is to highlight the epistemological and conceptual issues of doing world history.
Arguably, the Renaissance did not inaugurate modernity for the rest of the world, since it was still an insignificant outlier of mainland Asia. Thus, Hodgson interprets this as the assimilation carried out by Europe of the advances of the other Asian civilizations, since civilizations could achieve a rough parity with one another when cultural innovations diffused throughout. Yet, for Hodgson, Western civilization as a discourse is predicated upon a deeply rooted sense of the moral as well as cultural superiority of Western Europe to the rest of humanity. Essentialism remained the conceptual framework of the day: the history of the West as freedom and rationality against the history of the East as the story of despotism and cultural stasis. In this way, his views of modernity remains bound to the old problems of Western exceptionalism.
In sum, Hodgson's effort to situate the rise of the West in a global context had a mixed result: the focus was largely upon culture; the civilizational approach favored by Hodgson only has a tenuous grasp on the crucially important long-ranging demographic, economic, social transformations which accompanied the onset of the modern age.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
J
Synopsis
The author broaches the main question of why Europe emerged at the forefront of economic development. Recognizing that China, Mughal and the Islamic world had also developed sophisticated integrated market systems and a single coinage system, Jones regarded these practices as remaining insufficient to bring about much growth. The author recognizes that Europeans had arrived late at the Asian trade since the bulk trade had already existed, confined within the Mediterranean Basin, Chinese waterways, the Sea of Japan and the 'Indonesian Mediterranean". Yet, Jones saw that differences in trading activity around the world were those of degree, and not of kind.
Two perspectives were highlighted as reasons for British economic development after the acquisition of colonies. The 'Little Englander' view talks about Britain industrializing unaided in an income-stagnant world, while the 'imperialism view' sees British or European industrialization achieved at the expense of non-Western societies. Despite acknowledging that there was some truth in the 'imperialism view', Jones blames Asia's downward economic trajectory on Asian imperial powers rather than the Western imperialists. He compared Europe's economic development to Asia; that the former escaped the categorical dangers of giant centralized empires as those in Asia.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The period in focus is 1400-1800, within which the author broaches the topics of the despotic nature of Asian empires, contrasted with Europe who was in the midst of the political, technological and geographic upheavals which were to position it as the pivotal birthplace of the industrial world. Jones explore the adverse consequences of the Mongol invasions, conquering China and Persia, reducing their value in an instant. He blamed the nature of Asian empires as possessing an inherent inability to provide a sustained long-term of economic development.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Jones discusses at length the adverse consequences of the Mongol invasions, conquering China after a loss of one-third of its population, reducing the irrigation agriculture of Persia to desert status. Thus, he blames the nature of Asian empires for not being able to provide a sustained long-term of economic development since "Pie-slicing conflicts always recurred when lack of success in war or over-long periods of peace exposed the developmental barrenness of the past" The Ottoman empire was seen to have run out of fresh spoils and corrupted itself ever more in the internal struggle for wealth; Mughal empire ran to the ground on the shoals of Maratha resistance; the Manchu empire ran on, despite eventual massive strife, as long as it could cope with population pressure by an internal colonization.
The repeated labeling of Asian institutions as despotic creates an unfair picture that seems to be explained only by the internal struggles, instability and poor economic and technological development. In addition, Jones repeatedly argue that the nation-state emerged as a positive framework to forge unity by competitive exchanges of know-how and factors of production. However, his argument should be examined with a broader awareness of world history, since there is insufficient comparison between both the Asian and Western empires.
Jones discussed European and Asian economic growth within a comparative framework. The period of analysis 1400-1800 was seen as the period when Europe underwent the political, technological and geographic upheavals which were to make it the birthplace of the industrial world. The novelty of Europe's 'Discoveries' was that it was already complex enough to use the vast resources now within reach, and to develop as world. However, a problem of having comparative framework in judging the military despotisms of the Ottoman, Mughal and Manchu systems as primarily responsible for the blighted developmental prospects of their subjects. This means that the fallacy of this book lies in the fact that it was largely judged according to European terms.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
K
Synopsis
Charles King's The Black Seas: A History, is a grand attempt at, amongst other things, a unified historical, political and social narrative of the various polities situated geographically around the protagonist itself, the Black Sea. Spanning 2700 years, from the early Greek period to the present activities of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation organisation (BSEC), the book is ambitious in reach, but also written in a lively and engaging manner. King presents four overarching narratives through which the history of the Black Sea can be viewed. First, he urges readers to consider the Black Sea as the defining character of the region that surrounds it, one that extends from the Balkans to the Caucasus mountains and from the steppeland of Ukraine and southern Russia to central Anatolia. Today, almost all the countries within this area are members of the BSEC, an international forum established in 1992 to strengthen commercial, political and cultural ties in the region that dates back centuries. Second, the book traces the transition of the Black Sea as one that has "slided" from an Asian to a European body of water, with the turning point coming in the late eighteenth century, when Russia made inroads into the Black Sea and eroded the Ottoman's monopoly on its ports and coasts. Third, King considers the efforts of every rising power in the region to convert frontier zones into more defined, and thus manageable, boundaries, first with the Romans, then the Ottoman, and finally with the Russians, through the projection of military might, but also involving the alteration of the relationship between the empire and the indigenous population. And fourth, King makes a valiant effort to chart the transformation of the socio-political entities that developed around the Black Sea throughout the ages, from early diverse communities, to clashes between empires fighting for dominance in the area, and finally to today's nation states, and how these entities leave their mark on the Black Sea and vice versa.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The Black Seas: A History is a book of enormous scope, both in terms of subject matter and time frame. It ranges from movement of various people, conflicts small and large, genocides, anthropology, ethnography, ecology, pollution, environmental consequences of modernisation and industrial activities, to oceanography, and many others. This means that in its execution, King has had to be extraordinarily focused in many aspect of his narrative, which necessitates the leaving out of much contextual details and information, such as contemporary events happening around the globe. The first and last chapters, functioning as a kind of introduction and conclusion, are named “An Archeology of Place” and “Facing the Water” respectively, the only chapters not following a chronological order. The five other chapters in-between (Pontus Euxinus 700 BC-AD 500; Mare Maggiore 500–1500; Kara Deniz 1500–1700; Chernoe More 1700–1860; Black Sea 1860–1990) are chronological and thematic in nature, titled after some of the names the Black Sea was known by, according to the dominant power in the region during that period (Greek/Latin, Italian, Ottoman, Russian and the present, respectively). The approach is clear and succinct, and likely one of the best way to make sense of almost 3000 years of history, but does limit the scope of the book rather severely, with little room for King to explore the importance of outside influence beyond the dominant actor of each period. Beyond the conventional sources of published materials and archival material, King's decision to draw heavily from traveler's and observer's accounts makes for an entertaining read, with humourous anecdotes such as Catherine the Great and the Austrian emperor Joseph II's encounter with what appeared to be an enchanted tent in the steppe. On the positive side, this approach greatly enlivened the book, providing readers with a vivid image of daily life in the Black Sea region throughout its history, under the rule of various empires. On the negative side, however, anecdotal sources provide but a glimpse of existing geopolitical tensions and dynamics, at least as employed by King. The short account of Catherine's quarrel with the Qing Emperor over China's harbouring of Kalmyks her forces had been in pursuit of, is but one such tantalising example.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
All four of the narrative traced out by King over the history of the Black Sea hold implications for scholars of empire and imperialism, particularly those studying the Ottoman and the Russian empire, which King focused much of the book on. The strength of Black Sea lies in the long time frame covered by the book, which allows for a comparative analysis of the historical experience of empire within one confined region, as well as the wealth of interesting examples he has pulled together on a little studied corner of the world, which just so happened to be part of an empire almost continuously for over 2000 years. The section on the relationship between the sea and the steppe (p141) is particularly interesting, for the contradicting views the Ottomans and the Russians held about the sea and the steppes, as well as for the detailed analysis of the determined Russian effort to absorb both into its empire, by first converting what was a frontier zone into a boundary, then turning it against the Ottoman empire. As implied by the book's title, the scope was never intended to be one of an in-depth analysis of the empires that dominated in the Black Sea region, but instead an attempt to draw together diverse experiences and polities into one narrative linked by the body of water we now call the Black Sea. However, for student of empire and imperialism, Black Sea would be a valuable companion to studies of Eurasian empires such as David Schimmelpenninck's Russian Orientalism: Asia in the Russian Mind from Peter the Great to the Emigration and Alfred J. Rieber's The Struggle for the Eurasian Borderlands: From the Rise of Early Modern Empires to the End of the First World War. This book can count as an amazing triumph for King in the way it linked history to a very real crisis that is still unfolding in the present, that of Russia's aggressive 'imperialistic' actions towards Ukraine. Shortly after its publication Ukraine experienced the Orange Revolution in November 2004, and in 2014, Ukraine dropped into crisis again over Russia's ostensible annexation of the Crimean peninsular, which remains unresolved as of this review's writing.
Annotated by Amelia Tan
Synopsis
Essays contained in this book explore encounters of Europeans and Asians before the colonial expansion that began in the late eighteenth century. With the relevance of the past bearing consequences for the present and future, there was a need for a fundamental reordering of Asian-Western relations in the post-imperial world. Europeans are seen as not progenitors of predestined colonialism, but played other roles in Asia. Essays on the failure of early European missionaries in China, the mixed successes of the Dutch in Malaya and Peter Marshall's essay written in the context of growing British influence in Bengal illustrates the variety of European-Asian encounters. Thus, this book seeks to reflect upon the period prior to European colonization without carelessly inserting value judgment relating to the later dominion of Europeans.
The exploration of pre-European dominance adds nuance into the story of the arrival of Europeans in Asia, diminishing the misguided belief that the Europeans had imposed control and brought Asia into their domination within a short period of time, whether it was planned consciously or not. Das Gupta's study of the organization of massive Gujarati trade to the Red Sea revealed that early European traders had not been able to access the paramount trade of the cotton cloth. However, its decline cannot be directly attributed to the Europeans. Rather, in the regional context of India, political instability in Yemen and Gujarat had created an opportunity for Europeans to take advantage of the fragile situation to enter the highly profitable trade.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The books remains focused on the religious and intellectual contact, as well as other roles that the Europeans played in Asia besides that of a colonizing role. The period of focus was before the eighteenth century. However, the scope remains limited since other topics such as economic development cannot be explained without looking at the larger developments from the indigenous perspective.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
While every book has its limitations, an important outcome of this collection of essays is its ability to move away from the single-minded perception of Europeans as colonizers. Thus, the study marks out European colonization of Asia as one of many different degrees of interaction and establishment of relationships with rulers in Asia, rather than completely burying the history of Asia before the arrival of the Europeans. While the essays promise to provide different perspectives of the arrival of Europeans to Asia, the substantiation of some authors may be outdated in light of the increasing revelation of important documents pertinent to the era. The value of the work, however, lies in how the essays point learners of imperialism towards the direction of recognizing the other important roles of the Europeans prior to the period of High Imperialism. A more well-rounded discussion of European arrival in Asia is achieved by examining different levels of interaction of Europeans who are operating, successfully or otherwise in their various roles.
Yet, the editor recognizes that questions such as why manufacturing techniques in seventeenth-century India had failed to change despite a sophisticated merchant community remain unanswered. Given the sophisticated trading and market networks of the Mughal empire, authors were unable to explain why trading activities of Mughal officials declined late in the seventeenth century, without first examining the internal Mughal developments and conflicts. The book has much to offer in identifying the patterns of European roles in Asia, which would have created the conditions or environment for European colonialism.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Synopsis
As the first volume of three which will be written on Japanese expansion on the continent of Asia, this volume covers the events until the end of the sixteenth century, when Hideyoshi were attempting to conquer all of Asia. The main topics of discussion of foreign continental invasion of Japan's neighbors had included the mention of Empress Jingo's fictional conquests in the continent. This serves to justify Japan's later bids for conquests.
Exploring the context in which China was in a long-continued period of chaos , Kuno depicts the instability of East Asia. This was a region where great powers; empires in their own right, were competing for influence in the smaller polities. For example, small states in Korea had to send envoys with tribute to both China and Japan, thus pledging their loyalty to both. Unfortunately, these chaotic conditions in Eastern Asia had made it possible for Japan to establish and maintain her authority in South Korea for nearly three hundred years.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The time period of the study is terminated in the sixteenth century, in order to establish the focus largely on the early national expansion of Japan, ending in the seventh century A.D., the national unification and international relations of China, Japan and Korea (7th-14th centuries) and the national unification of Japan and the Asiatic conquest.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
One of the reasons given by the author to signify that the military organization of Japan is highly centralized is because command of the imperial army had never been entrusted to any but persons of royal blood. Hence, the Japanese army was transformed into one of the strongest military powers in Asia by the fourth and early fifth centuries. However, because of the increase of national wealth and the advent of the easy, luxurious mode of living of the continent, and since warfare was conducted away from home, across the water in Korea, the emperor had begun to take less interest in military affairs. In consequence, military authority was delegated by the throne to powerful families.
The author attempts to bring some historical arguments about the early history of Japan into light. He highlights the difficulty in corroborating different sources of Japanese history in Korean, Japanese and Chinese sources. While Empress Jingo had indeed led the first conquest of Korea, represented by the Shinra kingdom, it remains probable that the Japanese crossed the water and made numerous inroads with varying success upon the kingdoms in Korea.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Synopsis
In a book evenly divided between narration and annotated appendixes, Kuno focuses on Japan’s expansionist policies in the early years of the Tokugawa Era under Ieyasu’s rule. Ieyasu chose to pursue expansion through trade relations rather than territorial gain by military mains, and actively sought to establish trade privileges with Korea, China, and Russia. Some of Kuno’s narration turns to an inward-looking examination of domestic political policies in the age of seclusion; these chapters are less relevant to the study of empires and expansion. However, Kuno’s discussion of the initial Japanese endeavors to expand commercially into Asia and the American hemisphere, as well as of its eventual realization that self-imposed isolation was not sustainable, highlights important characteristics of the Tokugawa Era in relation to both Japanese and European expansionist efforts. Through Kuno’s narration it is clear that Japan had expansionist ambitions of its own at the same time that it could not extricate itself from similar goals belonging to foreign powers.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
Kuno opens the book with a brief overview of the founding of the Tokugawa Era. Following the banning of Christianity under the influence of British and Dutch advisors, Tokugawa Ieyasu led the country into more than two hundred years’ worth of seclusion, punctuated only by trade with the Dutch at Deshima, and it is this period of isolation to which Kuno turns in the middle of her narration. The book ends with the arrival of a Russian ship on the Japanese coast in 1739 and the eventual realization in the 1800s that seclusion was not sustainable given the ambitions of Russia, England and the United States. The second half of the book is a translated compilation of documents, mostly correspondences, between Japanese officials and various diplomatic players from Russia, China, Korea, and the American hemisphere.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Kuno points out that Ieyasu clearly sought to expand Japan’s territory through benign trade relations, not through aggressive means. His commitment to securing Japan’s identity as Asia’s ultimate commercial centre resulted in a pronounced tolerance of Christianity, as he recognized such tolerance as a precondition for establishing ties with the European powers as well as the American hemisphere. Kuno narrates the constant adjustments to the shogunate’s attitude toward local Christians and foreign missionaries. Japan also made significant concessions in order to cement friendly ties with Korea, as evidenced by the translated documents in the appendix. Ieyasu also corresponded with Liu Chiu and Formosa, attempting to use them as a commercial springboard into China, though without success. It is significant that Ieyasu chose trade as a tool for expansion because it meant a separation of certain political with economic objectives: even after the expulsion of Spanish and Portuguese missionaries, whom Ieyasu suspected wanted to reduce Japan to a vassal state, Japan by no means closed its doors to Christian traders, and in fact opened itself up to the world with more vigor.
It is also clear in Kuno’s narration that Japan could never fully detach itself from the power plays of other imperial powers. Even during the early years of the Tokugawa Era, Japan was caught in the middle of the rivalry between the Catholic Iberian states and the Protestant Dutch and English. William Adams convinced Ieyasu that the Spanish and Portuguese were attempting to turn Japan into their vassal state, and by 1610 Spain’s attempt to expand territory through religion was indeed gaining ground. Toward the end of the era, seclusion grew increasingly unfeasible because of European imperial interests in the Orient, specifically those of Britain, the United States, and Russia, the last of which had always been an existential threat to Japan. Kuno interestingly points out that, up till the time of such imperial pressures, Japan had never been compelled to clearly demarcate its own territories, and assumed that Ezo (Hokkaido) was a foreign province. Even with sharply imposed isolation, Japan could not remain passive amid the clash of imperial powers.
Annotated by Jennifer Yip
L
Synopsis
In "The Century of Discovery", European images of India, Southeast Asia, Japan and China in the sixteenth century are based almost entirely on extant printed sources. By surveying the whole sweep of the literature - from Latin, Portuguese, Spanish, Italian, Dutch, German and English sources over the course of an entire century, Lach demonstrated that Europe's view of Asia was not one that remained unchanged through the ages but one that grew piecemeal and unevenly. The numerous volumes that are to follow would be a dedicated project to prepare a study of the impact of Asia upon the West.
Book One had begun with the earliest encounter of Europe with Asia, in the form of the assessment of India in the Greek tradition from 600-100 B.C. Then, Lach moves to discuss the period of renaissance before the age of great discoveries of Vasco da Gama and the subsequent development of new channels of information on Asia to the European public. By 1600, dimensions of depth and increased realism were added to European impressions of Asia by the regular appearance of Asian merchants, emissaries, and goods in the commercial, administrative, religious and intellectual centers of Europe. With the Portuguese perspective becoming the focus, one sees that India remains the foothold upon which the Portuguese began making observations regarding Asia in general.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The volume includes original sources (as it is written in their respective languages) which broaches the issues regarded by Europeans when they first started using the written form of communication to share their impressions of the new civilization that they were encountering. In addition, the materials seen in this volume reflects several perspectives of those who had a role in the period of early European-Asian interaction.
In the preceding four chapters of the book, where European published sources were examined in terms of the images of the individual countries of Asia, the author deemed it as failing to portray how Asia as a whole looked like to sixteenth-century Europe. Hence, the chapters that followed was a representation of Asia in its more general aspects as it emerges from reviewing their more detailed surveys of the individual countries.
Southeast Asia is defined here as an area divides into two vast geographical groupings: the continental peninsulas east of Bengal and south of China, and the insular world which lies within a cast triangle that has Sumatra, the Philippines, and New Guinea. It was noted that there was no account of the East Indies by responsible Portuguese authors in print before 1550; because the Portuguese jealously guarded every scrap of information which could have led potential competitors to the sources of the spice trade.
In trying to understand what the European public might have known about the East, the author believes that some limitations exist in the approach taken in this volume. While Lach desires to portray the perspectives of Europeans who had different occupations and socio-economic background, he intentionally limits the examination to materials actually published in the sixteenth century. Hence, the authors refrained from detailed analysis of certain types of news, such as Portuguese official resources, because the reports of overseas administrators, soldiers and sailors were not readily available to the public during this period. Authors examine the history of Christian mission, more international in its imposition than the Portuguese political establishment, in order to purvey information about non-commercial and non-political aspects of life in Asia.
Thus, the discussion is deliberately limited to three major channels of new information: the operation of the spice trade and Europe's general involvement in it; the growth of widespread interest in the printed routiers, chapbooks, letterbooks, maps, travel accounts, and compilations, and the histories of the discoveries in Asia; and the Christian mission in Asia with the diffusion in Europe.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Lach's writing possesses the ability to evoke the particular concept of intermingling influences between Europeans and Asians. He said in his epilogue "The fantasies of one age are often the facts of another; contrariwise, the facts of one age sometimes become the myths of another" Nowhere is the truth of these aphorisms more clearly illustrated than in the increasing revelation of Asia to Europe. The India conquered by Alexander was transmuted into a medieval myth which was itself then accepted in the eleventh century as a concrete depiction of the scene of the Macedonian's exploits. The colorful stories associated with the Alexander myth (of India) became a part of Islamic tradition, were circulated in Asia by the Muslim spice merchants, were incorporated into Asian folklore and traditional history, and then found its way to Europe in the reports of Portuguese merchants and Jesuit missionaries.
The heritage of interrelated fact and myth from the pre-discovery era colored Europe's vision of the East throughout the sixteenth century, the effects of Portuguese government regulating the spice trade, information and the missionary enterprise were evident in Europe's delay in looking at a newer and more realistic Asia. It was the spice trade, and the general involvement of Europeans in it, which first dominated Europe's vision. This meant that Europeans before 1550 generally centered their attention upon the Spiceries and the international marts of South Asia and India.
During this age of discoveries, there were already commentators sounding alarm bells for the overextension of empire, particularly about the insecurity of strategic outposts. Even with their best intentions, the administrative heads of the Portuguese empire could do little to direct and control people in the field. Hence, from its beginnings the Portuguese overseas enterprise was under attack by powerful enemies in Europe. The bad reputation of the Portuguese was deemed to put huge stones in the path of empire. Unfortunately in this case, Lach makes the false assumption that Europeans had desired to build an empire the first time they reached Asia.
China's encompassing bureaucratic organization wins great admiration, and the Middle Kingdom is placed in a class entirely by itself for achievements in government. Yet, the relationship between trade and tribute was never closely understood, as symbolized by how the Asiatic system of international relations based on the tribute system of China does not win sympathetic understanding or approval from the Europeans. Perhaps a more understated and subtle impact of the European encounter of political and cultural institutions in Asia is the dawning realization in the West that not all truth and virtue were contained within its own cultural and religious traditions. Thus, the period prior to the sixteenth century can be observed as the date from which Westerners began self-consciously to question their own cultural premises, to weigh them in balance against the presuppositions and accomplishments of other high cultures, and to initiate fundamental revisions in their own views of the world, man and the future.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Synopsis
This series reveals the impact of Asia's high civilizations on the development of modern Western society. The authors have examined the ways in which European encounters with Asia have altered the development of Western society, art, literature, science and religion since the renaissance. In Volume Three, "A Century of Advance", the authors have researched seventeenth-century European writings on Asia in an effort to understand how contemporaries saw Asian societies and peoples. In Book One of Volume Three, the authors discuss at length the impact of Christian missions and trade and conquest in the East. It does this by a thorough examination of the various histories, reports, letterbooks and travelogues printed and widely disseminated throughout Europe in the seventeenth century. Individual chapters also cover literature from Iberia, Italy, France, the Netherlands, Germany, Denmark, and England.
For the present volume the date of termination of 1700 is appropriate since in both northern Europe and Asia the great nations and empires were then at the apogee of their power and influence. Most notable in the seventeenth century was the advance of European merchants and missionaries into continental states and archipelagoes of Asia. From coastal footholds won in the previous century, they were able to penetrate the interiors of Asian states and even the courts of Moghul India, Siam, Arakan, Mataram, China and Japan. Empire-building was generally confined within the archipelagoes and isolated islands, as well as separated city-states. The Europeans were most successful in working with one another and with cooperative natives in building new, or expanding old, coastal commercial cities: Manila, Nagasaki, Macao, Batavia, Colombo, Madras, Bombay, and Calcutta. From these strategically located entrepots they became increasingly more effective in controlling inter-Asian trade and in supplying European markets.
The seventeenth-century Europeans had the advantage of using the works of their predecessors and of having better access to the society or culture under review. The images conveyed of the greater continental states like China and India were much sharply-defined, deeper and more comprehensive than those of the previous century. Through their understanding of many of the native languages, the Europeans were now better able than previously to penetrate the high cultures of India, China and Japan. From the diverse images of the various parts of Asia it became manifestly clear that Europeans in the field were engaged in a commercial and religious struggle. While progress was recorded for most places, it could readily be seen that the Europeans were not universally successful in imposing their will upon abject Asians.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The scope includes the study of the Iberian Maritime Empire of the East, the Dutch Empire, British East India Company, and European-Asian economic relations at the seventeenth-century's end. Imperial breakdown in Europe and Asia of 1621-41, was studied by perusing the Iberian literature available, through which Lach extracted the information for the reasons for imperial background.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Leaders such as Prince Henry of Portugal was governor of the knightly Order of Christ, and assisted the seamen, merchants, cartographers and instrument makers; a Catholic Christian of deep and orthodox piety, and a patron of much that was contemporary in learning and science. The argument put forth is that the presence of such leaders in the beginning of European expansion by sea was a natural outcome of centuries of crusading hope and frustration. By 1660, there was a general pattern of internal colonial government, nowhere prescribed in law but everywhere recognized in practice. The English empire was the only European colonial empire at that time in which representative institutions played any significant part, since England unlike Spain and France had embarked upon the settlement of colonies in a period when the idea of representative government was gaining strength in the mother country.
In the opinion of Restoration Statesmen, the chief dangers to the empire lay in the alleged indifference of the colonists to English interests. Like most trading corporations, the Dutch East India Company had acquired territorial possessions slowly and with reluctance. A centralized monopoly was the goal since it was easier to protect. The company sought to close the eastern seas, and limit native Asiatic shipping to an auxiliary role, supplying local products without competing in the European-dominated trade in the main routes. Such a system could only be enforced by armed fleets, and maintained through a vast system of fortified posts. Treaties were struck with the local rulers to establish posts and bases, as a result these commercial treaties led to alliances, and alliances to protectorates.
By the beginning of the eighteenth century, European merchants, missionaries and planters had founded permanent settlements in all the continents of the world except Australia and the Antarctic. The nature of these settlements varied greatly, but all alike depended upon the mother country. None was deemed as self- supporting; none yet aspired to independence of the founding state, though some colonies had changed hands as a result of European wars. In most parts of the East they found civilized peoples, powerful and numerous enough to resist the settlement of Europeans as a resident aristocracy. However, they were far from assuming the position of overlords, limited to forts and trading factories.
A strong argument put forth by the writer was that the imperialism of eighteenth century Europe had transformed from that during the sixteenth century. While greed and brutality had marked every stage of the expansion, in the earlier days there was still a sense of wonder, a certain humility underlying the truculence, sometimes an anxious searching of conscience. The conclusion is that the general European attitude towards non-Europeans had coarsened and hardened with successful expansion. Familiarity had bred contempt.
In 'trusteeship' Europe has at present a theory and a policy of colonial government to which all colonizing states profess at least a formal adherence. There had been conflict between an imperialism interested only in profits and an imperialism which accepts duties also. Yet, the author attributes the feeling of duty and responsibility as a product of continuous missionary tradition running back to the eighteenth century. This, however, can be refuted by the fact that there could be other factors important to the rise of feelings of responsibility to the welfare of those colonized, which the author does not address comprehensively in this book.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Synopsis
Levathes discusses, in great detail, the heyday of Chinese maritime trade and exploration during the Ming Dynasty. Focusing on key players such as the eunuch explorer Zheng He, his patron Zhu Di (the Yongle emperor), and Zhu Di’s immediate successors and closest advisors, she chronicles, in a narrative rather than analytical fashion, the domestic factors that led to the fluctuations in Chinese attitudes toward trade and foreign relations. Levathes heavily emphasizes the impressive geographical extent of China’s tributary network and trading endeavors, favorably comparing China to the later European travelers from Portugal and Spain.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
Levathes concerns herself primarily with the short 30-year reign of Zhu Di, his son Zhu Gaozhi, and his grandson Zhu Zhanji, although she begins with a historical examination of the origins of Chinese trade and commerce. Zhu Di is an apt starting point for her discussion of the expansion of Ming trade and tributary relations; apart from financing Zheng He’s momentous voyages to Africa and the Middle East, he also sought to establish diplomatic relations with neighbors such as the Mongols and Japanese which favored the Chinese. Zhu Zhanji oversaw the last of Zheng He’s expeditions; after his reign, Chinese tributary relations with subject states deteriorated rapidly, and China withdrew from overseas endeavors just as the European colonists entered the Asian scene.
Even though her subject matter is foreign trade and the expansion of the Chinese kingdom in the form of tribute agreements, Levathes invests heavily in discussions of Chinese internal affairs, focusing on the domestic factors of the peaks and trenches of Chinese overseas outreach. She does however devote chapters to Chinese relationships with places such Calicut, Ceylon, Malacca, and Japan.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Crucially, Levathes argues that the Chinese concept of imperialism was fundamentally different from that of European colonialism. The idea that the Chinese Emperor was the Son of Heaven and thus by definition ruled over all peoples invalidated any perceived need for militant means of ensuring their subordination. Early on into their expansion of tributary relations, the Chinese grasped the notion that maintain garrisons thousands of miles away from the kingdom would be counterproductive, and were disinterested in such investments. The Europeans, on the other hand, employed precisely this strategy. A similarity the Chinese and Europeans shared as “imperialists”, however, was confidence in their cultural superiority. Just like the Europeans saw it as their duty to spread their Christian faith to the pagan peoples of their colonies, the Chinese, including Confucius, justified their imposition of tributary demands by claiming that they were educating the barbarians of foreign lands.
Levathes shows that domestic political, economic and military concerns ultimately defined the strength and character of China’s imperial outreach. The eunuchs, for example, were the protectors of private overseas trade and were in favor of expeditions like Zheng He’s. Conversely, the Confucian scholars, who thought lowly of merchants, argued for tight fiscal policies and the abolition of sponsorship for expensive voyages. The clash of these conflicting interests resulted in either the encouragement or banning of such overseas endeavors: Zhu Zhanji, for instance, completely reversed his predecessor Zhu Gaozhi’s decision to favor domestic agriculture over tribute and trade. Economically, the turn of shipbuilding from ocean travel to river barges and the unfavorable exchange rate rendered foreign trade less appealing, while the threat of the Mongols drew resources away from the sea to land defenses.
Levathes also appears to lament the fact that China did not pursue its vast potentials for overseas expansion. The court’s decision after 1433 to curb the eunuchs’ monopoly over private merchant activity resulted in a grinding halt in naval technology and a withdrawal from the global stage just as the Europeans, led by Vasco da Gama, began their search for a shortcut to the Far East. Had they met the Chinese at the peak of their powers, Levathes seems to suggest, the Portuguese may not have established their foothold in Asia.
Annotated by Jennifer Yip
Synopsis
In this book, Lieven aims to discuss Russian empires in an international context. He compares the tsarist empire and the Soviet Union to its contemporary rivals, the British, Ottoman and Habsburg empires, claiming that there are both key similarities and differences and that their existence affected Russian geopolitical decisions. Lieven is also however interested in a more general discussion of the definition of “empire” and what such a label entails, even going so far as to reach backward to the ancient Roman and Chinese Eastern Han empires for points of reference and comparison. Lieven makes it a point to highlight the fact that the Russian empires were unique in various ways, and that the logic often imposed on Western European maritime empires cannot be applied to them. Russian uniqueness in terms of geography, ethnicity and ideology places it in a category of its own.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
Lieven opens the book with a section on the concept of empire and the characteristics shared by most imperial entities. He makes it clear here that the tsarist empire and the Soviet Union both do not possess their traits, but nevertheless are classified as empires. He also makes constant reference to the Marxist-Leninist interpretation of the word “empire”, noting that Russia would be loathe to admit that it was one because of its connotations with capitalist exploitation. The label of “empire”, therefore, either praises or condemns; it has strong political ramifications. He clarifies that he does not subscribe to the morality play of the empire being dismantled in favor of the democratic nation-state.
Lieven then moves on to introduce his comparative case studies: the British, Ottoman and Habsburg empires, rivals of the Russian empire. This is to provide geopolitical context for the following section on the Russian empire itself, from the 16th century to the watershed year of 1917. He also discusses the Soviet Union, in existence from 1945 to 1991, as a unique empire. Finally, he discusses the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the transition of old colonies to independent republics.
In conclusion, Lieven’s geographical scope and time frame are not limited to the Russian empires alone. In fact, he takes great liberties in exploring other empires, either for comparison, or to provide more insight on the definition of “empire”.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Lieven’s discussion ultimately points to the uniqueness of the Russian empires. It is neither European nor Asian, but trod into or dangerously near both regions: the Russians expanded into Central Asia, the steppes, and the Trans-Caucasus region. It is clear that the Russian empires were neither European nor Asian when Lieven remarks that they had different attitudes toward their possessions in both regions. In Asia, they were filled with a sense of superiority and with the responsibility of “civilizing” lesser peoples; in Europe, they were debilitated by overwhelming vulnerability. Lieven points out that this vulnerability was as much a factor in expansionist policies as was the Russian instinct for territory.
More fundamentally, the Russians had a completely different concept of empire from their European counterparts. Firstly, they were largely a land-based empire in which the navy was an Achilles heel; in contrast, European expansion was maritime in nature. Secondly, the Europeans associated “empire” with the exploration of a whole new world—but Russia’s land-based expansion meant that they conquered peoples they were already familiar with. Thus, the Russian idea of empire did not carry with it a sense of “otherness”. Moreover, Russia simply did not have the financial resources to indulge in the luxury of indirect rule; while the British could win the sultans of Malaya over by providing large pensions, the Russian expansionists could only gain and maintain territory through brute force—military mobilization through peasant conscriptions was a forte.
Lieven also discusses the reasons for the Russian empire’s success in the 18th century and decline in the 19th century. The 18th century was blessed with two extremely competent monarchs, Peter I and Catherine II. Their autocratic rule resulted in the brutal but efficient exploitation of manpower for expansionist purposes. The 19th century, however, saw rulers struggle with weak domestic legitimacy and the division into rival ministerial empires, which compromised their abilities to hold territories abroad.
Annotated by Jennifer Yip
Synopsis
In The Circulation of Knowledge, twelve scholars examine how knowledge, material objects and people moved within, and between, East and West from the early modern period to the twentieth century, looking at the ways and means in which knowledge circulated, first in Europe, but then beyond to India and China in both the material and intellectual worlds. By focusing on exchange, translation, and resistance, the authors bring into the spotlight many "bit-players" and things originally relegated to the margins in the development of late modern science, participating in the attempt to open up more nuanced and balanced trajectories of colonial and post-colonial encounters.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The first part of the volume is prefaced with an introduction to the James Dinwiddie collection, currently housed at Dalhousie University. Dinwiddie (1746–1815) was scientific attaché to the McCartney embassy to the Chinese imperial court in 1793, and first Professor of Mathematics, Natural Philosophy and Chemistry at the College of Fort William in Calcutta. It is in the latter capacity that the material in these manuscripts– containing a half century of scientific observations, experiments, lecture notes, and journals from 1767 to 1815– was created, providing an insight into the nature of the scientific encounter and the dissemination of knowledge in the late 18th and early 19th Centuries by one of the most significant of the early modern “itinerant” Newtonian natural philosophers. The three essays in this section analyse the social and epistemic legacy of Dinwiddie’s public experiments and lectures in Calcutta, both as spectacle in the colonial metropolis, as a contact point for the exchange of knowledge between Europeans and native elites, and their reception and contribution to the greater body of scientific knowledge upon Dinwiddie’s return to Britain.
Moving away from this personal perspective, the second section looks at the circulation of knowledge more generally, touching on such topics as the Portuguese voyages of intellectual discovery and their role in bringing Eastern science and mathematics to the West; the origins, dissemination and impact of scientific journals in late Georgian Britain; and the divergent production and circulation of botanical knowledge between Kew and the East India Company’s gardens in Calcutta.
The third part brings the discussion to the introduction and currency of Western ideas in China in the early twentieth century. Essays explore the Chinese intellectual reception of Darwin’s theories in the late Qing historical context of defeat and revolution; the tussle over fossils and antiquities as markers of sovereignty in the early republic; and Chinese engagement with the wider scientific and geological world at international meetings and exhibitions.
The fourth and final part examines the construction of science in a post-colonial framework, with independent India as the case study. It looks at science as a centralising project of the Indian state, and its adoption as an important component of secular ideology and national economic planning. The penultimate chapter appraises a modern successor of Dinwiddie: the British-born, Indian-naturalised biologist J.B.S. Haldane, and his role in popularising scientific knowledge and promoting institutional reform in higher learning in his adopted country. The volume concludes with an essay on the theoretical and practical aspects of translating scientific concepts across cultural boundaries, and the relation between translation and transmission, as methodological issues in the history of science.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
This volume attempts to bring together in a meaningful historical synthesis several observations on the transit of knowledge and its material culture, originating from separate and diverse sources. Although principally of value to the historian of science and technology, there are several areas in which The Circulation of Knowledge can contribute to a broader understanding of the study of empire in the early modern and modern period. Particularly notable are those essays focusing on how Eastern and Western scientists of an earlier era exchanged ideas and influenced each other’s work, and the growth in Asia of national forms of scientific knowledge in response to Western penetration, such as can be found in Parts Two and Three. The latter collectively argues that China’s engagement with an international regime of antiquities law, and its participation in the wider international scientific and geological community, were components of a global and internal discourse on nation, science, and modernity as it found itself integrated into an international order defined by Western imperialism. Dr Arun Bala’s chapter on the transmission of Kerala mathematics from India to Europe via the Portuguese voyages of discovery also raises intriguing questions on the contribution of intellectual circulation along these older imperial networks to the formation of the modern world.
What the interested reader might find lacking about this book, however, is in the lack of any overarching answer to the question raised by its title. Many of the topics covered in The Circulation of Knowledge appear peripheral to this central premise, or as a collection of unrelated essays appended to the biographical first section on Dinwiddie, and might not satisfy if one reads expecting a grand narrative of how Western science entered Asia, or how Asian knowledge correspondingly influenced Europe. A crucial omission is the 19th Century, a period in which the rate of scientific advance in the East unambiguously fell behind that of the West, and should therefore have received an accordingly more intensive treatment. These weaknesses should not detract, however, from the individual insight brought by the contributors to their respective subjects, many of which shed light on previously unknown episodes in an increasingly globalised history of science and its circulation.
Annotated by Daniel Lee
Synopsis
Following a growth in academic study on Japan subsequent to the Second World War, the study is a volume in a series on the study of modern Japan. Including contributions from seminars on the subject, the book is a study on Japanese industrialization and economic developments as a phenomenon of “industrial society”.
By examining a century of modern Japanese history from 1868, the book analyzes the past in relation to the utility of such a study for understanding the future. Looking at themes such as social inheritance coupled with the advent of change, the book is able to structure a cohesive account of the development of the Japanese economy and its relationship to, and effect upon, modernity.
Understanding the modern development of the nation, sources such as agriculture, entrepreneurship, new capitalism and the benefits of economic progress are looked at as constituting the broader impetus to study the nation. With a wide range of specialists working on the topics, the book provides an explanation for the phenomena that occur over the century it is studying.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The book roughly covers a century, commencing from 1868. This is taken to be the beginning of a period of economic modernization. Looking at topics such as phases in economic growth, the society before the Meiji Restoration, and the parallels with European development, the book is able to give a wide account of the economic development of Japan. It is also able to focus on how entrepreneurship grew and the creation of a new generation of leaders- this being related to political stability and national unity, as well as shifting notions of identity.
Divided into 16 chapters dealing with firstly, the eve of modernization, then the transition to industrial society, and finally relating it to growth, stability and welfare in 1960’s Japan. Admitting that, a century on from 1868, the Japanese leadership looks towards an unpredictable external world, the volume identifies both patterns and problems to the industrialization process, and weaves it into a narrative about an economic power in Asia.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Above all, the volume wants to investigate the secrets behind Japan’s growth over time as a phenomenon of modernity. By dividing the book into two parts, between 1868 and 1911 and subsequently Japan after world war two, it emphasizes continuity over aberration and thus shows an understanding that the century is constituted of a general pattern of economic industrialization.
The narrative is one of progress. By focusing on rising consumption and entrepreneurship, alongside public expenditure by the state, the book asks pertinent questions such as: what was the source for the stimuli to the agricultural progress in the early phase of the economic development?
Taking the approach of giving a framework for understanding the development of the economy, and utilizing a method of listing out potential factors and their impact on the broader processes, the book gives the reader a clear understanding.
The book is useful for understanding the role of the economy in modernizing the Asian nation, and also relating this development to the rest of the world. Taking the approach of looking at, primarily, the Japanese record, it provides an insight to the processes that contributed to the development of this nation as an “economic miracle”.
Annotated by Sandeep Singh
Synopsis
Lorge makes his point directly: there was an Asian military revolution long before the European military revolution, and the latter was in fact to no small degree an outgrowth of the former. Lorge argues that this military revolution began in Song China, which also saw the dawn of what he calls early modern warfare, and he explains it by tracing the same dynamic identified by the scholarship that conceptualized the military revolution in Europe. That dynamic involved understanding that technology and technological change, especially weaponry--in this case, gunpowder, and the development of firearms that it made possible—was important, but this can only be understood in context. Technological change prompted changes in the way armies were organized, maintained, and how they fought battles and waged wars. Such changes prompted further changes in economic, social, and especially political institutions, practices, and infrastructures. That ‘chain of change’ constituted the military revolution. In the Asian experience this military revolution unfolded over more than five centuries, spreading incrementally across time and space, prompting incremental adjustments much more often than revolutionary transformations. But the core dynamic was the impact the spread of firepower weapons had on the relationships between the army, the state, economy and society. This process was already far advanced by the time European powers began to penetrate Asian space, and deploy more potent military technology. Asian polities were not overwhelmed by the developing technology gap, nor did they disdain the technology. The really pivotal developments were political and cultural, to be found in the wider context of power relationships in which military technology was employed. And in that context, imperial states played a significant role, both in transmitting the Asian military revolution to Europe and influencing how Asian societies responded when European military power brought it back to Asia.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
Lorge concentrates on three regions: East Asia, South Asia, and Southeast Asia. But he accepts the concept of a Eurasian geopolitical environment, as a space in which this protracted military revolution unfolded. Drawing primarily from the most significant scholarship, Lorge’s extended essay synthesis emphasizes three points. First, the mere existence of gunpowder and firearms was not revolutionary. The weapons had to be operationalized by a system that had the capacity to build, maintain and use them in significant numbers, to military effect, before they could transform battle, and therefore war, and therefore politics. Second, many Asian polities did not develop more potent weaponry not necessarily because they lacked the technological skill or cultutral receptiveness, but because social and political circumstances either provided no incentive or tended to make such change undesirable. Finally, Asian inability to cope with the expansion of European ambition and power in various regions was not due to military weakness, but to political frailty. Asian states, not Asian armies, could not cope with European military high imperialism.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Lorge’s synthesis works well enough for South Asia and Qing China. The argument that South Asian military systems were neither transformed nor overwhelmed by European power and practices is well established, but Lorge ably explains how indigenous and European military capabilities blended in the latter half of the Mughal period. The familiar argument for state decline in the Mughal and Qing experiences, contrasted by successful state building in the Japanese experience, explains the transformation that occurred in the latter half of the nineteenth century. In Southeast Asia, the absence of any commanding imperial state, and the maritime geography of the region, shaped its quite different military experience in absorbing European penetration.
Lorge presents an argument that very much expresses the new vantage point of the ‘European moment,’ stressing how contingent Western ascendancy in Asia was. The theme of military power, and the relationship between the state and its ability to project that power, is, as he persuasively demonstrates, a very clear perspective from which to engage that vantage point.
Annotated by Brian Farrell
Synopsis
Lovell follows her study of the Great Wall with this monograph quite similar in approach, combining analysis of the event with critical discussion of how it travelled in public memory ever since, as part of the ongoing process of defining China, at home and abroad. Lovell’s explanation of the Opium War builds usefully on the principal Chinese and British studies, and heavily mines contemporary sources from both sides. The War had its deeper roots and causes. On the British side, these included growing frustration over the refusal of the Qing Dynasty to treat foreign governments as diplomatic equals, similar frustration over being confined to one small area near Canton from which to carry on trade, increasing disregard for Chinese administration, power, and culture, and growing interest in the ever more important opium traffic, as an enabler of the all-important tea trade. For the Qing government, growing frustration with the behaviour of Western merchants near Canton, increasing concern over the effects of the opium traffic on public health, the economy, and public administration, and a strong desire to resolve these problems so as to concentrate on more serious internal challenges elsewhere, all played a part. But contingency and misunderstanding sparked the conflict itself. Commissioner Lin reflected the larger policy of his government: both knew what they wanted to do, but had no idea what kind of backlash this would provoke, and how they could handle such a reaction. Chief Superintendent Elliot knew what he wanted, but had to manufacture a grave challenge to national power out of a minor dispute over regional trade in order to pursue his agenda. Both men on the spot found themselves working for political masters who misread their enemy. Both launched a war without having any idea how to terminate it. Both fought a war shaped more by domestic politics than any strategic clash of vital interests on the spot.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The campaigns of the Opium War exposed the creeping decline of the Qing state as a military power. Coastal defences were in a chronic state of disrepair or neglect. Naval forces were hopelessly outmatched by the up to date steamers deployed by the British. Ground force weapons ranged from old to antiquated. What made all this much worse was the inability of the Qing government to audit any of these or other shortcomings, and deal with them. The Daoguang Emperor regarded the fighting as an annoying minor skirmish with impertinent foreigners on one of the empire’s frontiers, and kept pressing for it to be resolved by a salutary demonstration of force, leading to the resumption of trade on the same terms minus the opium traffic. His commanders in the field, stunned by their inability to cope with British naval power in particular, prevaricated, dissembled, or simply lied, assuring Beijing that all was going well and hostilities would soon be over. This was supposed to reflect the Chinese ‘middle kingdom’ mentality that so infuriated the British, who made expansive demands that would ‘open up’ China to diplomacy and trade. Because those demands would compel the Qing state to confront its fundamental policies and attitudes, no one engaged them. Canton was besieged, stormed and taken. British expeditionary forces moved up the East Coast of China, then inland along the Yangtze. In the process they exposed the fault lines of Qing vulnerability. Local populations did not always regard their own armies and governors as deserving their active support. Some Manchu garrisons fought to the death, having been told the British took no prisoners. Others fled at the proverbial first shot. Successive Chinese commanders could neither find a way to treat with the British on terms the Empire could accept, or stop their gunboat diplomacy by military power. The Qing Empire was too distracted to concentrate the sheer numbers to stop the British, too fixated on its own world view to evaluate that of their enemy, and its writ in the south was too frail to rally the region to the cause. Too many people made too much money out of opium, which sparked the conflict in the first place.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Lovell goes on to analyze the Arrow or Second Opium War as very much an extension of the first, initiated in order to pursue the full concessions as to trade and diplomacy, especially extraterritorial permanent trading residence, which the British thought they secured with the 1842 Treaty of Nanjing. This more drastic conflict ended only when British and French armies took over Beijing itself, razed the Summer Palace to the ground, and forcibly connected China to a newly emerging world order in which it had no central position. These imperial penetrations led China into the era of final decline for the Qing, punctuated by the growing foreign presence in China and her economy. Such pressures provoked recrimination, self-criticism, angst, and what became a chronic Chinese search for answers as to how to cope with this modern world. In that very internal experience, memories of the Opium War played some part. But those memories travelled over time, both reflecting, and influencing, changing context.
For contemporaries and following generations, defeat at British hands exposed the corruption, incompetence, weakness, and fecklessness of the Qing state and its officials. Chinese weakness was a principal theme. Such perceptions began to change after the 1911 Revolution that led in due course to Republican China. This 20th century effort to modernize rediscovered the Opium War as nothing less than the beginning of Chinese modern history itself, as the start of what became the ‘century of humiliation,’ which saw China exploited and oppressed by foreign imperialism because it was weak, divided, backward and inefficient. Both Nationalists and Communists played up these themes of humiliation due to weakness, turning them almost into a morality play in which Western and then Japanese wickedness was able to harm China because under the Qing it had become so slothful. The PRC made Communist success at expelling all foreign influence and reunifying China the cornerstone of its legitimacy, drawing on the Opium War and associated themes of humiliation and imperialism to re-educate generations of Chinese in a new national narrative. This narrative persists today, however it has not succeeded in throwing off the heavy theme that marked it from the start: the counterpoint to foreign bullying was Chinese weakness. The internal defined the experience, and the memory.
Lovell’s main thesis is just this: the Chinese state blundered into a war it did not want in 1839 because it pursued a policy shaped almost entirely by internal concerns and considerations, and the foreign policies it pursues today remain as heavily driven by domestic factors. The strategic and diplomatic autism by which Chinese commanders conducted the Opium War bears her out, as analyzed by a clear and insightful narrative. The military mismatch shocked Chinese decision makers, but no more than their belated understanding that the British simply would not stop advancing until the Empire itself treated with them. The care and concern the Qing lavished on domestic pressures was matched by the tendency to take almost for granted the world outside, which included its foothold on the Pearl River. Chinese strategic decisions were, and are, made through a lens that looks through Chinese internal priorities.
Annotated by Brian Farrell
M
Synopsis
Marr claims that this is the first book to explore a selected episode in Vietnamese history in such depth. It approaches 9 March, 1945—the day Imperial Japan overthrew the colonial French government of Jean Decoux—from various perspectives: French, Japanese, American, British, Chinese, and of course, Vietnamese. Vietnam was of increasing concern to colonial powers who were looking either to expand or preserve their empires. At the same time that Marr presents Vietnam a national entity in its own right, with considerable agency over its future, he also presents it as caught in the middle of perilous tussles between other empires, namely the French and Japanese. It is also significant to scholars interested in colonial history because it was a testing ground for the volatile colonial world in the aftermath of World War II; the French presence in Indochina was a quintessential example of an empire crumbling in a new world order. Vietnam, sitting at the heart of an intricate web of colonial ambitions, thus provides insights not only into such rivalry, but also into revolution and the eventual establishment of an independent state.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
Marr makes it clear that his focus is on the events of 1945, although he allows himself leeway to jump backward as far as 1940 to provide necessary context, and forward to 1946 to illustrate the lasting consequences of colonial and Vietnamese attitudes and decisions. The book is divided into five main thematic sections. The first focuses on the relationship between the Japanese and French from 1940 to 1945, where Marr argues that they struggled through an uneasy marriage of convenience that eventually fell apart. The second considers the changes in the attitudes of the Vietnamese, torn between French influence and Japanese assertions of Asian racial superiority. The third zooms in on the ICP, which garnered its legitimacy not from Communism but from its active anti-French operations. The fourth examines Allied polices of July 1945: it treated Vietnam as a test case of possible approaches toward colonial territories. The last section discusses the events of August and September 1945, with the Chinese in Hanoi and the Allies in Saigon. The book ends by describing the creation of the Vietnamese state.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Crucially, Marr argues that the unfolding of events in the 1940-1945 period were seldom the product of careful planning and manipulation, even if such efforts were painstakingly made, by the French in particular. Rather, many key happenings were the result of spontaneous, unpredictable forces. For instance, the August insurrection was not restricted to Hanoi—it was the product of highly volatile social revolutionary behavior in the vast rural areas over which neither the French nor the Viet Minh had any control. The party with the willingness and ability to respond quickly a sudden shift in circumstances inevitably had a significant advantage over the rest. According to Marr, the Viet Minh were more flexible in their approach, while the French were less willing to deviate from their playbook, a mentality which ultimately cost them dearly in the long run.
As much as European colonial—or in the Americans’ case, supposedly non-colonial—interests are essential to understanding Vietnam in 1945, Marr also points out that Vietnam was not just a passive victim trapped between the crossing of many larger swords. The Vietnamese were actively fighting for independence and self-assertion, and the period in question was ripe for revolution: war, Marr claims, uproots the social and political relationships otherwise taken for granted, and makes them easier to challenge and replace. Vietnam is thus a case study of a people shedding their colonial chains, a “prime example of radical upheaval in a colonial setting”. Yet, Vietnam was by no means a homogeneous anti-colonial force. For one, there was an uncomfortable tension between the center and the periphery, as evidenced by the inability of the Hanoi to put rural territories on a leash. For another, Vietnam found itself tugged between different parties vying for power: Haiphong, for instance, was torn between Viet Minh and Chinese loyalties.
Annotated by Jennifer Yip
Synopsis
The book focuses on the problems faced by the British when the East India Company was transformed from a body of traders controlling a scattered group of commercial settlements round the coasts of India into rulers of provinces. Thus, political and administrative problems became the priorities of Britain as they served their role in India. The British were aware that India had a polity of their own much more sophisticated than that of African negroes and American Indians, thus their previous imperial experience was not as useful.
The book's purpose would be to indicate, partly through their own words, the opinions of shareholders in the East India Company, ministers of the Crown, members of Parliament, and such sections of the eighteenth-century public who became interested themselves in national affairs. As a result, these vital actors in the British empire slowly became aware of the problems created by the conquest of India, and how solutions were gradually evolved.
The book examines British colonial policy in India from the viewpoint of the East India Company and the government in London, focusing almost exclusively on British agents and priorities. Marshall identifies the key questions as firstly that of how to establish and maintain an empire in an area which already featured elaborate indigenous political structure and authority, and secondly that of how to balance London’s various interests: commercial, political and military. Based on extensive readings of relevant documents, including court hearings, letters and government acts, he considers the fluid nature of British colonial rule in India, from the pivotal Battle of Plassey in 1757 to the dismantling of the East India Company monopoly in 1813.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The book's starting point will be 1757, during the Battle of Plassey, which was the precursor to the Company's conquests, until the passing of the Charter in 1813, which gave formal recognition to some of the solutions to Indian problems already worked out in practice. It will focus on three main themes: the way in which the British political and administrative systems adapted themselves to meet new responsibilities, the principles and standards of which the general public opinion in Britain had tried to apply to the government of India, and the creation of new economic links between Britain and India.
Marshall selects the Battle of Plassey in 1757as his starting point because it signaled a momentous change in the nature of British presence in India. Whereas the East India Company had initially maintained a purely commercial relationship with the Mughals, the attainment of unquestioned supremacy in India after Plassey introduced political and military elements that grew in importance at the expense of commercial activity and profit. His discussion ends in 1813, when London withdrew the EIC’s monopoly.
The book is divided into four main parts. These parts are aptly titled "State and Company", "Responsibilities of Empire", "Trade and Tribute" and the "Conclusion". These serve as a brief introductory essays to prepare readers with the ability to identify themes as explained in the documents.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
This book is valued not solely for the arguments that it presents, but for its structure. The method of combining generous collections of documents with introductory essays helps students of empire to explore any one particular theme widely and deeply. The book concerns itself largely with the happenings in Britain and NOT how the administrative policies are carried out in India. Rather, it was deemed a significant study of the origins of the policies and its theoretical evolution in Britain, which could be contrasted with the actual policies that were conducted in India. One can also be equipped with a background knowledge of the developments in India through 1757 to 1813.
A central argument is that while Company servants did not plan the conquests, they also rarely exercised the restraint in their relations with Indian powers which would have enabled them to avoid war and the acquisition of territory after a successful war. Indeed, the book goes further to argue that the intensity of European rivalries and the weakness of political authority in many parts of eighteenth-century India had provided the opportunity for the first of the Company's conquests.
Marshall firstly argues that the Company managed to maintain territorial power for as long as it did largely due to fortuitous circumstances: the London administration was weak, wanting of personnel, and afraid to engage in dispute with the formidable financial forces of the Company. With regard to governance in India, the Company made the decisions which influenced London; all the latter could do was try and impose standards of administration and Indian welfare. Yet, it always remained possible for the government to overrule the Company as long as it was sufficiently incentivized to do so. This was the case when, by 1813, the British empire in India had grown vastly in political and military commitments, but failed to deliver the expected commercial profits. It was, after all, meant to be a primarily commercial empire.
Marshall attributes the Company’s failure to fulfill its intended financial and commercial responsibilities to ignorance of Indian practices, culture and language, and the incompatibility of national, Company, and stakeholder interests. Shareholders often manipulated the Company for their own purposes, and were deeply split into factions. That the Company practiced gross misgovernance which unnerved many at home is, according to Marshall, undisputable. He also argues that the consensus in London regarding the appropriate response was unanimous, and that rival schools of thought in this area are a product of misled historians. The Company’s failure to reap adequate profits resulted in its downfall at the hands of government dissatisfied on economic and perhaps ethical grounds.
Finally, Marshall concedes that India mattered only to a few elite men, and that by and large Indian debates were sparsely attended. Most of those interested, he argues, were benevolent toward Indians, and while they agreed India was meant to be to Britain’s advantage, they did not mean to cause any suffering. The failure of the Company as a colonial authority was a product of ignorance and imprudence rather than avarice.
Annotated by Michelle Djong/ Jennifer Yip
Synopsis
The structure of the book is very revealing. One begins with general assessments of the eighteenth century, followed by the post-Mughal order, the European intrusion and the new British order. This book is important for the students of empire for two things: Firstly, the different essays provide a different perspective for the arrival of the British in India. Particularly, one is able to view the progressive changes occurring to India in terms of its economic, social and political developments. Secondly, one sees the arrival of the Europeans and their establishment of dominance in India from the internal perspective of the latter, thus giving a more wholesome view of the events that were to unfold until the establishment of British governance in India, the latter becoming the jewel colony of Britain.
If the exercise of Mughal authority had never constituted a uniform system even in the seventeenth century, the breaking of the links between Delhi and the provinces in the eighteenth century need not necessarily be seen as a political revolution the scale that it is often assumed to have been. Most importantly, it may not actually have been the end of either the ideals or the practice of Mughal governance and that both survived into the nineteenth century to influence even the British. Thus, it could be seen that at least until the 1780s, the British were trying to inform themselves about what they called the 'original constitution of the Mogul empire', thought by them to have been established by Akbar, and to model their government on that.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
This volume explores the debate about the nature and pace of change affecting India roughly between 1700 and 1800. It is involved largely with the internal perspective of the Indians when the British increased its claim to rule in India on the basis that India was facing a decline after the fall of the Mughal dynasty.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
To many British writers during the age of empires, there was undeniably a decline from order into 'the great anarchy', another name for the history of the Mughal empire in its last days before the foundations were laid for a new British order. The eighteenth century was thus depicted as marking a drastic change in the course of Indian history. However, the overall consensus of the book remains that of an evolutionary pattern of change.
The editors stress that despite the general acceptance of centralized rule of the Mughal state, it remains debatable about how far a system of centralized imperial administration had ever operated effectively, even in the heyday of Mughal rule. Hence, the image of a 'patchwork quilt' was evoked to indicate that imperial control was uneven in different areas, rather than a 'wall-to-wall carpet' of uniform rule. In addition, there were resistance factions even during the time of Aurangzeb, and what mattered was the military strength and will of the rulers to maintain their hold over their territories. Finally, the growing strength and desire of governors of old imperial provinces to turn their province into a new state under their rule highlighted the nature of decline of the Mughal empire as being a largely internal development.
The author also argues that since large areas remained either outside Mughal rule altogether or on the fringes of its effective administrative reach, these large areas found that they could have their own political states. Finally, eighteenth-century Indian economy was predominantly built upon an agricultural society, though with a very wide assortment of manufacturing and service occupations. A smaller proportion of the population was however directly dependent on the land than would have been the case in the later nineteenth century under British rule. In this way, Marshall argues that the British had used their powers and their strengthened claims to sovereignty in a way that was far more absolute than that of Mughal provincial governors. However, this was done through the structure of offices that they had inherited from the nawabs and with the mediation of local elites who had served them.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
This volume explores the debate about the nature and pace of change affecting India roughly between 1700 and 1800. It is involved largely with the internal perspective of the Indians when the British increased its claim to rule in India on the basis that India was facing a decline after the fall of the Mughal dynasty.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Essays after those of Hastings in this collection reposition private British interests and the role of Indians who worked with the British into a much wider context. They carry out a close investigation of the pursuit of private fortunes in eighteenth-century India so as to do more than just simply pass judgment for or against great figures like Hastings; such investigations are deemed to be able to give historians important insights into the process by which the British acquired territorial power and created their new administrations.
In addition, several writers argued that because a number of Indian states were infiltrated by private British enterprise, their capacity to resist the Company's fiscal and military demands was seriously weakened.
Interestingly, "British Expansion of India in the Eighteenth Century", Marshall argued that only after 1784 was the British able to apply coherent policies, because by 1784 Britain had won a substantial Indian empire in both formal and informal terms - Bengal was virtually a British province, Oudh was garrisoned by British troops and its ruler forced to submit to an increasing measure of British interference. In this way, there is a breaking down of the common perception that British were able to force India into subjugation without much effort needed on her part.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Synopsis
This book aims to provide a view of the British Empire in the late 19th and early 20th centuries from an Indian perspective, using the “Indian Ocean Arena” as a geographical reference point for navigation. Metcalf argues that India lay at the heart of Britain’s vast overseas empire, representing a centre of order and laying the institutional and legal frameworks for later, smaller colonies—in other words, its contributions to the British Empire cannot be underestimated. Apart from examining the ways in which the India of the Raj shaped other British colonies, the author also considers the profound influences colonialism and rapid globalization had on Indian society and cultural identity. The book ends with a discussion of the reasons for the decline of what Metcalf calls an “Indian-centered sub-imperial system.”
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
Metcalf devotes the bulk of his discussion to the 1890-1920 period. This, according to him, was the peak of the Indian-centered colonial system. It was during this period that India successfully reaped the full benefits of strong membership in an international community, and extended its influence in profound ways to other British colonies—for instance, the Malay states. Metcalf does not only focus on Indians in their home country; overseas settlements—most notably those in East Africa— comprising Indians who left India in pursuit of work or economic opportunities, willingly or otherwise, also enjoy much attention.
Metcalf also takes a thematic rather than chronological or narrative approach: they consider the institutions of colonial governance; the construction of cultural identities among colonial peoples; the role of the Indian Army and Indian colonial police forces in securing the British Empire; and case studies of Natal’s agencies in India and the transformation of East Africa into an “extension” of India. “India” is thus portrayed as a truly international entity.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
In his discussion, Metcalf points out that colonies did not exist in isolation from each other, and that their relationship with the metropolis was not a one-way affair. It is true that Britain fundamentally changed the ways in which its colonies functioned; but colonial India saw its institutional and legal structures, as well as its cultural practices, replicated or imitated elsewhere all over the world. Colonies could affect each other as profoundly as colonizers did. The authors argue, therefore, that empires were intricate webs in which metropolis and all colonies influenced each other in various ways. Ironically, the British Empire revolved around India: “the Raj made the British Empire possible”, and the Indians, serving as civil servants, police officers, or soldiers, were deployed as agents of British colonialism to play their part in conquest.
Interestingly, Metcalf also points out that empire represented a double-edged sword for the Indians, providing opportunity while threatening discrimination. Many Indians in fact swore loyalty to the British Crown, accepting empire as the framework of their lives and recognizing that they had benefited from colonial policies in areas such as education. Indian discontentment with British rule was not always equated with a desire for independence, an association most readers make too quickly; rather, Indians wanted to become full citizens of empire. Colonialism was tolerable, even desired, if the opportunities it represented could be tapped on. It was only when such expectations were disappointed by events such as the 1919 Amritsar Massacre that the Indians grew disillusioned with empire, and began to agitate for independence and statehood. Certainly, Metcalf spends considerable time pondering the question of whether Indians ultimately benefited from the colonial experience. While they suffered many injustices, he concludes that colonialism also opened doors which otherwise would always have been closed.
The book ends with the crumbling of first Indian prominence in the British Empire, and then the Empire itself. Indian labor in various fields had been indispensable in the beginning stages of British colonialism, but they were rapidly outliving their purposes. Restrictions on Indian migration to other colonies, among other policy reversals, cut loose the ties India had enjoyed with other British colonies, isolating it and limiting its contact with and influence on them. The Great Depression and World War II sealed the fate of the British Empire, and with it, the domination of India amongst similarly colonized territories.
Annotated by Jennifer Yip
Synopsis
This is a book about the Mongols and their empire rather than a history of empire in general. The book discusses the sources of information for Mongols' history: Persian sources, Chinese sources, European and the unique "The Secret History of the Mongols".
The Mongols have influenced significantly the history of Europe. And yet, when we see history from the Mongols' perspective, the Far East mattered most to their legacy. A balanced history of Mongol empire would consist largely of Chinese history than of the Middle East, Russia or even relations with Europe. It is difficult in obtaining Mongol sources since most remained largely illiterate even after Chingiz Khan's reign. "The Secret History of the Mongols" has a unique importance: the book sourced by historians to analyze the perception of Mongols, undistorted by the spectacles of the conquered or the hostile.
The book also examines the different forms of historiography since 1985. This year was seen as the start of new analysis of the Mongol empire since new perspectives have emerged, particularly as historians begun to scrutinize different issues, digging deeper into Mongol history and shifting away from purely military aspects. This represents a move away from the death and destruction which, while it undoubtedly characterized the initial stage of Mongol imperial expansion, is now seen as very far from being the sole important factor.
Expansion of European knowledge of the world, and particularly Asia, resulted from Mongol conquests and of the 'curtain' that dropped when the empire collapsed, and Asia was no longer under the political dominance of one remarkable family. Yet, the full realization of this knowledge's potential must wait until the Age of Discovery.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The writer begins with the chapter "Nomads of the Steppe: Asia before Chingiz Khan" to elaborate upon the religious beliefs of Mongols and Asia at the beginning of the thirteenth century. He discusses in great detail the history of Chingiz Khan's rise to power, campaigns of conquest and the consequent effects in the following chapter "Chingiz Khan and the Founding of the Mongol Empire". In explaining the methods employed by the Mongols to maintain their hold on the territories conquered, the author discusses the various institutions which led to a stronger control of their conquered territories in "Nature and Institution of the Mongol Empire". In particular, the author broaches the topics of the Mongol Army, law, taxation, communications, and the Mongol approach to government. Finally, he examines the foreign conquests of Mongols in their bid to expand to Russia, Persia, Europe and China.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
One sees some semblance of similarity with the beginnings of European empire in Asia in the Mongol empire. The writer recognizes that there is an absence of any evidence for the grand strategic plan except for the events themselves. In the case of the Mongols in Persia and Russia - the Mongols of the Golden Horde were seen to have survived because they kept their distance from the conquered sedentary population and maintained their traditional nomadic way of life. In this way, the Mongols retained their military superiority over the conquered peoples: since the Mongols has won their empire by military conquest, they will need to maintain it with the same force.
It has been customary to describe the political evolution of the Mongol Empire in terms of its dissolution into four more or less independent khanates, ruled by different branches of the Mongol royal house: the Great Khanate in China and Mongolia, the Chaghatai Khanate in Central Asia, the Ilkhanate in Persia and Iraq, and the Golden Horde in the Pontic Steppes. The Mongols' original conquests saw destructive of life and property but the writer remarks that one should not deviate the focus of their study too much since Mongols were no worse than anyone else in their day. The Mongols did not have a notion that their massacres were in any way discreditable, but saw it as the fulfillment of the will of Tengri.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Synopsis
This volume in the Jeremy Black edited series on Warfare and History presents a revisionist interpretation that concentrates on process rather than outcome, on how the Ottoman military system operated, and how the empire waged war, as opposed to revisiting the course of its various campaigns. Murphey rebuts older arguments that Ottoman soldiers were all religious zealots, that chronic warfare sapped the economic and general strength of the empire, and that the Ottoman Army did not keep up with, or understand, the technological and metallurgical dimensions of the ‘military revolution.’
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
Murphey divides his subject into themes, examining material constraints, logistics, transportation, provisioning, manpower, finance, leadership and command, and the impact of warfare on Ottoman society, economy, and the empire as a whole. These discussions are woven around four principal arguments. First, during this period the empire reached the peak of its ability to project military power. Second, it neither fell behind nor raced ahead of other powers, especially European, in developing and deploying military technology. Third, its soldiery were no less influenced by personal, practical and material considerations, no more by abstract or ideological ones, than any other comparable force. The army was human and complex, not a collection of automata. Finally, Ottoman military success rested on the organizational skills and strength, relative and absolute, of the Ottoman state. Compared to its Asian and European foes the Ottoman Army waged war at least as well--often better--equipped, usually better supplied, and generally well led.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
From the beginning, the Ottomans waged war for as a wide a variety of reasons as any of their counterparts, ranging far beyond any supposed compulsion to expand the domain of Islam. Two consistent successes buttressed their military strength. First, they forged a cohesive army out of a collection of units raised from different regions, maintained on different terms, and relied on for different tasks. Second, the central government bureaucracy administered an empire wide network of supply depots, transportation arrangements, and provisioning contracts that added up to logistic support almost always superior to that of any enemy the army had to face. Indeed, Murphey argues persuasively that the Ottomans were well ahead of the Europeans in grappling with the physical constraints that faced all pre-Industrial Revolution armies. Even when forced to operate beyond the range of their empire-wide menzil-hane logistics network, Ottoman armies, especially in Europe, usually did not outrun their supply line capabilities. Asian campaigns could however be more difficult, due to sheer distance, climate, and terrain, especially in the Caucasus.
The elite standing units of the regular army, the Janissary infantry corps and the Sipahi household cavalry, formed a core element of both the Ottoman State and Army. They were reinforced by the timariot system of semi-feudal cavalry, raised and maintained by land grants, by local and regional forces, and by auxiliary or allied forces such as Tartar cavalry. Rather than behaving like an Oriental mob, carrying luxuries into the field and rampaging like barbarians, European contemporaries were generally impressed by Ottoman Army discipline, leadership, and mobility. Ottoman forces could inflict savage punishment indeed on an enemy, but for the most part they behaved, and fought, in ways quite similar to those against whom they waged war. Command and leadership at the formation and unit level was usually good. But the Army was bedevilled by the most glaring weakness of the Ottoman state: factionalism and feuding, especially in higher political and court circles. Such disruptions could, and did, compromise the Army in the field.
Murphey argues that understanding how to use weapons properly in the field was more important than whatever their technical specifications were. And in this respect, Ottoman weaponry, especially artillery, led the way for much of this period, and was not seriously falling behind as it came to an end. This connects to his most basic point: lying at the intersection of Asia, the Mediterranean, and Europe, the Ottoman state and military system participated in a world order in which ideas, techniques, and practices of governance, engineering and warfare moved pretty freely through all these zones. Europe had so much trouble for so long dealing with Ottoman military power because the Ottoman Empire was so large and well organized, not because it was fanatically aggressive. Ottoman rulers tread warily around emotional issues of religion in their multi-ethnic state, no more prone to invade Hungary yet again because of any duty to chastise Christian Habsburgs than they were to strike too hard against the supposedly heretical Shi’ite Safavids to the east. Ottoman warfare was defined partly by such pivotal climactic moments as the sieges of Vienna, Baghdad and Famagusta, but probably more by a constant low intensity struggle, in an anarchic world, to maintain a horizontal universal empire that straddled three great geopolitical zones. For a long time they did remarkably well, due to a state that found ways to foster an economic partnership between itself, the regions of the empire and their peoples in maintaining a military system that dealt with all comers. The Ottoman Empire at its height was not a ‘gunpowder empire’ that fell fatally behind its foes in methods of state governance, economics and waging war. It was an effective centralized state that developed an efficient and well organized military system, one which eventually compelled its European adversaries to concentrate on cutting it down to size.
Annotated by Brian Farrell
Synopsis
Japan was seen as an anomaly in modern history. It was a nation which had narrowly avoided colonial subjugation during the advance of Western power in East Asia during the nineteenth century and was the only non-Western imperium of the late nineteenth and twentieth century. Thus, Japan's emergence as a colonial power in the 1890s was seen as an attempt to extract itself from a period of diplomatic inferiority imposed three decades earlier under the unequal treaty system.
Yet, she quickly moved from concern with national survival toward a more aggressive policy: that of national assertiveness, especially among her neighbors, since the thrust and the aim of the Japanese empire was both regional and continent-directed. Japan banked on its cultural affinity with the people she was to colonize. In Japan's case, it was possible for Japan to aim towards integration of its colonial economies with that of the metropole as compared to tropical European colonies which could only evolve as an export-oriented enclave.
The book comprises of numerous comparisons with Western colonial powers and captures some of the most important distinctions in terms of motive for establishing a colonial empire, and highlights those differences in management of colonies, which ultimately provides a useful tool to examine the nature of the Japanese government as well.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
Essays written by numerous scholars cover the origins, management, and the economic dynamics of the empire. Particularly, the origins and management of the Japanese colonial empire provides an insight into the elements that come to play when Japan builds up her colonial status and management policies.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The book's central argument encompasses the origins and purpose of Japan's colonial empire. Though security was the overarching concern in the acquisition of component territories of the Japanese empire, there were other impulses behind Japan's drive for empire, i.e. idealism. Unlike the missionary spirit of the Western colonial powers, the political and social reformism of the Meiji liberal movement dreamt of transforming "corrupted" and "decaying" Asian civilizations through reform. Unlike their Western counterparts, where individuals took initiative in dominating the trade and economy of the countries they venture in, most significant were the matters of pride and prestige which involved the nation as a whole. It is however, important to note that colonization - the overseas settlement of Japanese - never became the dominant activity of the builders of the Japanese colonial empire.
Japan was unable to sustain their continental imperialism because of the inherent contradiction in their policies and in practice. They had insisted on the homogeneity of races and interests within an empire, which could have tightened the bonds between peoples of the homeland and the colonies. However, the Japanese ultimately exhibited the worse and most contradictory racial assumptions - thus they could not manage a stable coherent colonial doctrine which could serve as a justification for empire.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
N
Synopsis
The book seeks to present the concept of clientage as an explanation for how European rule continued for so long in Africa, Asia and the Americas. Particularly, this paradigm is used to answer the recurring question of how so few could rule so many without general revolt for so long. The main phases are European dependency followed by reversal of status between incoming administrators and indigenous leaders engaged in political dialogue, client rivalries between conservative patron-chiefs and urban party-patrons, leading at the end of the imperial period to either accommodation or prolonged struggles for control of central and regional government in new states.
There are certainly questions about the explanatory value of the concept of clientage which would have not been completely resolved. In an imperial hierarchy, not all governors or subordinate officials have acted as ''patrons' in the absence of subordinate social and political hierarchies. In some segmentary societies, society chiefs had to be invented, not co-opted. This book represents thus a concern for a better understanding of the politics of colonial overrule as exchange, argument, continuity, and transformation in a dialogue that could not be so easily explored from pre-independence sources.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The aim of this book is to illustrate how hierarchical leaders have long acted for political and material advantage, going beyond the specifics of imperial policies and resorting to older models of relationships between the rulers and ruled - as old as the Greeks and Romans. Thus, the argument for recognition of patrimonialism and clientage is consistent with a more 'dynamic' interpretation of 'traditional' societies confronted with external agencies. The interaction between European powers and their Asian counterparts represented more of a dialogue - not on equal terms and not from the same motives remains in consideration of the participation of both sides.
The study encompasses the Indian states, North Africa, Sub-Saharan Africa, Maritime Southeast Asia, Pacific islands, in the time period of the pre-colonial and post-colonial period.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The central theme here consists of traditional leadership under imperial rule . However, historians still has the problem of accounting for political structures in other territories under imperial over-rule. Presently, these political structures are still interpreted with simplistic assumptions about the transformation or preservation of chieftaincy through imported administrative skills in the face of alternative political elites.
Newbury thus utilized a patron-client model to explain the relationships within imperial hierarchies, because clientage is seen to be rooted in segmentary politics typical of many pre-colonial societies and continued within the structure of European over-rule. Secondly, and especially for the eighteenth and early nineteenth-century administrators overseas, advancement by patronage within a hierarchy was a familiar technique. Finally, there are continuities observed in the ways in which post-colonial leaders could organize and exercise power. Hence, this study affects our judgment on imperial administration for its failure or success in 'preparing' for the exigencies and responsibilities of devolved government within political cultures that could be influenced but not entirely restructured.
Newbury interprets the relationship between Britain and India as one of patron-client relations. Establishing a new order did not mean entirely removing active opposition or sullen tolerance existing between a subject nobility with its own traditions of authority and loyalty and incoming military or civilian officials with their own preconceptions of how indigenous society was run. Hence, the voluntary or involuntary hierarchy are expressed by Newsbury as a patron-client relationship with roots in the classical clientage established by Roman rule over the Hellenes and in North Africa, on the model of domestic bargains arranged between a protective superior and a steward for benefits in kind.
A second approach in the exercise of imperial power was closer to 'clientage' in its recognition that after the initial impact of European agencies - commercial, missionary, military and administrative - both 'traditional' leadership and subsequently an educated and emergent elite leadership, acted in symbiosis with the authority structure of the colonial state by 'collaboration' with administrative and representative institutions. After the Second World War, these local leaders contested for a monopoly of political power prior to decolonization.
The framework used consists of the concept of 'collaboration' between elites and imperial rulers, applying to both European settler societies in their formative stages and to the indigenous hierarchies of tropical territories. Ronald Robinson as the proponent of this model situated much of imperial government in Asia and Africa in pre-imperial structures and demoted the archetype of 'indirect rule' from its Nigerian pedestal. This idea of collaboration also complemented a literature which emphasized the elements of resistance in the colonial period.
The general argument made in this study is that there was no overall policy or practice governing British relations with those of indigenous hierarchies, though there frequently was a typology of personal relations and bargains struck between paramount and political officers, according to the opportunities for benefits sought by both sides.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Synopsis
The essays of the book are meant to instill a more defined method of investigative inquiry in evaluating the 'long' and 'widened' eighteenth century. Hence, the chapters in this book resituate eighteenth-century studies within a spatially and conceptually expanded paradigm, though inevitably Europe remains central to such discussions. The idea was not to subscribe to the Euro-centered form of global consciousness, but to contest this sort of global consciousness.
Nussbaum meant the book to act as an introduction to the concept of a global eighteenth century, thus these essays are often trans-disciplinary in origin. While these essays are Eurocentric, several authors attempts to problematize the Euro-centrism present. They confront the ways that European knowledge is itself a situated knowledge, neither universal nor objective, and the ways in which indigenous system of belief are more inherently inadequate or naive.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The first set of essays on "Mappings" explore both the speculative and actual graphic representations of the eighteenth-century-world. Essays such as those of Laura Brown's, in which she scrutinizes the poetry of empire in the eighteenth century, reveals the compelling moral system that were seen to have authorized the extension of a national destiny across the globe. Hence, essays in Part One re-interprets the gap between the real and imagined geography to think anew about the relations of regions to the globe.
In Part Two, aptly named as "Crossings", essays seek to discover how sexual and cultural intermixtures or the regulations prohibiting them had had lasting effects on constructions of race, nation and identity when these notions were in the process of creation. In this way, social problems become a subject of focus to examine the impact on the formation of cultural and ethnic identity.
In the final collection of essays titled "Islands", Nussbaum argues that islands were not only seen as peripheral locations for colonization and settlement, but that they have also acted in the eighteenth century as economic and cultural bridges to the continent. In this way, they were places for crossings and departures, trading and exploitation, contagion and healing; where populations developed local expertise rooted in specific histories independent of colonizers who wished to extract indigenous knowledge.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The author argues that the belief that colonialism engenders modernity has complicated immensely any claim that indigenous, non-European modernization can be authentic, autonomous or radically unique. Nussbaum also asserts that we should not assume a simple equation between modernity and colonialism because modernity in non-Europeans countries may occur in different configurations across the globe and at distinctly different historical moments.
To the period's well-known diasporas of the black Atlantic (Caribbean, British, African and American), one ought to add the histories of empires other than European - Ottoman, Mughal and Qing. She construes that the particular category of pace or place should be extended beyond the boundaries of a 'nation', in order to subject the study of a 'modernized' global eighteenth century to new scrutiny. Other temporal linkages among the subaltern and the enslaved might be drawn if the intellectual forays of historians are no longer limited by nationalist histories, literatures and their narrow-minded interests.
This volume includes theoretically informed approaches but locates its object of interest in the past as they are understood in the present moment. It extends insights of other approaches in several ways: the book looks beyond the European empire and it explores other perspectives to question the validity of metropole-periphery studies. In addition, it also assumes that European knowledge are often nation-based and specific to its local origins. Finally, it employs thoroughly trans-disciplinary methods of inquiry, calling into question the terms by which disciplines, founded at a time coincident with European modernity, define their objects of study.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
O
Synopsis
This study seeks to appraise the impact of the alien French colonial presence in Cochinchina and Cambodia during a period of fifty significant years, from the late 1850s to the first decade of the twentieth century. The context is set for the arrival of the French in the 1850s. This was the period of weakness for the polities of Indochina: the Cambodian court possessed only a fragment of her former greatness; Vietnam was a polity split by intense rivalries between two great lord houses based in the north and south, and by a major rebellion, which during the last decades of the eighteenth century had successfully usurped power throughout most of Vietnam. Initially consumed by her own problems and with her neighbors, Vietnam was finally unified in the early nineteenth century and were competing with Siam for suzerainty over Cambodia and Laos.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The period examined ranges from pre-colonial Indochina, examining the form of government that was then in place in parts of Indochina, particularly Vietnam. Vietnam followed largely those structures possessed by China. The author then proceeded to discuss the establishment of the framework of the French colonization of Vietnam(1859-1879), a gradual process of experimentation and development of a new administration combining some elements of the former political structures with new ones.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The establishment of the framework (1859-1879) was deemed to be a gradual event in the French colonization of Vietnam. Throughout 1863, the Vietnamese court still hoped that a permanent French presence in Cochinchina might be avoided if they paid a heavy indemnity - similar to the treaty port provisions in China. In addition, Osborne argued that most of the Vietnamese collaborateurs would have had training in traditional administration important for understanding the system of government that had existed before the French arrival.
However, a turning point in the administrative structure occurred when the mandarins fled from Cochinchina, resulting in Vietnam being cut off from its traditional source of Vietnamese guidance. Because of the French insistence on the dangers of preserving traditional forms of education and the use of Chinese characters, Cochinchina was therefore in the forefront of a radical change that eventually spread throughout the whole of Vietnam.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
P
Synopsis
This is a broad introduction to empires as a general area of study; Pagden himself clarifies that it is a “very short book on a very big subject”. The book therefore boasts a vast temporal and geographical scope and prioritizes breadth over depth, aiming to provide a brief overview of primarily European empires rather than an in-depth analysis of them. Tracing the beginnings of empire to Alexander the Great and his attempts at universal conquest, Pagden flits, in a roughly chronological manner, across various large themes, from maritime power and navigation to slavery. In order to concretely illustrate the challenges of creating and maintaining an empire, however, he does examine in moderate detail selected momentous decisions and events which have had drastic implications for future imperial endeavors, such as the long-standing debate over the treatment of the Indians between Las Cases and Sepulveda, or the birth of the slave market in 1444 thanks to Prince Henry the Navigator. His discussions on the evolvement of empire throughout the ages also take place within larger historical frameworks, such as the permeation of Christianity into the political and moral aspects of European life, and the advent of the social sciences. The book ends with Pagden’s observations on the end of the colonial project in the 1960s and 1970s; he argues that the political and cultural residue of old empires is still visible today, most notably embodied in groups like aboriginal peoples which straddle awkward middlegrounds between colonial times and the modern, independent nation.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
Pagden’s approach is heavily Eurocentric. By arguing that the notion of empire-building began with the ancient Roman world, he effectively limits his discussion to European imperial rulers and elites which inherited their Roman predecessors’—Augustus and Alexander the Great, for example—strategies and attitudes toward their empires and the peoples in them. Empires in Asia, such as the Chinese, Indian and Japanese empires, garner only fleeting interest in contrast to the far more detailed examination of their Iberian and British equivalents. While Pagden clarifies that the Europeans were not alone in practices relevant to empire, such as maritime trading, he appears almost to dismiss the extent and agency of Asian empires and relegates them largely to the sidelines. In fact, non-Euopeans figure principally as either victims of European colonization or as the source of exotic Western fantasies—as in the case of the Tahitian women encountered by Antoine de Bougainville.
Pagden begins with a compressed biography of Alexander the Great, whom he claims was viewed as the “archetypal empire builder” for centuries to come. Through Alexander’s example he provides a preview of the major challenges every aspiring imperial leader faces: how to establish and sustain rule over a diverse collection of peoples, how to ensure internal and external security, and how to find compatibility between imperial ambitions and domestic value systems or moral codes. Pagden argues that the Iberian and British empires inherit these concerns, albeit in different forms and under different circumstances; therefore, these issues become major themes running through the length of the book, with multiple sub-themes (for example, slavery falls under the controversial issue of the treatment of various indigenous peoples). Chapters are organized according to these themes and sub-themes.
Pagden is ambitious in terms of time, moving rapidly from ancient Roman times to present day. As a result of his focus on European empires, however, much discussion centers on the 15th to the 18th centuries, during which the Portuguese, Spanish, French and British built their empires, mostly in Asia and the Americas. The ancient times of Alexander the Great serve as a historical reference point for these 300 years of intense colonial activity. The book is loosely chronological: Pagden jumps back and forth between years or even decades, but progresses steadily through the centuries.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Pagden’s decision to establish the empire of Alexander the Great as the starting point for empires makes it difficult for him to discuss Asian or other non-European empires in their own right, as they were presumably far less directly influenced by Alexander and his legacy than their European counterparts. The book thus focuses overwhelmingly on the European colonial experience, mostly portraying non-Europeans only as supporting actors or as passive victims of exploitation and subjugation. He does however passingly note that empires are not a European creation.
More positively, however, the same decision also results in a strong sense of historical continuity. Pagden draws links between contemporary practices and ancient Roman ones—for instance, the distinction between just and unjust wars. He also takes care to juxtapose new societal developments with the old status quo. For instance, he examines in some detail the pivot toward Christianity, contrasting it to the previous more militant Roman moral code. He also distinguishes between old and new imperialism, where the former refers to a strong economic emphasis on trade and exploitation of native labor and resources, and the latter refers to the acceptance of the self-imposed responsibility of educating, modernizing and proselytizing to indigenous peoples. By making constant references to previous trends when introducing new ones, and drawing comparisons between them, Pagden reminds readers that the evolvements of empire did not happen in a vacuum independent of historical memories.
Pagden broadly characterizes empires rather than narrows them down to a definition. Because they involve the mass movement of peoples across vast territories, he considers them a result of “restlessness”, the product of innate human desires for a better life. They are built by conquest, in various forms and intensities. Empires often showcase a highly stratified and technologically sophisticated society, accumulated wealth, and at least some degree of security from external threat. Most importantly, they are often forced to be diverse, cosmopolitan entities by virtue of their inclusion of many peoples. Crucially, Pagden argues that the building of empires has shaped the world since Alexander’s time, creating and destroying whole societies and becoming an integral part of the construction and dissemination of human knowledge. Thus Pagden claims that empires constitute the history of the human race.
Pagden’s emphasis on the significance of empires is best exemplified in his argument for a universal element to empire building. The first Roman empires aspired toward the extension of universal citizenship and thus the exercise of power upon a new world of their own creation. This was based on the assumption that certain values—those endorsed by the imperial elite—were not specific to a particular race or culture, and were all-encompassing in nature. Today, Pagden claims, it appears that the values of individual rights and liberal democracy have dominated the international political scene. While this “universal creed” may establish solidarity in times of crisis, Pagden warns that this form of universalism was precisely what created empires in all their destructive capacity.
Annotated by Jennifer Yip
Synopsis
"The Establishment of the European Hegemony, 1415-1715" lays out the developments that were occurring in the European states, which made them persist in participating in the ensuing trade and expeditions planned to broaden their knowledge of the wider world beyond the European continent. The book asks the following questions: What were the motives which impelled European nations, from the fifteenth century onward, to embark on a career of overseas expansion? What were the social and technical abilities which gave that expansion such startling success?
J.H. Parry conveys this pre-colonial history in an easy-to-read style, which would serve as a potentially interesting read. However, a word of caution to readers would be the insufficient details that could be found in this book. In this way, the book should serve readers the purpose of gleaning a broader overview of the period, and may provide a brief introductory text to the topic.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The focus is largely on the gradual establishment of old colonialism and the age of discovery. The scope includes the different motives for Europeans to explore beyond the known geographical boundaries at that time, such as "Christians and Spices", "The New World" and "The Silver Empire", "The Struggle for Eastern Trade" and the gradual development of the "Trade and Dominion in the East". In this sense, the book offers a brief overview of the reasons for European arrival in Asia.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Trade forms the basis of the argument. The 'expansion of Europe' was deemed to be unplanned but while it is not willingly accepted by non-Europeans, in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries it proved such an irresistible idea such that Western nations were dedicating most of their energy in quarrelling over the potential fruits of labor.
The introduction is titled "The Bounds of Christendom, 1415" Parry argues that in many ways, the fifteenth century was for Western Europe a period of contraction, not of expansion. Arguably, when the Chinese Empire was by far the most powerful and most civilized State in the world, it had been governed by a Tartar dynasty whose dominions not only China proper, but Mongolis, Turkestan and part of Russia. Yet in the fourteenth century, when the rule of the Tartar Khans had been overthrown by the Mings, Christians could no longer be tolerated within the Chinese empire. Buddhism and Islam also divided Central Asia, excluding Christianity. Parry thus asserts that military and religious rivalry between Christendom and Islam had been a constant feature of European politics throughout the Middle Ages.
Despite the failures and defeats and the final collapse of the crusading movement in the Near East, the idea of a Crusade were sustained in European countries which were in contact with Muslims. In those countries, crusading was in the blood of most men; whether it was those of gentle birth and adventurous impulses. If the strength of the European crusaders was inadequate, then alliances might be sought with other Christian princes, who were perhaps somewhere in East Africa or Asia. Acquiring Ceuta was seen as an important milestone because of the decision not to raze it to the ground; instead a Portuguese garrison was set up. A European state was undertaking, as a State, the defense and administration of an overseas possession in Muslim territory. It was seen as strategic for crusading purposes. However, the crusading movement passed from its medieval to its modern phase: from a war against Islam in the Mediterranean basin to a general struggle to carry the Christian faith and European commerce and arms around the world.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Synopsis
The nanshin - 'the southern advance' toward tropic lands and seas - existed for many Japanese as a kind of national holy grail, pursued in the 1940s with fatal consequences for the nation. By setting the context for Japanese expansion, Peattie seeks to provide a multi-dimensioned account for the how's and why's of Japanese expansion, not just of Micronesia but also toward the Nan'yo (south islands).
Like Britain, the basic orientation of Japan in ancient and feudal times was continental. Culture and politics peacefully inclined Japan toward China in the seventh and eight centuries; aggressive designs pulled Japan onto the continent in the sixteenth century. Yet the maritime orientations was compelling, Thus, about the time that Elizabethan seamen had established a commanding maritime presence off the coast of northern Europe, Japanese ships ranged from the East China Sea to the Straits of Malacca. The motives for expansion are clearly outlined: domestic settlement of Hokkaido, admiration for Western overseas expansion and a desire to emulate these practices which would strengthen her national power and the dominant Malthusian fears of population growth.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The focus here is on the rise and fall of the Japanese in Micronesia, in the period of 1885-1945. The author explores topics such as the motivation for Japanese expansion, as well as the process of Japanese intrusion into Micronesia. The time covered is more recent since Japanese imperialism had started later than the other Western powers. Yet, 1917 was a milestone in this venture since it was the year that secret treaties were signed with Britain, France, Russia and Italy, for Japan to possess the official document necessary to pursue her claims of the Micronesian Islands after the First World War.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
While outlining the progression of Japanese expansion into Micronesia, there is also a detailed examination into exactly what was obtained at each stage. This highlights the nature of colonization for the Japanese, themselves operating in a new order where it was no longer like the situation surrounding the formation of early European empires, where it was still free-for-all. Japan's expansion into Micronesia contains several parts such as "The First Japanese in Micronesia, 1885-1914", "The Japanese Acquisition of Micronesia, 1914-1922", "The Structure of Japanese Authority in Micronesia", and "Japanese Policy toward the Micronesians".
Another important argument that the author compels readers is the interpretation of the rules by which Japan took possession of Micronesia under its League of Nations mandate. The historian must therefore seek to understand whether, in the pursuit of its opportunities for national self-interest, Japan had betrayed its obligations to the international community and more importantly, to the indigenous peoples placed in its trust. As such, Peattie was able to widen the discussion for the construction of the Japanese empire to the wider context of the international stage, which had provided the official and legal framework for Japan to extend her control over Micronesia.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Synopsis
The temptation to see European expansion as inextricably bound up with war would not come as a surprise to the soldiers, sailors, and traders of Europe who by 1800 were so deeply implicated in Europe's bid for global domination. It is common for most historians to acknowledge the bloodshed which attended European expansion, yet a considerable number failed to probe into the reasons as to why the use of force was so commonplace, what had informed the combatants' choice of strategies and tactics, what combination of factors lay behind the success or defeat, and what consequences such wars had upon European and indigenous societies.
This book is a collection of articles which would consider the dynamic roles played by the armies and navies in shaping the institutions, processes and cultures of imperial rule. In addition, the book strives to be rid of the stereotypes too often assigned to non-European institutions such as the indigenous armies and navies. Thus, it will explore the cultural and political contexts where colonial armies and navies and those of their opponents had to operate.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
To students of the empires in Asia, some chapters are worth noting for the themes that they have explored with relation to the interaction between European and Asian parties. The chapter "Notes on Early European Military Influences in Japan, 1543-1853" written by C.R. Boxer, "Indigenous Assistance in the Establishment of Portuguese Power in Asia in the Sixteenth Century" by G.V. Scammell and "Colonial Experience and European Military Reform at the End of the Eighteenth Century" by Peter Paret.
Part One provides essays that treat general questions about the links of armed forces with the issues of the European expansion. Part Two covers the question of how helpful the so-called European military revolution is for European success and/or defeat. Part Three addresses the importance of indigenous allies and assistance in securing European domination as well as the potential of local communities to accommodate European pressures. Finally, Part Four evaluates successes and failures experienced by Europeans and indigenous peoples in adapting to each other's tactics, organization, technology and even environment.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Colonel C.E. Callwell has several influences in the examination of the topic of European exceptionalism at least in terms of military strength. He had denigrated military skills, organization and potential of non-European peoples, enhanced by his insistence that the major obstacle Europeans encountered was the physical environment. Thus, Callwell's perspective continues to at least crop up implicitly in many writings on this topic.
Peers asserts that there is a need for a closer examination of what effects the use of military and naval forces outside Europe had upon domestic European institutions, attitudes and ideologies, both within the army and navy and without. In this way, one is compelled to re-write the histories of both the domestic situation in Europe and its colonial context since warfare would have had a great impact on the situation within both parties.
Yet, the author believes that in order to move beyond the constraints imposed by historians operating within the traditions and assumptions of western society is that the definition of war is too narrowly derived and dependent upon European historical precedents. Hence, John Guilmartin's essay on how war was understood in the Ottoman Empire demonstrates this idea, operating with a set of assumptions concerning war different from those of their Christian rivals.
Authors here argue that aggression might have occurred because it suited the personal ambition of the man on the spot. The domestic consequences for militarized imperialism deserve more careful scrutiny, for colonial service may have, as one recent study of Britain suggests, 'kept feudomilitary forces in Britain at a distance from state power and helped create a paradox of liberalism and imperialism subsisting in the same political system.
Finally, the author proposed that technology is not a neutral basis of comparison, since it was not a simple rejection of technology that accounts for the military setbacks experienced by non-European peoples. Instead, either the weapons cannot be secured in sufficient quantities or they were not effectively integrated into existing forms of military organization. In the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries, the Islamic 'gunpowder empires' of Asia were the closest equivalent to today's superpowers, and that the Ottoman, Safavid and Mughal regimes were capable of raising armies that were far larger than anything the Europeans could launch against them. Additionally, there were smaller empires of Burma and which also in this period an ambitious program of territorial aggrandizement and were participateing in local arms races. Though by the nineteenth century the dominance of European military was established and colonial conquests had become fully consolidated European military hegemony was never complete, nor was it allowed to pass unchallenged. Empires won by the sword were to a large degree maintained by the sword.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Synopsis
The book is a combination of papers presented to the tenth international economic history congress. Whilst covering topics such as European powers and their territories in Asia as well as South America, the volume is limited as it does not pay too much attention to the other parts of the world; for which it cites a lack of sources in the case of Africa.
The volume aims to address themes such as conquest of overseas territory, the effects of this on European economic and social activity (in Europe), as well as the effects on the colonies themselves.
Written in a variety of languages, each chapter examines different aspects of Europe’s colonial expansion as a historical development and its attendant social implications. Giving an economic perspective to the past, it broadens the scope of study and understanding of the advent of colonial conquest and domination.
As it is a volume featuring extensive scholarship and a variety of topics, each chapter offers something unique to the reader; whilst what the chapters have in common is a clearly delineated scope, which focuses on a particular subject and region.
Whilst aiming to be a “multi-continental” volume that has historians represented from a variety of continents (all would have been preferred), the editor admits the problems associated with such a task. Overall, however, the book does contribute to the field of economic history and is a good source of study for individuals interested in the period 1500-1800, especially in relation to colonial expansion.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
This volume takes the approach of looking at distinct world regions in the period 1500-1800 and contributing a historical analysis to the development of markets as well as trade. Written in a variety of languages, it aims to give voice to international scholars and aims to expand the study of pre-industrial society in the period. Citing the conference limitations, as well as the lack of information and representation, the volume is limited in its ability to cover topics on a global scale. Whilst this is the case, the endeavour is indeed notable, with analyses of institutions and their similarities and divergences in, for instance, China, India and Europe, among many other studies that look at intercontinental exchange and the value of materials and metals: spice and gold, to name just two.
Whilst extremely broad and diverse, the volume explores pertinent topics and could lead to more research on the area of pre-industrial European expansion and what it meant for the world.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Whilst the volume is, as its expansive title notes, a collaborated approach to studies in the field of economic history, it is significant because it covers the economic aspects of a period which created the basis for the emergence of colonial institutions and global trade. Alongside this, concepts of power and the type of world political order can be considered.
Covering key global developments, the volume seeks to address questions and concepts that warrant academic study in the timeframe of 1500-1800. A thematica exploration of the period, the study is a good introduction to the field.
Annotated by Sandeep Singh
Synopsis
This collection of historical documents from British archives is supplemented by a brief introductory narration of British imperial policy with regard to decolonization. Porter and Stockwell focus on the colonial policies of the 20th century, in particular those of both World War periods, and of the immediate aftermath of World War II. A few themes are frequently discussed as they examine British colonial decisions in chronological order. These include the tensions between the interests of metropolis and periphery; the balance between economic exploitation of colonies and the humanitarian “liberal Commonwealth” to educate colonized peoples and raise their standards of living; and the pressures exerted upon Britain by other superpowers, primarily the supposedly anti-imperialist United States. As much as Porter and Stockwell focus on decisions made in London, they also emphasize the international context within which the metropolis worked. They also consider the role of colonial and local administrations in shaping metropolitan policies toward their overseas subjects.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
Porter and Stockwell’s focus is British imperial policy; this necessitates and justifies a degree of generalization. Therefore, they do not go into the details of policies for each colony, although they frequently make casual references to individual colonies to validate an argument. India and the West Indies are favorite examples, while developments in the Suez within a wider international context and native administration in Africa are given chapters of their own. Overall, however, Porter and Stockwell’s approach is generic and prioritizes the examination of London’s wants and needs over those of specific colonies. Topics covered include patterns of historical explanations of decolonization, colonial economic development and welfare, and colonial postwar reconstruction.
This volume focuses on the period between 1938 and 1951, but reaches back as far as the early 1930s for historical context—for instance, Porter and Stockwell mention the effects of the Great Depression on colonial policy.
Documents in the collection include extracts from meeting minutes and memorandums; correspondences between diplomats, politicians and civil servants; the Atlantic Charter; and speeches made by British leaders regarding imperialism.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Of the collection, Porter and Stockwell warn that while individual documents may appear the product of rational judgment and strong planning, a closer examination of them reveals the human factor in their creation. They are often confused, inconsistent, and telling of the personal biases or preferences of the author. This is not necessarily a drawback; instead, Porter and Stockwell point out that these details paint a realistic picture of then circumstances and the thought processes of the agents in question.
They also argue for a pluralistic approach to historical explanations for the rapid process of decolonization. Many factors worked together to make independence for colonies possible in the aftermath of World War II: Britain’s inevitable acceptance of the fact of her imperial overstretch, the growing clout of indigenous colonial actors, and the actions and attitudes of superpowers such as the United States. It is also clear from their narration of the 1930s through to the early 1950s that imperial policies morphed constantly in response to the situation. For example, by the 1930s it was evident to both metropolis and colony that the long-accepted “harmony” between the economic (metropolitan interests) and humanitarian principles (colonial benefits) that formed the foundation for imperialism was a myth.
World War II occupies the bulk of discussion, and signifies a pivotal point in British imperial policy. Colonial resources were actively mobilized for metropolitan purposes. More importantly, by 1943 London had to grapple with the vast economic repercussions of the peace they envisioned, and postwar colonial policies focused almost exclusively on economic development. The rise of the United States as a global hegemony also had significant effects on Britain: the Atlantic Charter, which implied precipitate independence, was signed without consultation with the Colonial Office. Porter and Stockwell point out that even though postwar Britain endorsed a policy of non-intervention and indirect empire as a result of her strained circumstances, it neither accepted that it was in a state of irreversible imperial decline, nor entertained a timetable for the political advancement of colonized peoples.
Annotated by Jennifer Yip
Synopsis
Through the approach of diplomatic history, Porter aims to examine Britain’s relations with Europe and the world in the period roughly from the 1840s to the early 1980s, when the book was published. The book focuses almost exclusively on Britain’s foreign service and the domestic social and economic circumstances which shaped its policies. Crucially, Porter notes that, more so in Britain than in any other European nation, trade was vital to national life and therefore disproportionately colored foreign policy decisions. Contextually, he also discusses the reasons for the rise of the British empire and for its pre-eminence as a “modern” nation in the 19th century, arguing that these factors also sowed the seeds of destruction and ultimately caused Britain’s material decline in the 20th century. While most books on diplomatic history acknowledge that diplomacy is inextricably tied to economics, Porter goes one step further in asserting that it was Britain’s economic structure that led to its fall.
Porter calls his work an “interpretive essay” and a “hypothesis”. Even though he argues that the very nature of British society and economy in the 19th century was the cause for its predicament in present day, he also clarifies that he is not proposing a “constructive lesson” for the 20th century. Because he attributes Britain’s decline to something inherent, he also implies that human agents do not have to take responsibility for it—that they were the “prisoners of events” rather than authors of them.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
Porter opens the book with an introduction to the heyday of the Victorian period, in which Britain saw herself as having surpassed the other European nations on the “modernity” track. Its foreign policy was thus conducted on this overwhelming sense of favorable imbalance. He moves through the next century in thematic blocks: the doubts and fears that accompanied the financial crisis from 1870 to 1895, the lead-up to World War I until 1914, the eras of World War I and II, and finally, the “revolutionary” period of 1945 to 1982—revolutionary in that Britain had been made dependent on other powers.
Porter’s area of interest is Britain’s interactions with the rest of the world; therefore, everything is viewed from an exclusively British perspective. He makes only touch-and-go references to other European leaders and to Britain’s colonies around the world; indeed, he makes casual references to Britain’s own leaders, being more interested in a general, thematic overview of attitudes and policies rather than an in-depth analysis of each minister’s reign. Although the book is not about empires per se, imperialism, whether in the form of trade expansion or military annexation, ultimately occupies a large part of the discussion. The book provides insight on how Britain’s various domestic and regional concerns shaped her approach to Africa, Asia and the Americas.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Porter’s overarching argument is that the nature of British society and economy doomed it to its eventual decline in the 20th century. Crucially, it relied on a lack of military conflict in order to expand: its commitment to economic liberalism meant low taxation and regulation, which in turn implied that it could afford little more than a token army. In peacetime, its expansion was unlimited through the tools of trade and commerce. Pacifism was in its material interests, and aggressive approaches were only a last-resort means to safeguarding its investments. But the World Wars destroyed the principal condition of such expansion, and Britain was left with a severe case of imperial overstretch: it had far too much territory to defend.
Porter also points out that by the mid-Victorian period, Britain no longer saw expansion in terms of national prestige; rather, the world was a market, and everything was measured in terms of its economic utility. Britain never wanted to take up more responsibility than it was worth, and it accepted colonial duties only with a sense of reluctance and economic necessity. Instead it preferred to exert its influence “cheaply”, i.e. not through expensive military campaigns, but through trade. Furthermore, Britain saw the opening up of new markets in colonies as a service to the world, and assumed that such trade ties were desired by all—there would be no need for military coercion because, theoretically at least, there was no reason for resistance. According to the logic of free enterprise capitalism, self-interest and general interests were the same. Britain’s penetration of overseas colonies was ironically the “antithesis of force”. This policy was notably lacking in exclusivity and was highly internationalist: Britain sought to erode national barriers in the creation of a single world economy.
Annotated by Jennifer Yip
Synopsis
Porter’s critical essay takes a new look at an old pattern: the tendency of ‘Western’ soldiers, strategists, and analysts to evaluate and appreciate ‘Eastern’ warriors and ways of war through a particular kind of cultural lens. That lens resembles the notion of Orientalism, as expressed by Edward Said and his school of thought, but long predates, and goes beyond, what Said saw as exotic essentialism. Military Orientalism can be traced back to the Greco-Persian Wars. In our own era, what Porter calls the ‘cultural turn’ in military appreciation and strategic analysis has revived it. The cultural turn is the idea that in order to prevail in war it is essential to know the enemy, and in order to know the enemy it is essential to understand his culture, which will shape his way of war. When applied by the West to the East, this is ‘military orientalism,’ which Porter defines as follows.
Culture is not an imposing straitjacket that dictates every thought and every deed, in primordial fashion. It is rather an ‘ambiguous repertoire of competing ideas,’ a dynamic and malleable collection of attitudes, customs, beliefs, and practices from which strategic actors can and do make choices. War makes this dynamic all the more volatile, because it generates imperatives and pressures of its own that often force participants to redefine their culture. Cultural realism, defining culture as fluid and changeable, better explains the relationship between culture and war. That relationship is usually expressed through notions of strategic culture. Culture does matter, always, and often a great deal. It can influence war aims, strategic priorities, conflict termination,etc. But seeing culture as static and imposing, and to make matters worse as exotic and particular to boot, can distort our understanding of the relationship between war and culture, and thus of the enemy as a strategic actor. Both culture and warfare are constantly shaped by a dynamic interplay between intrinsic, internal, external and competitive factors. People often describe each other as completely different, but then fight in rather similar ways. Adopting cultural realism as the basis for analysis can help us avoid two extremes: cultural determinism, the idea that people are prisoners of an intrinsic and unchanging culture; and the notion of the global ‘strategic man,’ the argument that culture ‘hardly matters’ and anyone anywhere will do the same thing in a given situation. Culture is malleable, which means choices can be made through constant interplay between power and identity, tradition and calculation. The interplay between war and culture is shaped by four variables: time, enough to allow warriors to make choices; motive, the incentive to do so; capacity, the ability to do so; and leadership, the vision and will to do so. Military Orientialism is the tendency to see Eastern War and warriors as cultural prisoners, to exoticize and romanticize them as strategic actors, and very often to project such understandings of the Eastern warrior as a reflection of anxieties about Western decline, weakness, or limitations.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
After a useful introductory discussion about the broad outlines and history of the phenomenon, Porter pursued four particular manifestations of Military Orientalism, as a sampling through which we can consider the whole. The first study looked at foreign, mainly British, evaluations of the Japanese and their military performance during the Russo-Japanese War. British observers tended to see the Japanese as having refined a potent strategic culture that could be learnt from, copied, even adopted. This ‘constructivist’ view stemmed more from British military officers concerns about supposed frailties in their own society, and its military performance. Japan was held up as a model to emulate, particularly through the social engineering that supposedly gave it such national discipline, and as a result military strength. Such conclusions reflected the authoritarian tendencies, and vogue for ‘national efficiency,’ that influenced British military and political discourse at the time. The second study examined Western understandings and interpretations of the supposed ‘Mongol way of war,’ as practiced by the all-conquering Chinggis Khan and his Chinggisid successors. Porter traced the deep roots and varied themes of Western analysis of the Mongols back to the contemporaries who suffered at their hands, but focused mainly on the revival of interest, between the world wars of the 20th century, in studying Mongol warfare. British strategist Basil Liddell Hart was a principal driver of this renewed interest. The two broad streams of Western views of Mongol warfare that Liddell Hart could investigate presented very different interpretations. One described Mongol warfare as barbarism for its own sake, culturally defined, almost a supernatural curse. The other saw it as ‘a system of military and strategic thought that must be taken seriously.’ Charles Oman modernized the first approach late in the 19th century, describing the Mongols as a force of nature, waging war for its own sake, defined by their own utter brutality and lust for combat. Liddell Hart begged to differ, seeing them and their way of war as the supreme expression of concepts he claimed for himself in the new industrial era: the indirect approach, mobility, and maneuver warfare. The Mongols practiced deception, cultivated intelligence, relied on speed, shock and awe, but adjusted battle tactics to the task at hand. Liddell Hart presented them as a rebuke to the grinding attrition on the Western Front during the Great War and sanitized the Mongols, ignoring both their systematic practice of siege-craft and static battle and their perennial brutality. His image of Mongol warfare aimed to legitimize the deep penetration tank-led mobile warfare of the future, by pointing to the great steppe cavalry armies of the past. As such, his interpretation said more about contemporary Western concerns about warfare, and rose very little above the cultural essentializing Oman expressed.
The third and fourth studies unfold Porter’s principal incentive for writing the book. Evaluating the Western military conflict from 2001 against the Taliban in Afghanistan, and the Israeli war with Hizbollah in Lebanon in 2006, Porter finds old wine in a new bottle: the cultural turn away from supposedly essentialist strategic analysis as defined by Clausewitz, where the universal imperatives of strategy shape everyone’s choices in pursuing war as a political act, and towards an equally essentialist argument that both movements are so deeply defined by their ethnicity, faith, customs and practices that these will dictate their every move. In both cases, Porter argues that this Military Orientalism is heavily influenced yet again by critics using an image of an Eastern enemy to draw out, and critique, concerns about the weaknesses, blind spots, and limitations of their own side. The Taliban are a completely alien force, supposedly beyond analysis according to Western understandings and themes. Hizbollah is just another Arab force, expected to fight according to an already defined ‘Arab way of war.’ Neither are therefore given any real agency as strategic actors, capable of making pragmatic choices, or adjusting to changing circumstances or pressures. This turns culture into a dogma, the enemy into an inflexible cultural prisoner.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Porter’s central argument is that the cultural turn has gone too far, and now exerts too much influence over Western, especially American, military thinking because it has degenerated into Military Orientalism. The crippling combination of projecting your own fears and concerns onto a culturally different enemy, and assuming that enemy is so culturally alien that he will be too rigid to adjust to dynamic circumstances or adapt to fluid situations, is as bad as assuming that the culture of the enemy matters not at all. A particular target is the contribution made by academic anthropology to the renewed interest of the American military in ‘knowing the enemy.’ Whether it was seeing the Persian army as a faceless swarm with no human initiative, the Mongol horde as the demonic expression of mindless savagery with no political calculation, or the Taliban as a dogmatic homogenous force of zealots that fight strictly according to scripture, the West continued to define itself militarily by projecting its own concerns and fears onto an adversary it saw as so different that it would operate despite, or with disregard for, the very fog of war itself. Too much emphasis on the particularity of culture, at the expense of the universality of warfare, serves the West no better today than it served the ancient Greeks. Eastern, that is to say Asian, wars and warriors have always been marked by interplay between cultural characteristics, political agendas and pressures, military capabilities, and strategic uncertainties and choices. Warfare is indeed one of the most global historical experiences, and must be understood as such.
Annotated by Brian Farrell
Synopsis
Porter’s critical essay takes a new look at an old pattern: the tendency of ‘Western’ soldiers, strategists, and analysts to evaluate and appreciate ‘Eastern’ warriors and ways of war through a particular kind of cultural lens. That lens resembles the notion of Orientalism, as expressed by Edward Said and his school of thought, but long predates, and goes beyond, what Said saw as exotic essentialism. Military Orientalism can be traced back to the Greco-Persian Wars. In our own era, what Porter calls the ‘cultural turn’ in military appreciation and strategic analysis has revived it. The cultural turn is the idea that in order to prevail in war it is essential to know the enemy, and in order to know the enemy it is essential to understand his culture, which will shape his way of war. When applied by the West to the East, this is ‘military orientalism,’ which Porter defines as follows.
Culture is not an imposing straitjacket that dictates every thought and every deed, in primordial fashion. It is rather an ‘ambiguous repertoire of competing ideas,’ a dynamic and malleable collection of attitudes, customs, beliefs, and practices from which strategic actors can and do make choices. War makes this dynamic all the more volatile, because it generates imperatives and pressures of its own that often force participants to redefine their culture. Cultural realism, defining culture as fluid and changeable, better explains the relationship between culture and war. That relationship is usually expressed through notions of strategic culture. Culture does matter, always, and often a great deal. It can influence war aims, strategic priorities, conflict termination, Prakash’s collection of essays aims to shake the history of colonialism loose from the binary categories that have been taken for granted by scholars—for instance, colonizer/colonized, or civilized/barbarian. Prakash notes that these categories have been accepted as historical facts, and therefore limit our conception of colonial history as an artificially linear trajectory from early European expansion to the post-World War period. He therefore urges a re-examination of these categories and to throw open colonial studies for realignment. Such refashioning has already begun to take place, fittingly at the sites of colonialism. With the influx of scholars from former colonies after decolonization, a new array of sources of knowledge, which Prakash points out are heterogeneous and cannot be forced into a linear storyline, has been made available. They have released the field of colonial studies from previous geographical and disciplinary boundaries, and have even ventured beyond scholarship into areas such as comparative literature. Through a thematically ordered series of essays, Prakash proceeds beyond the construction of categories and calls our attention to traditionally marginalized or silenced agents in colonial history.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The first few essays bring to the foreground actors who have traditionally been left out of the field. Edward Said and Stephen Feierman give voice to the colonized peoples of Asia and Africa, challenging the notions of the “people without history” and of the origins of civilization radiating out of Europe to the rest of the world. The middle section is an analysis of colonial strategies to contain the anxieties resulting from contact with non-European peoples: notably, the tensions arising from cultural differences. The book closes with a study of how displacements caused by colonial discourse have shaped forms of knowledge, and how the aforementioned colonial categories have been normalized and cemented.
Because the essays are theoretical in nature, there is no specific time period or geographical boundary. However, case studies include the Haitian Revolution, Dutch colonial efforts in Formosa, and the Zionists in Palestine.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Prakash writes in his introduction that colonial history is fundamentally unstable, and has revealed its weaknesses in the aftermath of colonialism. The functioning and usage of colonial power has blurred the lines defining the concepts and categories its agents have drawn for themselves. Prakash aims to stir the water in order to further challenge the domination of these categories and provide a more accurate, less short-sighted historical account—or accounts—of the peoples influenced by colonialism vis-à-vis each other.
For instance, in the first section of the collection, Said’s The Methodology of Imperialism and Feierman’s Africa in History both point to how scholarly fields such as history and literature have centered on European trends and completely ignored parallel African, Asian or American developments. They both tackle the equation of the non-European with the derogatory terms of “culture” (as opposed to “civilization”) and of European with “progress” and “modernity”. They argue that the terms and concepts through which we frame history have been defined by the European experience in ignorance of equally legitimate developments elsewhere; as a result, anything not European is assumed to be either insignificant or inferior. By bringing this trend to attention, Said and Feierman aim to give full weight to historical narratives originating outside of Europe.
Annotated by Jennifer Yip
Synopsis
The book is set against the background of the rise of a pre-modern world economy, which had been facilitated by the great discoveries of the closing years of the fifteenth century. Most prominent among these discoveries was the all-water route between Europe and Asia via the Cape of Good Hope. The period of the beginning of the sixteenth century to the end of the eighteenth century essentially saw the transition from an essentially market-determined commercial encounter between Europe and India to colonial relationship.
The book comprises of details of consequences of the European trade on the subcontinent's economy during the pre-colonial period, leading to a different in the trading relationship in the early colonial period.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The analysis expounds largely on the implications of the European trade for the subcontinent's economy during the pre-colonial period. The workings of the English EIC during the early colonial period was thoroughly followed through in order to analyze the altered state of affairs between the two phases: the pre-colonial and early colonial period.
In addition, the study features the principal agencies instrumental to the running of the Euro-Asian commercial network in the early modern period. These were the European corporate enterprises - Portuguese Estado da India in the 16th, and the Dutch, English and the French East India companies in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
An important topic is the consequences of the subsequent increase in trade between Europe to India. There was an almost revolutionary increase in European demand for Asian textiles and raw silk in the last quarter of the seventeenth century. This significantly enhanced the relative role of India in the Euro-Asian trade. Such perceived threats of a 'deindustrializing' Europe in response to invasion of Indian textiles significantly blurs the lines between which is 'core' and 'periphery'
The Europeans were allowed complete freedom of trade and had access to use of various elements of a rather efficient economic infrastructure of Indian economy. Yet, when it came to dealing with the producers and the merchants supplying the export goods to India, the Europeans were just another group operating in the market.
The topic of the decline in India also had a prominent place in the discussion. The whole subcontinent did not just decline with death of Aurangzeb and the beginning of decentralization in 1707. However, the takeover of Bengal after the Battle of Plassey in 1757 inaugurated a colonial phase. Later, on the basis of its political muscle power, the Company now enforced unilaterally determined below-market terms on the producers dealing in textiles and opium, changing the rules of trade significantly.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
India played a key role in the functioning of the key trading networks. Her capacity to put on the market large quantities of relatively inexpensive and highly competitive manufactured goods, while providing an important market for the specialized agricultural, mineral products offered by her trading partners, contributed to the growing level of trade. Hence, India contributed significantly to expansion of the basis of trade in the Indian Ocean. English private traders operated from India to manage their intra-Asian trade.
Prakash' argument is that the Europeans had been dependent upon and had to assimilate into existing intra-Asian trade networks. Only by the second half of the eighteenth century, on the basis of the newly found political leverage and expanded resource base, could private English traders operating from India make their way beyond the established networks of trade and carve out new niches and routes for themselves. Yet, Indian maritime merchants could adjust remarkably well to the pressures generated by the Europeans' presence - there was hardly any negative effect on the volume and value of the Indian merchants' maritime trade. Finally, the availability of special privileges to English EIC following its emergence as formal ruler of the province altered to a large extent the impact of European trade on India's economy.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Synopsis
In The Mongol Empire: Its rise and Legacy, Michael Prawdin described the rise and fall the Mongol Empire, which at its height, dominated over two centuries China Iran, Russia and parts of Southeast Asia. The book began by depicting the early days of Jenghiz Khan, giving the reader a clearer picture of the social-political environment that shaped the soon-to-be Khan. Through the rest of the book, Prawdin charted the political and military exploits of Jenghiz Khan, and the legacies that his feats left for his descendants and also the subsequent political circumstances of Asia. Using the feats and legacies of Jenghiz Khan as a window, the author also explored the military, social and political tension between settled and nomadic communities.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
With the subject of discussion being the Mongol empire, one sees that debating about their successes and failures in conquering new territories are unavoidable. However, Prawdin takes this concept one step further and states that the empire was deemed to be held together by a single purpose; world conquest. The more conquests carried out by the Mongols, the more resources they possessed, particularly that of human resources. With more soldiers and labor to wage wars and conquests, the Mongols emerged as still more powerful.
In addition, the continuation of Mongol conquests was seen as having originated from Jenghiz Khan's heritage, which presented itself as a demand for the completion of world-conquest. This automatically imposed upon his sons the prompt performance of three great tasks: the definitive subjugation of the Kin Empire, the completion of conquest of Western Asia and European subjugation. However, an unprecedented problem presented itself when the Mongol soldiers and resources became overstretched over the vastness of their conquered lands. Thus, nothing but obedience to their own Khan and his subordination to the will of the Khakan served to unite the Mongols around the world. This proved to be a fragile state of being.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The author argues that with additional conquests carried out by the Mongols, the more resources they had at their disposal, specifically that of human resources. With more people to wage wars and conquests, it was deemed that the Mongols were becoming increasingly powerful. However, the empire was deemed to be held together by a single purpose; world conquest. This was deemed to have led to a strengthening of the people well skilled in warfare; not merely talented commanders and strategists but also statesmen. He also makes the argument that Jenghiz Khan was not a man who made all the decisions regarding the administration of the empire, but that he had valuable help from Yeliu-Ch'uts'ai and Tuli. In this way, the power structure in the Mongol empire needs closer examination, particularly concerning their decision-making process. In addition, the heritage of Jenghiz Khan's; a demand for the completion of world-conquest, had imposed upon his sons the prompt performance of three great tasks. These were: the definitive subjugation of the Kin Empire, he fulfillment of the conquest of Western Asia and the subjugation of Europe.
The impending decline of the Mongol empire was seen to be contained within the formidable unity which Asia manifested under the dominion of the "Pax Tatarica" arousing both incredulity and astonishment in the disintegrated West. There had, for example, come into being the firmly compacted and almost independent realm of the Golden Horde, the Mongolian-Chinese Kin Empire, an admirably organized militarist state; and in Western Asia the still consolidating empire of the Ilkhans. These faced each other with equal rights.
The problem was that the dispatching of both the people of the Khakan and armies into remote regions to conquer new territories had detached larger and larger agglomerations of people from their tribal home. The Mongols who had settled down in the Russian steppes, upon the plateau of Iran, and beside the rivers of China gradually lost touch and sense of kinship with their primal fatherland. Nothing binded them to the physical conditions of Mongolia, its comparatively barren pastures, its harsh climate. Thus, only obedience to their own Khan and his subordination to the will of the Khakan served to unite the Mongols around the world. The unifying will of the Khakan later disappeared with Mangu's death.
Arguably, the army faced problems of maintaining their grip upon all the countries they had subjugated. But since these subdivisions was so large, it was barely possible to enforce rule from a single centre and maintain obedience to that centre. The army thus had to be broken up for the occupation of strategic points as soon as the vassal princes with their troops returned to their fiefs. The Khan who had gone to war as one of the commanders of the Mongolian empire, became ruler of a conquered territory with his own peculiar cares and interests.
The epilogue finally broaches the importance of the present Mongolian territory as the key of Asia, particularly in the rivalry between China and Russia. Both consists of a vast expanse of territories and diversity of peoples. When Russia stopped China's expansion in the Asian Upland, the heart of Jinghiz Khan's empire, it was because behind Outer Mongolia lay Tannu Tua, which was incorporated in Russia but with a large Mongolian population. Additionally, there lies extremely vital industrial centers near the Baikal Sea. In spite of the same ideology and professed friendship between China and Russia, the decision as to who is to be the true heir of Jenghiz Khan, the new Lord of Asia, is deemed to be one that sooner or later have to be dealt head-on with.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
R
Synopsis
This collection of essays consider the development—or contraction—of Southeast Asia in the loosely defined “early modern period”, which is generally understood to refer to the 16th and 17th centuries with some extension into the 15th and 18th centuries. In attempting to characterize this period, various authors consider the consequences of European arrivals and the opening up to international commerce on Southeast Asian polities, but also examine regional relationships and indigenous patterns. Comparisons between Southeast Asia and Europe from an economic perspective are also made; for instance, one author questions why the early modern period did not result in European-style accumulation of capital in Southeast Asia. The book approaches discussion about early modern Southeast Asia from various angles: political, economic, commercial, cultural, and most uniquely, religious.
The focus of the book is on the period from the fifteenth century to the eighteenth century; a period of intense change in Southeast Asia and its implications for the region as a whole. This period was seen as that of awkward transition and divergent tendencies - yet it illustrates the differences among the indigenous and external faiths and preoccupations that have dominated the modern period. Reid proposes the argument that in the period between the fifteenth and seventeenth centuries, Southeast Asia played a critical role as a maritime region, serving as a vital trade route and becoming influenced by the global commercial expansion of the "long sixteenth century".
The book illustrates the transition period of the region when Europeans became a player in the Southeast Asian commerce. They changed the delicate balance between commerce and kingship. Hence, Southeast Asia was unable to insulate themselves from the negative side of expansion of global commerce and the rapid advance of military technology.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The scope of the essay covers approximately the period of the fifteenth century to the eighteenth century and the topics covered include the formation of new states, commerce, religious change as well as the key problems surrounding the seventeenth-century transition. These questions are aimed in exploring the cultural, political and economic forces that were present in the Southeast Asian communities, as well as the changing nature of the state in response to commerce within the stipulated time period.
Reid concedes that the “early modern” period has never been satisfactorily defined, although most historians tacitly agree that it means the 16th and 17th centuries, with some leeway to move a few decades forward or backward. The bulk of discussion in this collection falls into the 17th century, often cited as a watershed point in Southeast Asian history—although this claim in itself comes under close scrutiny by several authors from several perspectives. Geographically, the emphasis is on “Southeast Asia”, although Reid also notes the ambiguity in the label, given that there is no common language or culture to bind the region’s states together.
The collection focuses on several overarching themes: the formation of states, regional and global patterns of commerce, religious change, and Southeast Asian military strength vis-à-vis the Europeans and East Asians. The series closes with a discussion about whether the 17th century can be considered a watershed point at all, specifically in Burma and Thailand. The significance of 1650 as a pivotal moment in Southeast Asian is a running theme of the book.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The concept of "early modern" is seen as another periodization imposed on Southeast Asia by outsiders. It is argued that Southeast Asia had only recently begun to apply the term to their region, and it remained unfamiliar to all but a few insiders. Thus, the periodization of "early modern" functions as a link between regional history and global history. Its implication is that this period sees the emergence of the forces that would shape the modern world (like the Renaissance or Age of Discovery) is plausible for Southeast Asia, provided that modernity is understood in a broad and pluralistic sense.
Reid argues that any conclusion should zoom in upon examining Southeast Asia as a region united by environment, commerce, diplomacy, and war; but diverse in its fragmented polities and cultures. In this it had more in common with Europe than with the larger mainland polities in Asia. The balance of evidence in the book seems to suggest that the seventeenth century, particularly its middle decades, was critical in the study of Southeast Asia's reactions to increased military and economic pressure from the new Dutch-dominated world-system. These reactions involved a degree of retreat from what came to appear an excessive reliance on international commerce. In global terms, the share of Southeast Asians in that commerce was undoubtedly reduced, yet when the region is seen in its own terms, however, words such as "decline" and "stagnation" are entirely inappropriate. There was constant change and adaptation to difficult circumstances.
Reid first introduces the reader to the complexities of defining “Southeast Asia”. He argues that it is divided by language, culture and history, but united by ecology and commerce: it is distinguishable from China and India due to natural barriers, and had established an intricate network of trading relations long before the Europeans entered the picture. It was both a beneficiary of international commerce and a victim of European ambition.
Crucially, Reid argues that it is not useful to assume a dichotomy between Europe and the “Third World”-like Southeast Asia; such a value judgment is heavily misguided. While there is merit to the claim that the 17th century saw an overall decline in Southeast Asian commercial engagement with the rest of the world, this did not necessarily mean absolute “stagnation”, just a change in circumstances. The achievements of Southeast Asian states in other areas—the establishment of modern states, for example—also cannot be overlooked. He also points out that the major factors of the early modern period in Southeast Asia are all rooted in times prior to European arrival, and that the Europeans did not necessarily trigger the monumental developments of the period.
Comparisons between Europe and Southeast Asia’s performances in the early modern period, and examinations of the reasons behind these differences, are also a major feature of the collection. It is argued, for instance, that Southeast Asia did not go down the same capitalist path as Europe did because it lacked the institutional conditions for capitalism. The economic and financial system’s reliance on political patronage, and the incompatibility of monetary practices with commercialization, made Southeast Asia incapable of following in Europe’s capitalist and industrialist footsteps. Furthermore, characteristics of this period may not always be explainable in European terms. The development of Theraveda Buddhism in Thailand and the emperor’s extensive use of its tenets and symbols resulted in the imposition of centralized control for the first time in Thai history, in the form of the Narai reign. Likewise, the emergence of the Southeast Asian state is not solely rooted in the benefits of participation in global commerce; it was the utilization of the local myths of the Maluku region which made the establishment of Ternate possible.
Annotated by Michelle Djong/Jennifer Yip
Synopsis
The nature of the Mughal empire and the legacies it left behind are central in this book. Besides connecting the nature of Mughal empire directly as the end-result of the larger Indian historical experience, he also remarked on the role of Muslim generals who built new states commanded by Turkish, Persian, Afghan and other foreign Muslim elites, thus exploring the differences that have occurred depending on who was ruling the states in the Mughal empire at that period.
Overland, coastal and deep-water trade routes linked local economies with the wider world. Indian trading communities in Gujarat, North India, and the South could scarcely be equaled for the sophistication of their skills and resources. However, in the early decades of the sixteenth century, the compressed social energy of Western Europe began to have an impact upon the Indian subcontinent, enhanced with Iberian expansion which contributed to this phenomenon when new maritime connections with western Europe became the conduit for direct, unmediated transfers to India.
Finally, the decline of the Mughal empire was not only attributed to the failure of the Mughal system involved, but in the failure to renegotiate relationships with the tributary states and other players that play a role in the governing of the different areas within the Mughal empire. In this way, the Mughal empire was unable to survive when they encountered strong resistance mounted by formidable rulers and peoples who were not assimilated into the Indo-Muslim political system.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The starting year for this volume is 1526, the date of Babur's victory at Panipat, while the ending point is 1720, the date of Muhammad Shah's accession in Delhi. Richards attempts to cover the entire span of the Mughal empire in terms of its rise and decline, as well as include the rule of three other rulers: Jahangir (1605-1658), Shah Jahan (1628-1658) and Aurangzeb's imperial expansion (1658-1689). In this way, besides explaining the causes for rise and decline, the interaction of the nature of empire i.e. its ruling structures and socio-economic structure are examined in the context of international economic changes, particularly with international trade and interaction with other empires.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Richards starts by tracing the larger public events, primarily political and military, that shaped imperial history. He argues that war was the principal business of the Mughal emperors, such that to understand the nature of the Mughal empire one should have some knowledge of its dynamic growth in territory and resources in the course of war. Besides arguing that Mughal courtly culture had retained its appeal long after the empire itself has declined into a shell, Richards makes a valiant attempt in identifying the major causes for the decline of the Mughal empire. His definition of empire is of an intrusive, centralizing system which had unified the subcontinent. Thus, the Mughal empire is a point on the trajectory of Indian history in that it was seen to have emerged from the Indian historical experience; the end-product of a millennium of Muslim conquest, colonization and state-building in the Indian subcontinent.
Indo-Muslim rulers appealed regularly to Muslim militancy in the jihad or holy war against the idolatrous Hindus of the subcontinent and thus emphasized on the implicit contract between ruler and religious leaders as an important aspect of Islamic conquest and expansion.
Mughal imperial expansion is argued to have stopped in the south. Reasons cited was that Mughal diplomatic pressures weakened centralized control of the Deccan states so much so that Mughal generals found it difficult to conquer and rule regions win which political power was fragmented. Imperial policies also failed to fully adapt to the differing cultures and social structures of the dominant Maratha, Telugu, Kannada and Tamil landed aristocracies. Thus, it is in the south after 1689 that Mughal expansion faltered and ended.
Intermittent internal warfare between kingdoms and chiefdoms not subject to direct administration by Mughal governors, the intrinsic shortcomings of the Mughal revenue system which failed to transform armed, parochial warrior-aristocrats into quasi-officials and in engaging the zamindars in a broadly shared imperial culture are some of the arguments put forth in order to explain the decline of the Mughal empire. Another important factor was the dilemma of Indian-Muslim rulers, who could neither restrict the higher levels of political and military service to Muslims nor open recruitment to all persons of talent and substance for fear of offending either.
Finally, Richards proposed that the structural break-up of empire in the early eighteenth-century did not necessarily force the complete dissolution of the inter-regional imperial economy, since there remained a strong incentive for economic growth for the successor provinces to the former Mughal empire, whose centralized structure broke apart between 1707-1720 with the four wracking, bitter wars of succession after Aurangzeb's death.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Synopsis
The main focus of Patricia Risso’s very succinct study is the intersection of Islamic and Indian Ocean histories, with a view to illustrating the relationships between ideology, culture, and economics. These exist in a potentially rich area for research complicated by subspeciality boundaries and spatial, temporal and linguistic challenges; in particular, the failure of general histories of the Islamic world to draw upon research of Indian Ocean commerce due to the latter being couched in the technical language of economic theories and systems.
In addition to making such material more accessible to non-specialist readers, the author seeks to answer the following questions: 1) what relationships existed between littoral Asia and land-based empires; 2) how the role of Western Europeans in the maritime development of the region can be best understood; 3) and lastly, what difference it made for a merchant to be Muslim.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The book is divided into six chapters, providing a summary of Muslim commercial, political and religious activity in the Indian Ocean basin in the respective periods from the rise of Islam in the 7th Century AD to the 1860s, when Western technological and British political hegemony displaced it as dominant factors. In the introductory first chapter, Risso sets a straightforward geographical definition for this large and diverse region as the nautical space encompassing not just the littorals of the Indian Ocean but connected bodies of water, for example the Red Sea, Persian Gulf and South China Sea. A theme repeatedly returned to throughout the book is the inseparability of this space from the historical development of land-based polities, either in relation to one another or in response to being acted on by outside forces- whether Europeans or Mongols, as important to our understanding of maritime history commerce as the physical characteristics that shape it: the role of monsoons in creating seasonal trade patterns, the locations of natural harbours, islands, reefs, and accessibility to hinterland production. Apart from geography, Risso also addresses problems of historiography and the role played by Islam, devoting special attention in particular to the debate over the existence of an “Islamic civilisation” – as a socio-cultural phenomenon encompassing all aspects of life, including politics and the economy – and the extent to which (if it indeed existed) this Islamic worldview influenced maritime and land-based history in the Indian Ocean.
Although mainly concerned with events in Muslim Asia, East Africa and the Levant, the chronological discussion in subsequent chapters often extends to discussions of such topics as patterns of competing overland Inner Asian trade; the production roles of China and southern India; the nature of the Asian trade revolutions of the 16th and 17th Centuries; and the increasing European penetration in the region from the 1500s onward, and the Muslim response. Thus in the second chapter – ostensibly about Muslim expansion in Asia from the time of the Prophet Muhammad through the later Abbasid and Fatimid caliphates – one can find a parallel account of the Tang and Song periods in China, and how cultural and technological developments there affected Muslim traders: Muslim maritime domination was as dependent on its eastward expansion into commercially important areas like Sind, at the terminus of rivers and caravan routes, as it was on the Tang’s reliance on Muslim shipping.
The third and fourth chapters carry the narrative from the late medieval into the early modern period, with Risso contrasting the lack of interest in maritime affairs among the major land-based empires (Mongol, Ayyubid, Mamluk, Ottoman, Safavid, Mughals and Ming) with the spread of Islam to western India, East Africa, and Southeast Asia through the actions of “maritime Muslims”, namely the establishment of fluctuating, often interlinking networks taking advantage of the broader patterns of maritime trade in the Indian Ocean region. The chapters provide a cogent summary of not only the historical developments, but the arguments made by existing scholarship regarding the character of such, in each period. Risso’s ability draws on this literature allows for a relative sophistication of analysis that belie the conciseness of Merchants of Faith: for example, in situating the fluorescence of overlapping Muslim merchant networks as components of the emerging 14th century world economic system proposed by Janet Abu-Lughod in Before European Hegemony. This is employed again in Chapter 5, which covers the developing competition among Asian and European commercial powers from 1500-1800, in particular the beginnings of Dutch, English and Portuguese involvement in the Indian Ocean trade, the course and impact of Niels Steensgaard’s “Asian trade revolutions”, Muslim resistance to European incursions in South and Southeast Asia, and the final ascendency of British domination in the region.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The three principal frameworks through which the author examines the interaction of the Islamic and Indian Ocean worlds provide a useful conceptual underpinning for the various subjects and time periods engaged in the study. The first lies in her integration of the histories of land-based Asian empires and the Indian Ocean trade. While acknowledging the general lack of involvement by these states in maritime affairs and the limited headway made by Muslim merchants in securing political positions powerful enough to affect their maritime policies, Risso reiterates Sanjay Subrahmanyam’s warning against the temptation to separate the two. The littoral concerns of such imperial Islamic regimes as the Arab and Mamluk caliphates, Persia, the Ottomans and the Mughals were not precluded by their origins and power base in land-based military conquest or their limited ability (or inclination) to affect maritime policy. On the contrary, Risso highlights nascent attempts by Asian imperial states in developing their maritime interests (such as Ottoman and Egyptian naval expeditions east of Suez) as well as the integral role played by these land-based polities in the Indian Ocean economy, in the guise of commodity production and government direction of internal trade systems to which the Muslim overseas merchant networks were connected, to suggest a deeper and more intimate connection between the two than previously assumed. Indeed, the considerable amount of space devoted to the inclusion of China, a seemingly incongruous area for a book about the Islamic world, helps restore a very important piece of the puzzle where economics is concerned.
The second deals with the extent of the European impact in the Indian Ocean region. The historical controversies that emerge are economic in nature: how and when Asia was suborned to a European centre in the emerging capitalist world system, and if European imperialism was responsible for cutting short indigenous Asian development towards industrial capitalism or its alternatives. Here Risso argues for the need to see European encroachment in the Indian Ocean vis a vis the long period of Muslim domination preceding it. It was only when the major Islamic empires – Ottoman, Safavid and Mughal – started to weaken, diminishing the economic opportunities for maritime trade, that the structural and naval strengths of European empires and the unwillingness of Muslims to reinvent themselves and alter trade patterns to compete began to undermine this hegemony. The two countervailing orthodoxies – Asian passivity and European brutality – should more accurately be reconsidered as the encounter of aggrandising land-based Muslim empires with aggrandising maritime ones, with differing institutional and structural characteristics and economic and political priorities eventually conceding control over the Indian Ocean to one.
The third, and the one unfortunately the weakest in spite of the purported emphasis, was how Islam itself figured in this story. Risso argues that it was not a constant ideological constraint on Muslim individuals and governments, and helped to shape, rather than determine, events, ultimately failing to provide the ultimate explanation for Muslim maritime success or failure. Sectarian, ethnic, and political differences all created divisions between different Muslims groups, although shared features – a common law, Sufism, and the experience of being Muslims among non-Muslims – certainly existed. The relationships, however, are not explored fully enough given the importance attached to them, with several important networks – such as the Naqshbandiyya Sufi order and the Karimi merchants of Egypt – noted by other reviewers as absent from the analysis. For a study carrying the title of Merchants of Faith, this omission is unfortunate. The author has attempted to compress a very broad topic over a long span of history into a compact volume that presents a useful framework for re-examining the era of Muslim commerce in the Indian Ocean; though successful in that regard, it might require a more comprehensive treatment than its constraints allow for here to fully realise its potential.
Annotated by Daniel Lee
Synopsis
This volume is part of a series which aims to examine European overseas presence on a global stage, and to present a multi-continental dimension to European activity between 1450 and 1800. The volume reflects the historiography of colonial administration in Portuguese, Spanish, French and British empires, and is less interested how or whether they worked. Russell-Wood provides a detailed introduction to the similarities and differences shared between the four primary European maritime empires’ metropolitan and colonial institutions. Following this, there is a compilation of analytical essays focusing on the systems and structures implemented by each empire and their transformations over time.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
Russell-Wood’s introduction examines at length metropolitan institutions and the institutions established overseas, while the essays focus on colonial institutions. He notes that historiography has been uneven across the four empires in question—for instance, the literature available on one aspect of colonial governance may be rich in its discussion of one empire at the expense of others. Thus, as an editor, he chooses to provide a detailed overview, a starting point to colonial governance, in his introduction, rather than attempt to thematically link the articles in the compilation that follows.
Russell-Wood acknowledges the impossibility of examining all aspects of colonial government in all four empires, and zooms in on the institutions central to crown government, leaving out ecclesiastical administrations and the Inquisition in particular, which was limited only to Goa and Spanish America. However, he chooses to include European trading companies. Although they were ultimately profit-minded and prioritized commerce, he points out that they had strong administrative dimensions and made significant political and diplomatic contributions. Thus, the compilation of essays provides discussions on the Dutch and English East Indies Companies. Geographically, the essays cover Portuguese India and Brazil, Spanish America, New France (Canada), and British India and America. Part I of Volume 21 encompasses the former two, while Part II follows up with the French and British. Some selected essays remain in their original language, for instance, Spanish and French.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Russell-Wood identifies four main aspects of colonial governance: political, judicial, fiscal, and military, and draws attention to the impressive breadth of these objectives. He points out that even though these empires were built against different political backdrops, they also shared similarities. For example, none of the colonial institutions were complete duplicates of their metropolitan counterparts even though the initial imperial strategy was to attempt to reproduce tried and tested institutions in new colonies: A key common theme of the essay compilation is the extent to which institutions were adapted to local conditions. Other important themes include the effects of geopolitics and local geography on colonial governance; territorial contiguity versus discontinuity; and imperial reactions to indigenous polities and rulers.
Russell-Wood emphasizes the diversity of colonial institutions across the four empires. There were many different forms of colonial governance, ranging from shared rule with indigenous leaders, protectorate arrangements, trading company rule, and in some cases, the complete surrender of indigenous sovereignty to European representatives. The empires could be arranged on various comparative spectrums. The British empire, for example, had the widest array of arrangements and included crown colonies along with proprietary and chartered arrangements. In contrast, the French emphasized the uniform centralization of government. The Portuguese administrations were crude and simple, while the Spanish ones were extremely complex. The forms of governance reflects the degree of importance attributed to colonies by the crown: Spain, for instance, invested far more in the governance of its colonies than Portugal.
Annotated by Jennifer Yip
S
Synopsis
This book discusses the first theories of the origins of the Mongol people, before moving onto the various rulers and their conquests over their neighbors, particularly China. The structure of administration of the gradually developing Mongol empire was regarded as equally important as the formation of military in the numerous conquests that spilled from Germany to Korea. The latter had destroyed other kingdoms and empires wholesale, leaving the greater part of the Old World shaken and transformed. It is this form of interaction and the process of spreading influence that becomes the main focus of the book.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
As a history of the Mongol conquests, Saunders begins the study by writing about the Turkish rehearsal for the Mongol conquests, from Turk to Mongol in the period 750-1200. The scope encompasses the rise of Chingis Khan to power, the subsequent Mongol drive into Europe, the features of nomad imperialism concerning Mongol rule in China and Persia, as well as the anti-Mongol reaction. The Mongol Age is discussed in retrospect: in the history of war and relations between sedentary and nomadic societies the Mongol conquests were seen as the end of the epoch and this belief was unfortunately reinforced by the success of the military techniques of the Mongols. In this way, Saunders writes about how barbarian conquerors rarely placate their subjects and how their method of rule may differ or be similar to that of subsequent empire-builders.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Saunders asserts that Chingis was able to understand the value of the medieval equivalent of mechanized warfare and elevate it to the highest pitch of skill. In addition, under his orders, his officers classified those conquered as artisans, skilled prisoners or anyone with a pretence to technical knowledge, in order to draft them into the engineering corps of the army. He also made sure that sufficient attention was paid into maintaining the communications of his expanding empire and his excellent intelligence service. He never embarked on a campaign until he had collected every morsel of intelligence that he could, concerning the size, strength, resources and morale of the enemy. The author also argues that Chingis was more than a talented warrior chief but he was also an outstanding civil administrator.
Before the close of the year 1237 the invaders had crossed the Volga into Europe. Chingis was able to benefit from the belief of the Mongols as the masters of the art of war such as the world has not seen before. From this encounter, Chingis had made the following observations: 1) the reaction of Europe to the Mongol invasion illustrates the point that even the most alarming danger of a Mongol invasion was incapable of compelling bitter rivals to sink their differences and unite if each party is persuaded that it can benefit from another rival's fall, and 2) the stop of a powerful attack is often due less to the valor and unity of those attacked than to the dissensions within the camp of the aggressors.
Saunders extracted from the exploration of the nomadic imperialism of Mongols in China and Persia, vital information regarding the changes in the nature of Mongol empire rule and its ways. He argued that because of the gigantic scale of their conquests, the Mongols were the first and only nomadic people to face in its acutest form the problem of ruling, with no previous experience.
Comparing this to Turkish conquests of the sixth century, which though vast scarcely extended beyond the limits of the stepppe, and the inroads of the Seljuk Turks into the Persian and Arab lands of the eleventh century which were softened by the common religion professed by the conquered and the conquerors. The Mongols were people who were seen as pagans and uncultured, but they conquered territories far beyond the Eurasian regions dominated by the mountain stockmen, breaking also into the civilized realms of China and Persia, the half-civilized plains of Russia, and the commercial oases of Central Asia.
Finally, Saunders attributed the success of the policy of consolidation in the two urbanized societies of China and Persia to the talents and skills of the sovereigns; Kubilai in China and Ghazan in Persia. They were seen as having won acceptance rather than popularity from their subjects. Unfortunately, a despotic government depends on the will and ability of the despot, making the smooth succession of princes difficult to ensure. Hence, the deaths of Kubilai in China in 1294 and of Ghazan in Persia in 1304 marked the end of the era of Mongol imperialism.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Review
Few phrases provoke more emotive reactions about the history of empire in Asia than ‘the Great Game,’ prompting images of Cossacks, Kipling, and the Khyber Pass. And few aspects of the history of empire in Asia have been as intensively studied, or repeatedly revised, as the long, volatile and consequential rivalry between the British and Russian Empires, east of the Urals and north of the Indian Ocean. There is indeed no dimension of the story that stands undisputed: what caused it, what ended it, what drove it, what were its consequences, how can we best understand it. It takes almost Kiplingesque confidence to enter the lists with a single volume study that aspires to reshape our grasp of all these questions. Evgeny Sergeev, a senior historian at the Russian Academy of Sciences Institute of World History, does just that, with this provocative reassessment that draws on multiple Russian and British archives, libraries, and an impressive grasp of the very large contemporary and secondary literatures devoted to this most famous of all geopolitical ‘games.’
Sergeev starts by embracing the metaphor. Construing ‘game’ to be a competition calling for commitment, endurance, and resilience, Sergeev revives an older argument: this Russo-British competition was, to be sure, broad, multifaceted, untidy, contested within on both sides, changed much over time, and often featured almost stunning levels of misperception or confusion—but despite the fact it should not be reduced to a contest between intelligence agencies and military agendas, it was, fundamentally, geopolitical and geostrategic. Drawing on a deep well of contemporary Russian and British official and elite discussion, debate, and perception, Sergeev insists the two empires sought to establish a solid ascendancy in their reordering of the sprawling spaces of continental Asia. Indeed, Sergeev defines the contest as spanning, and connecting, political, military, territorial, economic, and cultural rivalries and frictions ranging from the Black Sea to the Sea of Japan. Perhaps the most crucial recurring concept is expressed by a word he never actually uses: linkage. There is nothing new about the argument that Russian and British statesmen and soldiers sought to threaten each other in one area in order to ease pressure in another, but Sergeev argues that this was the most fundamental underlying theme of continuity in the entire story. Indeed, he uses it to periodize his ‘Great Game,’ once again reviving, and reinforcing, an older argument: the consequences of the Crimean War launched this sprawling rivalry, and the Entente forged in response to German behavior in Europe in 1907 brought it effectively and truly to an end. This interpretation thus defines his ‘Great Game’: the direct threat each posed to the arena of expansion in Asia that most interested the other, and the use of ‘linkage’ to leverage those threats.
Sergeev explains his story chronologically, arguing that the evolution of the rivalry is best understood as the working out of live and let live arrangements, especially on the spot, from Persia to Tibet and beyond, and that the centre of gravity shifted in response to the imposition of political dominance by each empire, in varying form, over different territories. Along the way he makes some points that will surprise, persuade, confound, confuse. The Gorchakov Memorandum of 1864 was a tactical compromise to maintain cohesion within a badly divided Russian state over broad policy for empire building in Asia, not a grand theoretical assessment of the existential interplay between ‘East’ and ‘West.’ The British had good reason to be worried about Russian military ambitions in Afghanistan in 1877 and 1878, ambitions undone by lack of capability not lack of will. The Penjdeh Crisis of 1884-85 did indeed bring the two empires closer to war over the ‘Game’ than at any other time, but also created the conditions that enabled a gradual reorientation of the whole struggle. But perhaps his most interesting argument is also his most original: how to contextualize this whole story.
Sergeev emphasizes the need to see this great imperial drama as driven by the mutual desire to reorder the Asian peoples, territories and states encountered by British and Russian ambitions into a new, and truly global and ‘modern,’ order of politics and economics. He acknowledges that this dynamic was also multifaceted, and sprawled untidily across time, space, national and imperial agendas, institutions, and personalities. Notions of civilization and progress we may now find sanctimonious often sincerely shaped recommendations about how to handle problems on the spot, and decisions about those recommendations. Men on the spot often did indeed prove more assertive, and more suspicious, than metropolitan authorities. But unfolding through the noise, across the decades, was the sense that the British-Russian rivalry of empire building was itself reordering the Asian world, was globalizing it, in a new political economy. That mutual vision of these empires as the agents of globalizing modernity shone through in such episodes as the challenge posed by Yakub Beg, the problems associated with the decline of the power of Qing China, and of course the awkward position of Afghanistan and the territories to its north. The instrument of the imperial frontier, the physical, military, and political demarcation of space, proved to be the most reliable barometer in the search for the balancing points at which British and Russian ambitions and concerns, along with local realities and reactions, could be reworked. The Great Game was really, to British and Russian players, about reordering a world of empires in Asia. It began when circumstances focused both on the most sensitive area where each faced the other. It ended when both found that greater threats arising in Europe made it easier to agree on the ‘balancing points’ in each region of the vast Eurasian territory over which they contended. This sprawling work of imperial, political, military, diplomatic, and economic history deserves wide readership and close attention. It is a multilingual multi-archival model of how to summarize, resurrect, and effectively revise an old and apparently familiar story.
Reviewed by Brian P. Farrell
Synopsis
Explaining the structure of the Indian government during the Sultanate was deemed an appropriate starting point for the discussion of the religious policy of the Mughal emperors. Initially, the population had been held in subjection mainly by the military strength of her rulers. A distinction was made between the status of the Hindus and the Muslims: the Jizya served as a special tax for Hindus. It was levied directly, such that even when new territories were conquered or vassal princes subdued, it was not customary to make any bargains to ensure that there would not be any accusations of unfairness amongst the vassals.
Jizya was however seen as a badge of inferiority round the necks of the 'unfaithful' Hindus who were constantly reminded of their status as a subject people under an alien Muslim rule. Yet, this payment helped ensure free exercise of their religion to the non-Muslims, preventing such cases of extreme intolerance exhibited in Europe in the same period.
Akbar's rule saw the foundation of a new order, where he was seen to have emancipated Indian from its domination by the religion of the minority-- indeed he could be seen as a pioneer of religious tolerance because only in the latter half of the nineteenth century was England able to adopt similar religious toleration and freedom from civic disabilities.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The author assessed the importance of religion in government policy, as well as how and why it manifests in ruling policies. The Jizya was not only a tax, but a badge of inferiority of non-Muslims, who became second-class citizens in the state. Such topics are deemed relevant to making observations of the structure of the Mughal polity. Yet, while focusing specifically to the Mughal policies, the author does make reference and comparison to pre-Mughal Muslim dynasties.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The main argument that can be distilled from the book is that under the Sultanate, India was held in subjection and controlled mainly by the military strength of her rulers. The distinction made between Hindu and Muslim subjects was one of the central policies of the Sultanate in India. The author also argues that the position of the Hindus in India was generally much better than that of many communities in Europe whose faith differed from that of their rulers. Hence, he argues that the religious policy which governed Muslim politics in India until the beginning of the sixteenth century was nothing singular - its parallel is seen in the European continent.
In his conclusion, the author also questions the reference to empires in the East as "Oriental Despotism", since the presumption is that it is more despotic than the West. While the author agrees that there are some elements of despotism, it remains true that the rulers were never recognized as 'the masters of the law'. In this way, religious policy was seen to be one of the guiding principles of rule, rather than power being vested in one man. Finally, Muslim laws and Hindu personal laws were manifestations of Mughal law, such that the idea of a theocratic government can be dismissed with the argument that this form of government involved the subordination of the state to the church.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Synopsis
The main parameters of this book are drawn to emphasize the dramatic shift of balance in the European-Asian trade in the decades following 1600. The decline experienced by the Portuguese Empire in Asia, the similar decline of the intercontinental caravan trade and the victories of the Dutch and English East India Companies in dominating maritime trade were seen as a pivotal moment in world history. This highlights the development of a new form of distribution of wealth and power which would characterize the later centuries of the world in which we live. This gradual shift of balance could best be seen as the outcome of a confrontation of structures or a structural crisis and thus any attempt to form a comparative analysis should focus on the key institutional features.
The downfall of the caravan trade, the defeat of the Portuguese and the triumph of the Companies was an episode in the historical process during which the Middle East and the Mediterranean region began to relinquish the economic leadership in favor of the Atlantic regions. In this way, it was also part of the confrontation between the Catholic Iberian powers and the Protestant Channel powers, and it represented the decisive move towards the development of a modern economy.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The book largely addresses the processes economic restructuring in the centuries prior to the period of High Imperialism, where there was a higher degree of formal colonial control. The focus remains on the redirection and redefinition of world economy and its trading systems in favor of sea routes, particularly that of Companies operating in Asian waters. As such, this book represents a fair attempt at an in-depth exploration of the structural institutions of the Companies, with the fall of Hormuz serving as a case study for the changing ways of trading, the attempt at redirection of the silk trade and its importance in the Companies' deliberations.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The book places a large focus on Hormuz, the Portuguese fortress at the entrance to the Persian Gulf, which had fallen in 1622 as the result of a combined Persian and English attack. This town was selected because its fate accentuates the breach of continuity; its very existence had depended on transit trade, and thus its subsequent fall which had been so definitive reflected the larger developments in world trade. Thus, in understanding why Hormuz fell, one can be on the path of discovering why the Companies not only ousted the Portuguese, but also took over most of the trade which by the end of the sixteenth century still passed along the traditional transcontinental trade routes.
Two different methodological procedures have been chosen when investigating the problem: the comparative approach and the method of investigative inquiry which followed the sequence of events leading up to the fall of Hormuz. In the comparative form of study, the institutions concerned are compared, assuming that their institutional structures would possess the vital features able to provide justifications for their advance or decline. The question of why the Companies triumphed and the Portuguese failed may thereby be reformulated. The vital question should be: Was it the intrinsic structure of the Companies that presented the features that led to their success as compared with those of the competing institutions of the Portuguese and the overland trade?
The conclusion was that the Companies were victorious over the transit trade and the redistributive institutions because, they had greater control of the market and the internalization of protection costs. In this way, by subordinating the production of protection to the market mechanism, they were able to utilize the resources more economically than the older institutions. Finally, the Companies represented a new entrepreneurial form as far as Asia was concerned, but they did not revolutionize the Asian market. The Company were instead an element in "the early Asian trade" in the initial stages.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
T
Synopsis
Tarling's essay concerns itself largely with the definition of 'empire' and the contexts in which the term has been applied to describe different characteristics of that era. Maarten Kuitenbrouwer had asserted that in historical research 'one should avoid definitions that are too wide.' There have been many forms of 'empire', polities which have proclaimed itself as one or been seen by others as empire. The word 'imperialism' has also been utilized in many ways, some connected with such polities, some not. The essay is thus written to pin down 'imperialism' sufficiently - both in terms of action and timing, in so doing make it useful in historical explanation.
Tarling highlights arguments made by other scholars such as Benjamin Cohen, who has found the 'real taproot' of imperialism in 'the anarchic organization of the international system of states'. Following Cohen's argument, nations develop the need for dominion because they are driven to maximize their individual power position, which was in turn caused by national insecurities. Thus, in answering what made insecurity of states led to imperialism and the peculiarity of the period 1870-1914, one should refer to the early modern period, where competing national sovereignties were highly prevalent.
Capturing extra-European resources not only offered a further means of reconstructing the state but also a means of ensuring security in a changing Europe. Success was thus a way to enable states to dominate others or avoid being dominated. In this way, the notion of imperialism was seen to have arisen and coincided with the period of the emergence of the state system in Europe, which was accompanied by a deep sense of insecurity.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The scope covers the brief period from about 1870-1914 - in which the major powers rather suddenly set about completing the partition among themselves of the remainder of the world, the process sped up by the spread of the industrial revolution and the decline of British primacy.
This essay puts an emphasis on political control, with the assumption that act and advocacy takes place in context, and that those involved may be influenced by a range of factors and was inspired by a range of motives. In this way, the context would be that of the pre-modern era and the early colonial period, where the international system of competing sovereignties and the desire to assert one's national strength became the context for dominance over other non-European territories.
An essential topic was seen in the study of the responses 'imperialism' met in the non-Western states and territories in which it operated; 'Imperialism' was thus not shaped solely by the peculiar characteristics it had possessed in each Western state - according to their geographical position, their economic development, their domestic politics, their previous history. The attitudes of non-Western states towards the Western states and their commercial and political ambitions, as well as how they had been affected by economic and political change in the period of British primacy, even before the age of 'imperialism', are some of the pertinent issues which affected the nature of the new 'imperialism'.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
His methodology is specific to the development of the usage of the word 'imperialism' in the narrowly-defined period of 1870-1914 to uncover its meaning and perceptions of imperialism at that time. However, it is also deemed important to understand the significance of the word in the wider global context. Why did the term 'imperialism' become used more broadly, not only to cover the subsequent period but also the period before the word began to be used in public debate. Yet, the term 'imperialism' was not used as widely for activities of the Chinese or Mongols. Tarling asserts that 'imperialism' had later become involved in both national and international politics. Imperialism was also part of the 'state-building of the period. It was part of state formation since there were many other changes that were taking place beyond the control of the government-initiated changes. Finally, Tarling argues that non-Western states were subjected to many of the state-building tendencies of the West.
Both the expansion over the long period since the sixteenth century which some are tempted to classify as imperialism, and the shorter phase of international competition to which this essay has appropriated the term 'imperialism', are argued to have been the baby steps in a long process of 'globalization'.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Synopsis
The book is a collection of essays which examines British colonial policy toward Southeast Asia in the 19th century. Focusing not only on decisions made in London, but also by local colonial administration, particularly the one in Calcutta, and prominent individuals such as Stamford Raffles and Warren Hastings, Tarling portrays Southeast Asia as a delicate network of relationships defined ultimately by the British. He also considers how external considerations, such as developments in Europe and commercial interests in China and India, affected British political attitudes toward more strategic areas in Southeast Asia. In discussing the lasting, momentous impacts British colonial presence has had on modern Southeast Asian states in the 20th century, Tarling takes a heavily political approach, drawing on important diplomatic missions in great detail to demonstrate British-Southeast Asian intercourse.
The papers in this volume are revised versions of previously published articles on British policy in South-East Asia in the nineteenth century. Some conclusions had been achieved as a follow-up to these very articles. Firstly, the decisions taken by Britain is of great importance. It was the result of its great strength based on its command of the sea and the balance of power in Europe. Britain's decisions also hinged on its industrial capacity and its territorial acquisitions in India.
This meant that in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Southeast Asia came within the influence of what was then the greatest world power, and its attitudes played an essential role in determining the continuance and allowing or disallowing the expansion or redefinition of the empires of minor European powers, like Spain and the Netherlands. This eliminates from the orbit of the administering family of nations local sultanates that had maintained at least some sort of existence since the sixteenth century, such as Acheh in Sumatra.
Colonial dependencies of the nineteenth century had looked toward becoming nation-states in the twentieth century. The problems that they faced until the present-day includes cultural and ethnic diversity, as well as economic backwardness. These were the legacies of several centuries of history, and were not simply a product of the immediate past. The essays also include the sustenance of the involvement of the major powers in Southeast Asia even after the passing of the British hegemony during the twentieth century.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The essays examine several topics in detail, particularly regarding the establishment of British colonial rule as well as how the decisions made by Britain are largely connected to their position vis-à-vis other powers in the world before the interventions of the 1870. Thus, the time period for Tarling's discussion begins before the period of High Imperialism and continued to encompass the decisions that were taken by the newly-independent countries in order to resolve issues faced by their new roles.
Tarling’s discussion centers on Southeast Asia in the 19th century, particularly the period after the dissolution of the East India Company and the imposition of direct Crown control. It is not however geographically limited to the Southeast Asian region; in fact, he demonstrates that decisions made here are profoundly affected by happenings in Europe, and closely linked to commercial interests in China and more political interests in India. For instance, the ebbs and flows of Anglo-Dutch rivalry, with the French acting as a catalyst by the sides, deeply influenced the British attitude toward competitive Dutch presence in Southeast Asia, resulting in attempts at an uneasy partnership. Tarling’s approach is therefore a multi-continental one. Because Tarling argues that British decisions shaped not only Southeast Asia in the 19th century, but also defined the region in subsequent decades, the book roughly covers both the 1800s and 1900s and claims smooth continuity from one century to the next. Tarling provides overviews of British relationships with individual kingdoms, such as Siam and Vietnam, but also narrows down on specific diplomatic missions that left lasting impressions—for instance, Sir James Brooke’s failed missions to Siam.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Earlier Indonesian empires had claimed a substantial area, but they had claimed it in quite different terms from those of the Dutch authorities in East Indies. In the earlier period, interstate relations were more vague and had imprecise boundaries, largely due to the cultural diversity and unstable demographics of the region. However, in the territories of Dutch East Indies, there was more of a new rigidity that began to appear in terms of international frontier and allegiance. Thus, in studying the impact of European powers in this period, we gain insights into the development of the concepts of occupation, of protectorate and of extra-territoriality.
In general, when colonial dependencies of the nineteenth century became nation-states in the twentieth century, they faced vital issues such as cultural and ethnic diversity and economic backwardness. The continued involvement of the major powers in Southeast Asia even after the passing of the British hegemony presents a problem when it concerned the major issues of sovereignty. Thus, the study of the processes by which states were created in the nineteenth century would cast further light on what was perhaps the primary problem of modern Southeast Asia: Nation-building.
An important argument made by Tarling is that the creation of new states in Southeast Asia extended over a period of time, in itself a diversifying factor. In view of the motivation of Britain's policies, it is no surprise that many of the major decisions had been taken well before the improvement of communication, the establishment of closer ties with world markets, and the growth of ambitions of other powers that belong to the last two or three decades of the nineteenth century. The papers thus suggest that most of the shape and political character of British Malaya was determined before the 'intervention' of the 1870s, and that Siam was already settled on a path that differed from that of its neighbors in the 1820s, or certainly in the 1850s. Hence, the major decisions were taken at least two generations previously, in a period that saw the zenith of British power, though not yet the heyday of British imperialism.
Tarling argues that the extent of British influence on Southeast Asian affairs, both then and now, can hardly be overestimated. British maneuvers set in motion a series of political and social trends that determined the future of the region; Southeast Asia as it was known in the 1960s, the period during which the essays were first published, was a direct product of historical British presence. He argues that the nature of this presence was molded not only by the government in London, but by local colonial establishments which carried their own interests, as well as ambitious private colonizers and powerful government servants. Tarling therefore focuses on British power in the region at the expense of indigenous agency; he in fact argues that the Southeast Asian rulers, who had previously enjoyed unique independence from European influence, were caught unprepared and thus overwhelmed by the strength of the British upon their arrival.
Tarling presents Southeast Asia as part of a much larger picture, not a contained, isolated region in itself. Protecting the commercial routes to China, for example, was a major factor in deciding which Southeast Asian areas were worth colonial efforts, or at least, investment in indigenous affairs. For example, interest in Vietnam was sustained only because it served as an intermediary between the British port of Singapore and the less accessible parts of South China. The presence of the Dutch and French also egged them on, and without it, the British would have been content with a far less deep-rooted presence in the Peninsula: the Dutch in Malacca, for example, persuaded the British to develop the tin industry in Perak and Selangor. The British were thus well aware of the impact “third parties” had on their relations with the Southeast Asians.
Overall, Tarling interprets British policy as a pursuit of both domination and stability. On the one hand, the British sought monopolistic power in the region both politically and economically; on the other, they did not want to rock the boat with overzealous endeavors, aware that if they shook one string of the delicate web of relations, all other strings could unravel. Through both coercion and collaboration with indigenous rulers, the British laid the foundations for the eventual creation of the Southeast Asian nation-states of the following century.
Annotated by Michelle Djong/Jennifer Yip
Synopsis
The book adopts a concept of Southeast Asia which included the idea that its regional distinctiveness should not obscure its diversity. In addition, a comparative approach like this would have its benefits: the region may be compared with other regions, and any part of it with any other part of the globe. Thus, this approach allows one to study imperialism in the various commonalities and diversities of experience to a region already marked by both. What imperialism became for other regions, or other parts of the world, is also relevant, for imperialism was both differentiated and global in its compass.
In Chapter One, the author advanced a definition of imperialism, focusing on the concept of control and the period from 1870-1910. The second chapter seeks to place that definition in the long-term context of the emergence of a world economy and a world of states, and in the history of the whole region of Southeast Asia. Chapters Three and Four tackle the question of imperialism in Southeast Asia from another vantage point; by investigating in some detail the 'imperialist' interventions in Southeast Asia in the period of 1870-1910. Intervention had resulted from a variety of circumstances and motives, and a detailed approach may help both to sort them out and to indicate their interrelationships. The focus of these chapters is on the decision of the European powers to 'intervene', displace or protect.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The book covers the larger part of Southeast Asian history in the period of High Imperialism. It covers the beginnings of formal colonial rule, dedicating a chapter to the British and another chapter on the other powers. The book ends with an extensive discussion on the different legacies of colonial rule and the responses of the colonial powers to nationalist demands after WWII. The future of the world had been seen by the British as one of nation-states, which could trade with one another, and whose interests would be reconciled by diplomacy that took account both of a theoretical equality of sovereignty and of an actual disparity of power.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The book's conclusion reiterated that the rivalry of the European states is at the core of the explanation for imperialism. Imperialism is defined here as the movement that saw most of Southeast Asia and Africa emerge as the domain of colonial powers in the last three decades of the nineteenth century and beginning of the twentieth century. In the nineteenth century, two major sources of change operated within and among states: the national revolution and the industrial revolution. This had produced the apprehension and ambition that unfortunately bred insecurity.
The author argues that the 1870s marked a new phase in the history of empires because the two sources of change had begun to have major effects on the distribution of power in Europe. Britain herself had attained an unusual degree of primacy at the mid-century, being successful in its long rivalry with France, and became the major power in the industrial revolution arena. However, it was eventually challenged by the spread of the industrial revolution and national unification of other European territories. It was in this context that 'imperialism' got under way, since the arguments for empire, and the actions taken in pursuit of it were often presented in terms of state necessity.
In addition, the various case studies tended toward proving the interpretation that puts an emphasis on the renewal of rivalry among the major powers, taking into account also the failure of existing states to handle the pressures of the world economy alongside those exerted by their economic rivals. He also recognizes that it was the personal ambition and zest for adventure that had characterized the arrival of Europeans in the second part of the sixteenth century as they had those of the first.
The establishment of European empires was not the sudden result of overwhelming strength, but a result of the gap between the Western and Southeast Asia; a gap that had continually widened during the nineteenth century. On the one hand, the Western states had enhanced their ability to mobilize military and economic power partly as a result of their own interstate struggles. On the other hand, the Southeast Asian states were weakened; partly by the earlier advances of Europeans who had secured command of the sea, and partly by their own internal divisions. However, the establishment of European empires was still a difficult endeavor and the process of consolidating control remained largely unstable. In this way, one should not make the mistake of exaggerating the smoothness of the process, for one would then misunderstand it, and misread the nature of the regimes that were established. These very regimes had provided the context of the economic changes that followed.
Finally, Tarling argues that colonial regimes were easier to start than to consolidate. These colonial territories increasingly themselves took on the character of states. Yet, they could never possess all the attributes of an independent state, nor all its capacities. Within their frontiers, however, the constant process of state-formation was producing elites that wanted to complete the task, and the Japanese invasion had opened the way for them.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Synopsis
The first line of investigation of the book is into the decline and fall of the British empire. The concept of empire requires definition and it is largely related to the context of Britain's strength vis -à-vis other major powers. In Britain's case, empire does not refer solely to Britain's power in the mid-nineteenth century in terms of territorial possession, but also in the trade it had monopolized, which had brought upon their economic success. Britain's interests were worldwide, but most often than not they were more substantial in areas where it did not possess formal control than in areas where it did. Hence, the concerns of Britain, whether it is economically or security for Britain itself would receive different emphasis at different times, in different areas and circumstances.
The other line of investigation in this book concerns itself with the development of British connections with the polities in Southeast Asia. The diversity of formulas Britain had employed enhances the effectiveness of using Britain's colonial territories as a focus for studying Britain's empire and its decline. In this way, the book offers the context of Southeast Asia as the outlines of a narrative of British policy in the country or territory in the regional and larger world context as well.
In pursuing these two lines of investigation and juxtaposing them, Tarling aims to gain a better understanding of both the decline and fall of the British empire, and of the emergence of new Southeast Asian polities in the twentieth century.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The chapters are designed to follow the two lines of approach and their juxtaposition through a chronological sequence. Each chapter covers a particular phase: the mid nineteenth-century, the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the inter-war period, the Second World War, and decolonization. The chapters attempt to discuss the changing position of Britain's interests in the world, to outline the evolution of Britain's policy in respect of Southeast Asian territories and to point out the connections between these main points.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The book undertakes the ambitious task of pursuing two lines of approach and juxtaposing them. The aim is a better understanding both of the decline and fall of the British empire, and of the emergence of new Southeast Asian polities in the twentieth century. The assumption is that both are part of world and thus are best explained in that context. The study of the British empires will also bring out the contrasts and similarities with other empirical powers that had been present in Southeast Asia.
Tarling hopes that by juxtaposing the role of Britain in the making of modern Southeast Asia, and adopting the Southeast Asian perspective, as well as placing them in a larger global and regional context, he may diminish the risk of exaggerating the role of the British, or of distorting any perspectives of British rule in Southeast Asia.
In his conclusion, Tarling proposes the argument that Britain's plans for post-war Southeast Asia were unrealistic, and there existed a mismatch between the resources Britain could apply and those that was necessary. Britain thus engaged in a process that is always difficult for an imperial power to undertake, since she was compelled to shift from one set of collaborators to another. While it was not difficult to find new collaborators, the core of the matter was that there was no guarantee that they had or could acquire or sustain the necessary popular support. Thus, Tarling asserts that the power that the British had to transfer was one that was largely limited.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Synopsis
"The Political Economy of Merchant Empires" focuses on why European concerns eventually achieved a dominant position in global trade at the expense of well-organized and well-financed rivals, especially in the Asian context. The author hints at the principal feature that differentiates European enterprises from indigenous trade networks in various parts of the globe: their form of trade organization. The Europeans had organized their major commercial ventures as an extension of the state or as autonomous trading companies, which was endowed with many of the characteristics of the state, including the capacity to wage war to further their interests.
The fears of Europeans stationed in Asia were formed not merely by national rivalries back home, but they saw themselves at a disadvantage to the conniving way of greedy Asian foes. The reasons for building fortifications in Asia was thus more than a way of keeping other European trade rivals out, but also to grant protection against the indigenous people. It has been the work of modern scholars of Southeast Asian trade in the early modern centuries to vindicate early modern European perceptions of an Asian hostility so implacable that it could only be broken down by force.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The book represents an effort at collaboration among scholars of multiple perspectives as an approach to the rich and complex cross-cultural trade it seeks to elucidate. The book covers largely the fourteenth and eighteenth centuries.
Four of the essays explore in various ways the connection between trading wealth and the armed strength of the state or its agencies. A broad comparative survey of state policies of trade highlights the contrast between Mughal India and the European state system, which promoted competition and increased state interest in trading wealth.
Topics explored include other debates on how Europe was finally able to dominate mainland Asia. For example, Geoffrey Parker argues that Europe emerged as the dominating power by exporting not its mercantile institutions, but its revolution in military technology, developed in the course of ensuing warfare among the major states. The comparison between Tokugawa Japan and Habsburg Spain represented how Japan managed to use its silver-production profits wisely, while the latter's policies with regard to silver contributed to its decline by wasting these precious gains on European wars.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The increasing successes of trading cities also meant rising social position and political influence for traders. Recent studies thus point to the conclusion that direct control of trade by state functionaries, whether the prince or his officials, is a reaction to European presence in Southeast Asia, not a condition that the Europeans had discovered upon their arrival. For example, state officials had previously taken little part in trade under the Sultans of Melaka but starting from the seventeenth century, they turned into leading figures in local trade because of the special privileges given to them by the VOC, which found this procedure a convenient way of gaining cooperation of states that were not under its authority.
Hence the general argument is based on the premise set by K.N. Chaudhuri's remark, that one should explain the European trade in Asia as one that was not of peaceful trading, but that of armed trade. The combination of state power and trading interest in European countries were judged as vital to producing the answer to Europe's reason for dominance. In addition, this paradigm is utilized to explain the eventual success of the Europeans in their commercial struggles with formidable indigenous rivals, especially in Asia.
The author pushes readers to reflect on the mentality that supported such campaigns on the part of foreign powers towards the indigenous trading societies, as well as many less dramatic applications of force in achieving goals of trade. The discussion that follows will first review differing strategic aims for which force was employed, and then consider how modern students of this regions have reinterpreted Southeast Asian trade in the era of European contacts, suggesting that things were not quite as they seemed to the builders of Europe's merchant empires.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Synopsis
This book is a volume of essays on the rise of trade networks, more specifically on the significance of the emergence of a global trade in the early modern era. As clearly marked by the title, the period between 1350 and 1750 is examined. The volume attempts to discuss the relationships that marked the period, preceding an age of imperialism, between “Europeans and other peoples”.
The collection takes a primarily economic focus, detailing the circulation of various commodities — notably, bullion, slaves, luxury good as well as agricultural staples—around the world, and the two-way relationship between such circulations and larger global market patterns and circumstances. While political or social relationships between bodies such as governments and companies inevitably enter the discussion, the degree of attention they garner, and the angle from which they are approached, depends on the author. Phillips, for example, only examines the rivalries between the Iberians and other European conquerors only from a commercial angle, investing more time instead in more quantitative analyses of transatlantic trade. Wang, however, in his presentation of Hokkien overseas merchant communities, discusses their operations in close consultation of then government policies and the volatile political relationships between China, Japan, the Philippines, and competing European merchants.
The study of trade in this period involves, primarily, the examination of European sources. The book also considers the divided viewpoints of Karl Marx and Adam Smith on the merits of trade, in one sense, and the division between historians on the roots of contemporary plight of the third world on the other, thus addressing interactions and characterizes the institutions that emerged.
The collection is careful in determining the extent to which the proliferation of long-distance connections—a gradual historical process and not a radical development—affected trade in various regions, well aware that many other factors came into play. These essays are therefore useful for their measured, balanced examination of the interactions between Asian or African and European commercial agents, friendly or hostile.
Whilst the study has a second volume in The Political Economy of Merchant Empires, the book looks at trade by extensively illustrating, through statistical models (charts, graphs, and tables), complex economic trends such as the production and import of precious metals in Europe in an accessible way. Considering large trends such as world bullion flows and also considering the roles of merchant communities, the volume both situates its analysis in reviewing previous scholarship, whilst also offering new insights; hoping that the volume would spur more work in the study of trade between continents in the early modern period.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The book deals with the early modern period, more specifically 1350-1750; however these dates do not necessarily reflect the periodization of each chapter. The book sets out from the beginning that it does not contain a united perspective on the period, and deals with the topic by inviting “comparative judgments” by leading scholars. Beginning with Herman van der Wee, the book is a body of essays that describe the trading powers of the time, but also shows the reader how the existing literature about world bullion flows must be reviewed to understand global trade from a broader and better perspective. Further, by examining Asian entrepôts, in comparison to European merchant communities, allow us to understand events such as political turmoil in the seventeenth century, and their link to disruptions in global trade. Examining the relationships between trade, political structures (such as the indifference of the Ming emperors toward certain trading communities) and merchant communities, the book contributes by giving a specific analysis to different themes of global trade in the period covered, and brings incisive analysis which explains the changes in global trends.
Tracy does not impose a definition of “merchant empires” on the collection. In fact, the “merchant empires” in question are not limited to the far-reaching series of Portuguese ports and forts, or the land-based colonies of the Spanish. Rather, it seems they are considered “empires” as long as they feature extensive networks of trading relations which transgress the geographical borders of a single political entity—for instance, the sojourning Hokkien communities in Manila and Nagasaki, the atomized but sizeable population of Indian traders, and the caravan travelers along the Silk Road. Logically, these merchant communities do have ties to an “empire” in the more traditional sense—namely, the Mughal, Mongolian and Chinese empires—and through their interactions with other traders, extend their empires’ influences. For instance, Chinese and Middle Eastern caravan merchants on the Silk Road left lasting cultural impacts on each other’s high courts. Overseas merchant communities, or more broadly traveling traders, could thus be seen as not only commercial but also cultural extensions of their empires.
Apart from discussions centering on specific communities or geographical regions, some essays concentrate on “commodities”: there are chapters devoted to slavery or bullion, and to discussing the extent of their impacts on the world economy. The collection thus allows readers to gain a holistic understanding of global trade from various perspectives.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Dealing with such a vast amount of material and a broad topic in general, the volume offers accounts of trade in the early modern period, and their impact on the formation of a global world economy. With a selective range of existing sources on the period, an explanation for the trends would bring light to the available statistics. Opening room for debate about the relevance of regional cyclical movements, whilst also putting forward the existence of a preimperial global order where both Europeans and Asians traded and competed on equal terms, the book illuminates the past with plausible explanations for, and re-evaluation of, trends in the early modern period.
With a plethora of scholars working on the subject, the effort is an attempt at a new approach in the field. Steensgaard admits in his chapter that “we are not much closer to an understanding of the economic interrelations between the continents in the early modern period than we were twenty-five years ago”, giving value to the relevance of the study. With chapters dedicated to an array of topics such as costs of Dutch ship owning and the Atlantic slave trade, the volume aims to give a new, broad overview, united by the approach of consulting statistics in detail and a comprehensive knowledge of the existing work done in each area (allowing for it to give a good overview of past material and subsequently, present its own). Remarking that the “Indian ship had sailed into oblivion” by 1800, the volume looks at explaining both the rise and decline of merchant empires, providing a comprehensive and well referenced view of the past, giving light to a critically important period in global history.
The inclusion of essays on Asian merchant empires, rather than on European ones, allows for the examination of Asian traders in their own right. As Mauro points out, however, Asian commercial practices are not as well documented, if recorded at all, as European ones due to a lack of institutionalization—and in the case of the Chinese, of legality. Much of their analyses in fact depend on observations by European travelers. Mauro writes that there is much left to discover about Asian merchant empires, whereas discussion about European participation in world trade has received enough attention as to be somewhat saturated.
Almost all the authors are careful to qualify their arguments, warning that in many instances, the information required is either unavailable or subject to bias. Essays thus sometimes have to rely either on a limited sample size of data, or on a single author. Nonetheless, references to economic data from archives are frequent and liberal.
The essays all converge with regard to the historical treatment of Asian merchants vis-à-vis their European counterparts. The authors acknowledge that elaborate Asian and African trading networks and structures existed prior to European arrivals, and that such communities, while greatly influenced by the introduction of European agents, did not by any means subject themselves to European domination—in fact, they retained many advantages on home ground, and Europeans were often obliged to conduct trade on their terms. Furthermore, it is true that essays on Asian merchant communities agree that Asians tended to operate individually and not as part of a structured bureaucratic body similar to the trading companies of Europe, and that this perhaps prevented them from reaping the benefits of collective bargaining power. In fact, some of them ponder if most Asian merchants fell under the vaguely derogatory category of “peddlers”. However, they ultimately dispute the notion that these atomized agents of commerce were ignorant or insignificant in their contributions to regional or global trade. The collection therefore does not begin on the assumption that Asian merchants were in any way inferior to European ones. Indeed, Tracy emphasizes that the point of this collection is to view both groups on equal terms through lenses untinged by the arrogance of imperialism.
Annotated by Sandeep Singh/Jennifer Yip
W
Synopsis
The fall of the Ming house and the rise of the Qing regime in 1644 was one of the most dramatic dynastic succession. However, it happened as part of a longer process: the economic decline of the seventeenth century commerce, the social disintegration of the Ming order, and the political consolidation of Qing rule. There was an unusual demographic dip in China during the years coinciding with the global economic depression, all of which has led historians to believe that China was also caught in the same general seventeenth century crisis that had gripped the Mediterranean world.
The great Manchu enterprise had begun long before 1644 - perhaps it had begun in 1618 with the fall of Fushun in the northeast - and it was ultimately to require about two-thirds of a century to be completed, culminating with the Kangxi Emperor's victory over the Three Feudatories as well as the Zheng regime on Taiwan in the early 1680s.
The book thus discusses the long and drawn-out process of the political consolidation of Qing rule, beginning with a period of preparation along the northern marches of the Ming empire, passing through a time of experimentation as adjustments were made to the Ming institutions which the Manchus had inherited in Beijing, and then resulting in a subtle blend of Chinese and barbarian modes of rule in which Manchus and Han each had to accept the reality of Qing power and on terms not initially their own.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The scope is a large one, in particular with regards to the gradual process of developing the Manchu imperial order. Volume One covers the foundation of the Ming dynasty; inextricably connected to the expulsion of Mongol forces from the Central Plain and the subsequent build-up of Chinese military colonies beyond the Great Wall, as well as its relations with the Northern Frontier. After which, the volume discusses the Chongzen Court, the Manchu conquest for power and the subsequent establishment of Qing rule, with the resistance it provoked.
Volume Two covers the essential events and parties involved in the building of the Manchu institutions as well: Local control in North China, the final pacification of the North, the Dorgon Regency, the Shunzi Court and the remaining tension between Ming loyalists and the Qing rulers. The very success of the Manchus' initial reconstruction of imperial order in the seventeenth century made it difficult to widen their institutional alternatives when there was a recurrence of external challengers who appeared once more in the nineteenth century. This last time when the dynasty fell, every strand of the political fabric collapsed with it. The great enterprise was finally exhausted, the imperial order beyond repair.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Critical to this political process of rise, adjustment, and fulfillment were the Chinese mandarins who collaborated in the Manchus' development into imperial Confucian dynasties. Arguably, in return for giving up the illusory ethical heroism of the late Ming, Chinese followers of the Qing dynasty had the golden opportunity to implement political reforms that could stabilize the central government. Unfortunately, moral uneasiness was the eventual result for the policy of mutual accommodation between Manchu rulers and Chinese collaborators.
The uneasiness this provoked had two important effects. The first was the relinquishment of a certain kind of intellectual autonomy and moral commitment, so that ethical philosophers became scholarly academicians and political leaders turned bureaucratic administrators. Secondly, there was an enhancement of the mandarin's zeal for conservative reforms; reforms which ended by building up the power of the central government to the extent that the Chinese state was able to recover from the seventeenth century crisis sooner than any other major power in the world. Although this recovery was premature, the restoration of the dynastic order brought a new permanence to the ancien regime. Though regarded as barbarians, the Manchus were creators of a successful solution of their own design to the Central Kingdom's difficulties.
However, the systemic breakdown which had influenced the entire social order was seen to have caused the economic difficulties of the late Ming. Whereas earlier emperors like Taizu (the Hongwu Emperor) and Chengzu (the Yongle Emperor) had used their private agents to increase their personal control over the government, the increasing strength of the eunuchs caused later rulers to lose power and authority over the bureaucracy. Throughout China, there were numerous instances in the 1630s of public services being taken over by private parties. Whether fighting was carried out in the name of the emperor or the rebels dedicated to his overthrow, armies like Zuo Liangyu's reflected a general pattern of uncontrolled militarization during the last decades of the Ming. Stable social structures seemed to be giving way to military states which were insufficiently stable, finally bringing down a ruling house long overwhelmed by social forces it could not control.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Synopsis
Waldron’s monograph is now the standard English language scholarly analysis of this topic, one of direct interest to any student of the history of empire in Asia. Waldron came to the topic as a doctoral student, working on the military policy of the Ming Dynasty. At that stage he assumed that the prevailing view of the Great Wall was more or less correct: the Wall was a systematic and continuous line of fortifications built by ancient Chinese emperors, and maintained throughout the centuries as a defended frontier that divided China proper from the territories and peoples north and northwest of it; this Wall was built and maintained because of the problems caused by the fundamental incompatibility between a settled agricultural civilization and nomadic steppe peoples, and to manage those problems. Waldron found however that there was no continuous line of fortifications, stone or otherwise, running more than 6000 kilometres; that the term Great Wall was almost unheard of before the Ming Dynasty; that the continuous line of stone fortifications that survives today was built only during the latter era of the Ming Dynasty; that it never provided any effective military protection for those who built it; that many walls were built at different times by different Chinese rulers, because wall building was a frequently adopted but usually hotly contested strategy for managing the northern frontier, but was only one strategic choice out of an array attempted over the years; and that the Great Wall as it presents itself today is an important concept for anyone trying to understand the ordering of China and the Chinese world, from the Imperial era to the present.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
Archaeology and language sources combined to present sufficient evidence to dismantle any idea that there was an ancient Great Wall, let alone an ancient continuous line of permanent fortifications. The mistaken idea that there was became associated with the controversial figure of the First Emperor, founder of the Chin Dynasty and reputed builder of such a wall. Support or opposition to wall building in general as strategic policy became entangled with praise or criticism for what he came to represent in Chinese historical memory. But many defensive walls, or at least networks of blocking or defended positions, were indeed built, across many centuries, to try to bolster the security of the agricultural heartlands of what was becoming Han China, and to control or at least manage intercourse in the liminal zones in which Chinese and steppe peoples interacted. Two of the greatest dynasties, the Tang and the Yuan, took quite different approaches to managing the geographically open northern and northwestern land frontiers, approaches that redefined the strategic role of such fortifications. The Yuan in particular pursued a combination of diplomatic maneuvering, economic intercourse and inducement, and mobile warfare, a combination to which they paid careful attention, to redefine frontier and steppe relationships. This involved redefining China as a more flexible entity, pursuing a broader range of strategies to manage relationships. Trade made more of an impact than force. But the Yuan were a non-Chinese dynasty, working a much larger and more multi-cultural imperial project. The Ming had a much stronger Sinic sense of both their own identity and that of China. But at first they too pursued an active policy of frontier management, combining mobile military operations with economic and diplomatic activity, particularly to retain influence on the internal political evolutions of the steppe peoples.
That changed, and those changes led to the Great Wall. Waldron frames the problem as one that combined culture and concepts of identity, politics, and factional struggles for influence, with strategic geography. The latter revolved around something that never changed: the course of the River Ordos, which projected north into the mixed and steppe lands like a thumb, west of modern Beijing, creating a giant salient projecting outward from the agricultural heartland. Successive dynasties had to decide how to manage that salient, and the space therein. Active offensive military campaigns required a major, even permanent commitment to building significant towns as bases, and maintaining strong mobile forces on active duty. Abandoning the space meant giving up useful land and opening the heartland and the sometimes capital to more direct threats of raid and invasion. Fortifying the space required a major commitment of labour, materials, and garrison forces, and compelled the fortifiers to choose between following the river or cutting across the salient. This problem aggravated factional bickering over how China should define itself and therefore what strategic foreign policy it should pursue, bickering that only a strong emperor could keep under control. Daunted by the challenge, the Ming changed direction, as Waldron summarized: ‘unwilling to trade with the Mongols, and unable to defeat them militarily, by the middle of the 16th century the Ming had no policy choice left but the final one … namely, to attempt to exclude the nomads by building walls.’
The Ming saw the Great Wall they built as a border defence system, meant to connect strategically located strong points that controlled movement routes. Their permanent curtain wall of brick and stone, crenellated and punctuated by numerous signal and watch towers, reflected not only a change in strategic direction but also the unfolding military situation. Wall building moved from east to west, seeking to deter escalating mobile nomadic pressure. Command and control changed apace, becoming more organized and systematic. This all made the border fortifications the cardinal issue in the Ming interal debate over imperial priorities and strategy. And that debate exposed the fatal weakness: chronic political faction feuding, much of it driven by an eternal argument about the wisdom of a rigid defensive over a more flexible offensive frontier strategy, paralyzed Ming policy making. Ming strategic foreign policy became consistent only to the extent that it became rigid, committed to the stark strategy of excluding steppe peoples from the Sinic sphere. Comparing the Ming Great Wall strategy to the modern French Maginot Line strategy, Waldron argues that they both represented the same thing and failed for the same reasons: internal political confusion that produced rigid and brittle strategic foreign policy, resting on an expensive military commitment that the enemy simply outflanked.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Waldron connects his argument to a deeper discussion: the tension between cultural and dynastic themes as the organizing principle for a Chinese polity, and thus as the lens through which that polity should relate to its neighbours and the world. Systematic wall building represented the triumph of an attitude marked by suspicion of economic, political and cultural intercourse with non-Han peoples, especially steppe peoples. The walls joined the emphasis on moral behaviour, the influence of the literati, and the rituals of the tributary system as organizing principles to control, strictly, the terms of China’s intercourse with anyone else.
The Ming Great Wall failed however to prevent the destruction of the dynasty by a northern steppe people, the Qing, who both went around and bribed their way through it. The Qing then adopted a fundamentally different approach to frontier problems: they greatly expanded the frontiers, pushing the Empire far to the north and west. This made the Great Wall militarily pointless, leaving it now deep inside space governed from Beijing. This all occurred just in time for European visitors to ‘discover’ the Great Wall and initiate the last chapter in its rich and varied history: its evolution as myth, symbol, icon.
From Matteo Ricci through Voltaire to Lord Macartney and his celebrated Mission, European visitors misunderstood the history, purpose, and impact of the Wall. Through their efforts, it became detached from the empirical basis on which it had rested, as a Ming expansion of a much older, much less systematic strategy and construction. Waldron puts it well: ‘by the end of the 19th century facts were clearly becoming irrelevant to accounts of the Wall: it was the concept itself, well founded or not, that engaged the imagination.’ The bounds burst in the 20th century, when empirical scholarship was swept aside by a popular imagination that accepted the idea that the Great Wall was the most imposing of all constructions of the ancient world, one that could even be seen from outer space. Sun Yat-Sen found in the Wall a politically useful symbol of past Chinese greatness that could now be translated into a sorely needed national symbol, a tangible base on which to rebuild a sense of cultural unity that could ground the construction of modern China. The Communist Party picked up the theme, praising the Great Wall as a symbol of national resistance in the Sino-Japanese War. That made it easier for the People’s Republic to ‘rediscover’ the Wall, and launch a major campaign to repair, restore and rebuild it, as a bridge to link Chinese continuity with China’s reawakening. Like almost every other national asset the Great Wall suffered during the Cultural Revolution, abandoned again to looters and the elements; but like most of the rest, it endured, to re-emerge as the veritable national icon and profitable tourist attraction it has become today.
Waldron concludes that even though the Great Wall detached itself from empirical history, at least as far as what it actually was, who built it, why, when, how, and to what effect, in one very important respect very little changed. The Great Wall serves now as the very symbol of how China wants to present itself to the world. But Waldron argues that this was always the case, from the many ancient border walls and fortifications through to the stone structure built by the Ming. Even during its heyday as the lynchpin of a military grand strategy for imperial China, the Wall also served as a metaphor for how those who governed and defined China saw China, and how it should relate to the rest of the world. That metaphor was always controversial, confusing, and incomplete. The Great Wall was probably the most expensive military failure in pre-modern history, but its greatest importance was what it said, not what it did: what it said about how China saw itself vis a vis the rest of the world, and the choices it made regarding how to order that world.
Annotated by Brian Farrell
Synopsis
By the middle of the eighteenth century the Qing empire had reached its zenith. The most extensive empire ever ruled from Beijing, it ranked among the most powerful polities in the world. Its territorial reach encompassed, in addition to China proper and the northeastern homelands of the Manchu ruling house, Tibet, Mongolia, Taiwan and the vast tracts of Central Asia that came to be known as Xinjiang. This achievement marked the culmination of a protracted process of strategic alliance and military conquest.
This book brings together more than a decade's work on different aspects of military culture in the seventeenth and eighteenth-century China, a period generally regarded as having represented the zenith of the Manchu Qing Dynasty (1636-1912). The author argues for a twin basis of military conquest and cultural transformation for the broader Qing imperial project. Therefore, the study focuses on the period from 1636, when the Qing first proclaimed their new empire, to the end of the eighteenth century, which is generally considered to mark the beginning of the end for Qing rule.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
While the topics covered by the book is largely those that has to do with military strength and military culture of the Qing empire, the angle of perspective is constructed such that issues of military power were connected to the political, cultural, religious and territorial contexts of the period of the Qing empire. The book explores those linkages between military culture and the phases of the Qing Empire project; religion, war and empire-building; military ritual and the Qing Empire; as well as the changing spaces of empire.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The central argument of this book is that deliberate cultural transformation was as vital as military conquest in the consolidation of the Qing empire. The underlying purpose of the promotion of a new form of culture was to consolidate the empire by uniting its diverse peoples through the creation of a common basis, one that was founded on loyal pride in imperial achievement and in which all could participate.
The writer highlights how the "militarization of culture" was related to the recasting of culture by producing a more military spirit or ambience, though other previous forms of cultural life would have continued to exist. This transition often took place as the direct result of deliberate imperial policy, but sometimes it was a more serendipitous consequence of that policy. It arose in the context of emperors' quest for universality, which at its simplest meant that they attempted to become all things to all their diverse subjects and justify their desire to rule them all.
This book described the ways in which both military power and the associated virtue of martiality were crucial to the self-image of the Manchu Qing. This distinguished the Qing from the other ruling houses in China's imperial period, which historically had preferred to subordinate military to civil matters. The military focus comprised two parts, which were mutually interdependent. The first was the series of wars that had led to the unparalleled expansion of the empire. The second focus comprised of a corresponding cultural transformation which was structured in a way that it projects Qing military success and its martial values to those who came into contact with the empire; as subject or interlocutors, as friends or as enemies.
Moreover, the Qing empire aimed to incorporate into empire not just China but also large portions of Inner Asia, hence they drew effectively from the separate political traditions of both. Their understanding that the scope of their rulership was universal led them not only to pursue dominion over extensive territories and peoples but also to seek ways in which they might comprehensively penetrate into and control every aspect of their subjects' lives.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Synopsis
The book proposes that the reactions in Asia to European expansion in their second phase could be more accurately defined as 'effects', side-effects mostly of widely different types. If some expansion did occur, then it was for the most part unintentional, undesired and uncontrolled. The important question in this book is concerned with the idea of European expansion ever having existed. In the post-colonial world, the strikingly negative and skeptical evaluation of the contribution of European expansionism expressed by European historians imply a certain pessimism, a doubt about the actual and future position and significance of Europe. The autonomous role of the East that is emerging from the perceived notions of European expansion may have led to the interpretation of history in which there is little or even no place for a European role in the past.
The transformation of the world as it has occurred under the impetus of European expansion has followed paths entirely different from those that were foreseen by this expansion, in either political, intellectual or scholarly forms. But it has not simply brought about a resurgence of old traditions. Rather, it has created an entirely new reality in which varying civilizations incorporate new symbols and realities, reconstructing themselves by a blending of new forces on them, their own traditional forces and their role in this new system.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
The papers address several issues using the context of imperial rule in colonies in Indonesia, India, as well as the European encounters in China and her expansion in Africa. Some of the articles examine the nature of the reaction of the Asian countries, but also the differences in the nature of European rule. The differences in the expansion and reaction in different parts of Asia are clearly expressed in the analyses of the authors and in the points they chose to stress.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
Wesseling uses the methodology of "expansion and reaction", but he highlights that one should recognize that expansion and reaction sometimes occurred on different levels; with complex reactions and could be construed as a question of reactions to reactions rather than reaction to expansion. In addition, he stressed that there was no preconception about the initiators, the hierarchy of the participants and the direction of the process. The expansion are not always a European initiative and instead in some cases was itself a reaction, forced or voluntary, to local crises and requests for intervention.
Thus, Wesseling proposed that these processes were certainly not always directed or dominated by the Europeans. The words "expansion" and "reaction" is widened to include connotations such as variability and interaction. The history of expansion could also be assessed as the history of the encounters between diverse systems of civilization, their intermingling influence and gradual development toward a global, universal system of civilization. European imperialism in Asia is viewed essentially ass a process of consolidation and formalization; of internal expansion. The key to understanding this process lies in the relationships between colony and colonizer and not only in the rivalry between the colonial power themselves.
The local context of the territory would also have determined the type of European rule imposed. Expansion in India, where the state was taken over, was quite different from that in China, where the state was maintained but society was influenced. There was also an essential difference between colonial ambitions and positions of major powers such as England and France, and those of the Netherlands, a colonial giant but a political dwarf.
In addition, the characteristics of internal rule before the pre-colonial period reveals that the internal policy of centralization may at times be more theory than the practical reality. Zurcher, for example, sketches a picture of the precarious balance which existed in pre-modern China between universalism and particularism. On the one hand, there was a cellular society comprising of small units and mainly dominated by the gentry as well as the dependent merchant class. On the other hand there was a universalistic and bureaucratic state machinery of the Mandarins, who exercised the imperial power, theoretically absolute, but in practice significantly limited. The essential role played by Western expansion was that it had enhanced the existing tensions such that this unstable balance was upset and China experienced a permanent crisis. Western expansion acted as a catalyst in a largely endogenous process of change and modernization. Thus, China did not die of the virus of expansion but of the antidotes which it developed in its fight against the expansion.
Wesseling argues that the most important consequence of expansion was that there was a continuation of the type of contact between a European industrial-technical mass society with its more or less egalitarian and democratic values, and the predominantly agrarian, possessing feudal and autocratic values on the other, even after the colonial period. Finally, he reiterates his argument that the process was not directed by a Western hand, the results not foreseen by a Western eye.
Annotated by Michelle Djong
Y
Synopsis
Young presents a more wholesome view of Japan's history; seeing her history as more than a review of different aspects of a country which was unlike the lands of Christendom. In this way, the history of imperial Japan from 1926-38 can encompass a larger scope than those comprising solely of the reasons for Japan's ability to compete economically with the Western powers.
Young portrays the state of politics of Japan in the period leading up to the outbreak of the Second World War. Though at the outset of the Showa era the Cabinet was more democratic and its members more honest than had been the case hitherto, the constitutional position of the Diet had not improved, yet while its behavior deteriorated its prestige increased. Though it was never true that the military party had lost its power in Japan, there was in 1927 an amount of independent civilian thinking which five years later it seemed impossible that such a situation had ever existed.
The military machinations had started even during Baron Shidehara's time. He was successful in maintaining peace on the Yangtse, but was unable to prevent a strengthening of the Japanese garrison in Tientsin and Peking in preparation for any opportunity for aggrandizement that might present itself when the victorious Kuomintang continued its march northward, effectively providing the Japanese army with justifications for their deployment.
Scope (Topics covered, Time period)
This book comprises largely of the facts of the eleven years in question, particularly those published up to 1938. During ten of the eleven years, Young was always present on the editorial desk of the Japan Chronicle, so he selected from the mass the most significant and most closely related of the current events. In this way, the scope covers largely the internal and external political developments of Japan, giving readers the opportunity to take apart the various steps taken by Japan leading to their increased militarism.
Argument (Methodology, Significance)
The author asserts that before the onset of the external threats represented by the Kuomintang in areas that border China and Japan, there was in 1927 an amount of independent civilian thinking which would have ceased to be effective by the early 1930s. Before considering the military action which thrust Japan back into the Middle Ages and re-established the soldier as the ruler of Japan, we must make a brief sure of the field chosen for the military power's assertion of supremacy. In Manchuria, where development by Russia had been a crime, development by Japan was a high virtue - a new railway line from Antung, on the Korean border, had been connected with the Korean railway by a bridge. This represented not an economic but strategic aim.
In addition, Young makes the argument that the basic position of the government in the early 1930s was that the army had to maintain its prestige and to find a diversion of the public mind from home discontents. This was found in China. While the Russian menace had been exaggerated as much as they could, the Soviet government had been persistently unaggressive that this had proved to be an ineffective bogey.
For many years past, the army had been building up its plans for the conquest of China. The dissensions in Europe have created the opportunity; but China, which formerly knew nothing of nationalism because it knew nothing except its civilization, has in turned become a nation - a little late in the day but perhaps not a second too late to preserve its existence. In this way, imperial Japan's impact on her continental neighbors, as well as the reaction of such countries as China, are examined largely from the Japanese perspective.
Annotated by Michelle Djong